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A.D. 1583. 


[The Editors alone, and not the Committee of the NEW SHAKSPERE 
SOCIETY, are responsible for the opinions expresst in the Society's 



n s 








A.D. 1583. 












SCfje Beta Sljaftspere Soctetg 

LONDON, E.C., 1877-9. 


no. 6 

Sent* VI. 










Cut at the back of the Colophon of the 2nd 
(Aug. i, 1583) and 3rd (1584) editions of 
the A n atomic. See p. 60*, note 2 . 


Costume and the Roxburghe Ballads, with Mr. Ebsworth's 

Memorandum on the latter 

FOREWORDS (see the Contents of em, p. 35*) 

APPENDIX: Extracts from Bp. Babington, 1588 

Some Collations, and Title, of the Anatomie, ed. 1584 (C-D) 



Of &tW0f0: i Maij. 1583 (A), collated with 
three other editions, (B) I Aug. 1583; (E) 1585 ; (F) 1595 ... 

The Epistle Dedicatorie, to Phillip, Earle of Arundell 

A Preface to the Reader {left out of all editions after the \sf) 
Poems : 

a. Phillippus Stubeus candido Lectori xiv 

b. C. B. In commendation of the Auctors lucubrations ... xv 

c. A. D. In com nendation of the Author and his Booke ... xvii 

d. I. F. In commendation of the Avthor and his Booke ... xviii 

e. (Ph. Stubbes). The Avthor and his Booke xix 


Introductory : The 2 Speakers, Spudeus and Philoponus (Stubbes) 2 1 -26 
Stubbes's Travels about England (21-2); England describd : 
its people the wickedest on the earth (23), their sin coming from 
the Devil (24) ; Stubbes' s grief at it (25), and attempt to do 
them good by laying bare their abuses and enormities (26). 


A particuler Description of PKIDE, the principall Abuse; 

and how manifold it is in AILGNA (England) 26-49 

Three sorts of Pride : of the Heart, of the Mouth, of Apparel 
(27-8). How these Three are committed (28-30). Foreigners 
don't change their dress (31) : 'no People in the World is so 
curiouse in new fangles as they of (England) be' (32), or like 

1 The chapters are not numberd in the ist edition, and sometimes not divided, as 
'n chap, vii, on Covetousness, p. 114. 

4* Contents. 


' far-fetcht dear-bought ' so well (33). Our Mingle-mangle 
of Apparel (34). Men of birth and office only should wear 
fine clothes (35). Dress was first given to cover our shame 
(36); tho' we're not bound to wear leather 1 , like Adam 
(37-8). God regards not Attire (39). The pretence that 
setting forth God's Glory (40), or gaining acceptance with 
wise men (41) is a reason for fine Clothes. Reverence is 
due to Virtue, not to Apparel (42-3). Apparel and Pride 
can't be separated (44). The Godly (45) and the Heathen 
Greeks, &c. (46), despisd Apparel (47); as did the Prophets 
and the Early Church (48). We are outrageously extra 
vagant in it (49). 


A perticuler Discription of apparell in Ailgna by degrees. 

Men's Dress 49-62 

Men's Hats, their many shapes, bands, and materials (50) ; no 
Bands, but Feathers (51). Ruffs (51), and their two stays, 
Starch and Supportasses. Workt Bands (52). Ruffs called 
'Three Steppes and a halfe to the Gallowes.' Wrought 
Shirts (53). Our pamperd bodies grow weak (54). Mon 
strous big-bellid Doublets (55). Hose, French, Gaily, and 
Venetian (56). Nether-stockes, clockt stockings (57). Corkt 
Shoes, and Pantqfles (57-8). Coats and Jerkins (58-9). 
Neglect of the miserable Poor, who die in the streets like 
dogs (59: see too p. 105, 116). Turkish cruelty of the 
English rich to the poor (60). Cloaks short and long (60- 1). 
Boot-hose, from 4. to ^10 (61), gewgaws to feed the wanton 
eyes of gazing fools (62). Rapiers, Swords and Daggers, in 
Velvet Sheaths. The Day of Judgment (62). 


A particulare Discription of the Abuses of Womens 

Apparell in Ailgna (England), and other Naughtinesses. 63-89 
Painting their Faces (64-7), as Harlots do (65). The Fathers 
denounce this (65-6). Tricking their Heads, propping their 
hair with wires, hanging bugles, &c., on it (67). Wearing 
sham Hair, and Dyeing their Hair (68), Hoods, Hats, 
Caps and Cawls (69). Making holes in their ears to wear, 
jewels in (70). Ruff's, starcht and supportast (70). Minor 
Ruffs; Ruff-S&irts ornamented (71). Fearful example of the 
Ruff-wearing Woman of Antwerp, whose 'neck the Devil 

1 "Since leathern Adam, till this youngest hour," 1596. Edward III, II. ii. 120. 

-Contents. 5* 

JK 'I -, PAGE 

broke (71-3). Doublets and Jerkins like men's : a curse on 
them for it (73). Gowns, Capes, Petticoats (74) ; Kirtles 
(75). Women are bundles of Clouts. Poor men's daughters' 
love of Finery (75), makes them Whores (76). Stockings of 
all colours (76), Corkt Shoes and Slippers; Perfumes (77); 
Nosegays in their Bosoms : Scents, &c., allurements to vice 
(78). Women's Mincing, Tripping (78), Ritigs, Armlets, 
scented Gloves, Looking- Glasses (Devil's Bellows), Silk 
Scarfs (79), Visors, Masks (80). Inventors of new Fashions 
denounct (80-1). Heathen women, German women, &c., 
despise fine Dress (81-2), so did Christian Women (83). 
God's punishments of Pride (84-6). Englishmen dress to 
please their Harlots (86-7). {Added in 2nd edition} How 
English Women spend their days in idleness and sin (87). The 
Gardens they meet their Paramours in (88), are little better 
than Brothels (89). 


The horryble vice of Whordome in Ailgna (England) ... 90-102 
The justifiers of whoredom denounc't (90), Marriage alone 
lawful (91). Heathens (92), and the Bible (93-5) against 
whoredom. Bodily evils of it (95-6). Every Englishman 
has bastards (96). Marriages of mere infants. Every boy 
huggles his pretty pussy, and runs-up a cottage (97). Early 
marriage should be restraind (97), and whoredom punisht 
. (98) by branding with a hot iron (99). Judgments on W. 
Bru.s tar and his whore (100). Wives are whores, and Hus 
bands keep whores (101). 


Gluttonie and Drunkennesse in Ailgna (England) 102-114 

The English given to too many dishes and sauces (102). In 
Stubbes's father's time, and earlier, men livd plainlier : 
We're weaker folk 1 (103). The Bible against Gluttony 
(104). Small relief of the poor now: 3 cankers of the 
Commonwealth, 'daintie Fare, gorgious Buildings, and 
sumptuous Apparel' (105). Food and health of the Poor ; 
dainties and diseases of the Rich (106). Drunkenness of 
the Maltworms in Alehouses 2 (107). The evils of Drunken 
ness (108). The Bible against it (109-10). Judgments on 

1 Cp. Harrison's oken men, &c., Pt. I. p. viii, 337-8. 

a See the Exeter Regulations about Alehouses in Mr. A. S. Hamilton's Quarter 

6* .Gonterits. 


Swabian drunkards (111-13) ; ori Dutch ones (113-14 \both 
added in ind edition}. 

Couetousnes in Ailgna (England) ... ... ... ;.. 114-123 

All Englishmen covetous (114-15). Racking of Rents, and 
Enclosure of Commons (116). Grasping Lawyers (117-18); 
Cheating Merchants (118). Dearness of all things (118). 
Taking house and land over the poor man's head (119). 
The Bible against Covetousness (120-1). Every Beggar 
tries to be "Master," a gentleman, and is flatterd by Ti'ti- 
villers (122). 


Great Vsurie in Ailgna (England) ... . . ... ... 123-129 

The laws allow it, but don't command it (123-4). The Bible 
against it (125). Debtors imprisond (126); their misery; 
the Creditor's / will make dice of his bones (127). Vsurers 
worse than Devils (128). Scriveners, the Devil's tools 
(128-9). . . . 


Great Swearyng in Ailgna (England : not in \st ed., added 

in 2nd) ... ... .,;. ... .. . ..; ':.., :.;; 129-136 

Papists allowd too much liberty in England (130-1). English 
men swear too much (131) ; the greatest swearer held the 
bravest fellow (132). . Sin, of Swearing. (133)." Swearers 
should be branded with a hot iron (134). Judgments on 
Swearers in Lincolnshire (.135), Congleton in Cheshire, and 
London (136). 


The Maner of sanctifying the Sabaoth in Ailgna 136-140 

Plays, Lords of Misrule, Games, Bear-baitings, Fairs, Foot 
ball, reading bawdy Books (137). Why the Sabbath was 
instituted (138). The Jews strict in keeping it (139). Its 
true use : prayer, and doing good (140). 


Of Stage -play es, and Enterluds, with their wickednes ... 140-150 
Plays on religious subjects are Sacrilege (140-1). The Fathers, 
&c., against Plays (142-3). The sinful Arguments of Trage 
dies and Comedies (143). Curse those who say, Plays are 
as good as Sermons (144). The- naughtinesses at The 
Theatre and Curtain (144). Bad things learnt at Plays 
(145). Players are Rogues and Vagabonds by Law (146). 

. Contents. 7* 


Lords of Mis-rule in Ailgna (England) ... 146-148 

How they dress up, play the Devil's Dance in the Church, and 
feast in bowers in the Churchyard (14?). Their Badges, 
and the Gifts they get (148). 


The Maner of Maie-Games in England ... ... ..'.148-150 

Folk spend the night in the woods, draw the Maypole home 
with oxen, and dance round it. 


The Manner of Church-ales in Ailgna (England) ... ... 150-152 

The Churchwardens brew the ale, sell it in Church, and men 
get as drunk as Apes (150-1). They let the Churches and 
Bibles go to ruin (151). 


The maner of keeping of Wakesses, and Feasts in 

Ailgna ... ... ... 152-154 

Every town and village has its yearly Wake-day or Festival,- at 
which the Parishioners and their friends stuff and get drunk, 
and gather together a lot of whores and drabs (152-3). 
Wakes sprang from the Heathen and the Devil ( 1 54). 


The horrible Vice of pestiferous Dauncing, vsed in Ailgna. 1 54-169 
Dancing provokes Wantonness (154); Clipping, Kissing, 
Groping, &c. (155); hurts the Body, and lames the Mind 
( 1 56). The Bible and the Fathers against Dancing ( 1 57-8). 
Our Forefathers' dancing and ours compart! (158-9). The 
Israelites' dancing: not Men with Women (1603). Our 
cheek-by-cheek Dancing is ' beastly to behold ' (163). Bible- 
folk's dancing (163-5). Our filth y Dancing must do hurt 
(165). Each sex should dance by itself ( 166). The Fathers, 
&c., against Dancing (166-9). ^ sprang from the teats of 
the Devil's breast (169). 


Of Musick in Ailgna, and how it allureth to Vanitie ... 169-173 
1 Musick is a good gift of God,' but used for ' filthie dauncing ' is 
bad (170). Alehouse Musicians, and Minstrels, and their 
bawdy Songs (171). If you want your daughter whorish, 

''&'* Contents. 


'bring her up in Music & Dancing' (171). The harm of 
licensing Minstrels, &c. (172). 

Cards, Dice, Tables, Tennisse, Bowles, and other Exer- 

cyses vsed vnlawfully in Ailgna ... 173-177 

These fooleries specially us'd at Christmas (173). No Chris 
tian can play for money (174). Evil of Gaming or Brothel- 
Houses (175). Laws, c., against Gaming (176-7). 


Beare-baiting and other Exercyses, vsed vnlawfully in 

Ailgna ... ... ... 177-180 

These heathenish games are held on the Sabbath (177). Some 
men'll keep 12 or 20 mastiffs, and risk from 20 to ^100 on 
a Bear-bait: 'fight Dog, fight Bear! the Devil part all!' 
(178). God's Judgment on the Bear-baiting Folks at Paris 
Garden, Southwark, on Sunday, Jan. 13, 1583 (179)} and at 
The Theatre a little before (180). 


Cockfighting, Hawking & Hunting upon the Sabbath- 
Day in England 180-182 

The Swearing, Cheating, Quarrelling and Drinking at the 
Cockfights (180). Hawking and Hunting are only allow 
able on week-days (181). Is it Christian to break down 
your neighbour's hedges, and trample his corn ? (182). 

Markets, Fairs ; Courts and Leets upon the Sabbath-Day 

in England 182-183 

The former lead to Cheating, Lying, Drunkenness ; the latter 
to Envy, Perjury, Pilling of the Poor. 

Football -playing on the Sabbath & other Days in 

England 183-184 

It's a bloody and murdering game, not fit for the Sabbath or 
any other day (184). 


The Beading of Wicked Books in England 1 84- 1 86 

The Bible, and Fox's Book of Martyrs are set aside for scur 
rilous and bawdy books (185). 

Contents: 9* 



How all these Enormities & Abuses maybe reformd ... 186-191 
By putting our good Laws into practise (186), and punishing 
those who give bribes to avoid them (187). The Day of Judg 
ment is not far off (187), as Signs and Tokens show (i 88). 
And then the wicked shall find a Material Hell with ( uggle- 
some Devills ' (188). Repentance must not be put off (189) ; 
it must be inward and true (190). Men cannot wallow in 
the Pleasures of the World, and live in Joy in Heaven (191). 

Faults escaped in Printing ... ..-.- ... ... ... 192 


Extracts from PHILLIP STUBBES'S <ftl)ri0tal <&U00e for 
(TfiVtetiaU &230tnen, 1591, or Life-fr Death of his 
Wife, Katherine Stubbes, who died at Burton-upon-Trent on 

Dec. 14, 1590 ... ... ... 195-208 

Her parentage, marriage (197), sweet and pious character (198- 
9) ; her feeling that she should die in childbirth (200). Her 
boy born; Ague seizes her ; her gentle patience (200). Her 
desire to be set free (201), and to make a Confession of her 
Faith (202). Her Confession (mainly doctrinal, and there 
fore left out) (203-5). 

1 A most wonderfull conflict betwixt Satan and her soule ; 
and of her valiant conquest in the same, by the power of 
Christ' (205-7). Her death at the age of 18 (208). 


Extracts from PHILIP STUBBES'S Perfect ?Jatt)U)aj|) tO 

jFrltrittr, Containing ^SofcUe ittrtuiattons antr 

|3ta|)0r0, 1592, and 1610 ... ..; ,., ... ...209-230 

Contents of these two Editions (1592, 1610) 210,212 

The Epistle Dedicatorie to Mistresse Katherine Milward, 

1592 ... ... ... ... 213-214 

Precepts at thy going forth of thy Chamber ... ... 21 $ 

Meditations in the washing of ones Face and. Hands ... 215 
A Praier to be said at the washing of ones Face and Hands 215 
Directions how a Christian should behaue himselfe at the 

Table * ... 216 

A Thankv-giuing to God after Dinner 216 

A Thanks-giuing to God before Supper 217 

io* Contents. 


A Thanks-giuing to God after Supper ......... 218 

Directions of Christian behauiour after Supper ... ... 218 

Meditations when thou comest into thy Chamber ... ... 219 

A Prayer when Sleepe cometh vpon one ... ... ... 220 

{these fleas and gnats do bite &> gnaw my skinne, 221) 

A Praier when one awakes out of Sleepe ...... ... 221 

Christian Directions for the Morning ... ...... 221 

Extracts from & 5>t)ort STffati0e of Uraierg 

.., ... ... ... ...... 223-230 

A Praier for the Queenes Maiestie ... ... ... ... 224 

A Prayer for a Competent & a necessary Liuing ... ... 225 

A Praier to be said of those that be vnmaried ...... 225 

A Prayer to bee said of those that be maried ...... 226 

A Prayer to be said of those that be Masters of Households 227 

A Prayer to be said of Seruants .... ... ...... 227 

A Prayer in the time of Pestilence ... ... ... ... 228 

A Praier to be said of all such as be Maiestrates and Rulers 

in the Common Wealth ... ... ... ... ... 230 


NOTES: (Chief headings) ... ... ... . ... ... 231-320 

Men's Dress and its Absurdities ... . ... ... ... . 239 

Women's Dress, Face-Painting, Naked Breasts, &c. ... 253 

Fornication and Adultery .... ... ... ... ... 280 

Gluttony and Drunkenness ... 284 

Cruelty to the Poor, Usury, &c. 288 

Swearing 294 

Sabbath-breaking, by Bearbaiting, &c. ,.: " ... .'.. 296 

Theatres... .,.[ ... [ ....... ... ... 301 

Lords of Misrule, May-games, Church-Ales, &c. ... ... 304 

Games, Sports, and Football- Playing ... 316 


APPENDIX : Popular arid Popish Customs and Superstitions 
in Germany, &c., in 1553: The 4th Book of Thomas 
Kirchmaier's (or Naogeorgus's) " Popish Kingdome " 1553, 

englisht 1570 ... ... ... 321 


INDEX 349 




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I I 

Spinster's Ruff and bare neck ; Farthingale (or Crinoline). Miss Anne Russell 
[formerly supposd to be Lady Hunsdon] ; from Virtue's print. See 
the Heliogravure, above. Planche, i. 187. 

Ruff Wings, &c. Queen Elizabeth. Planch/, i. 246, 435. 



Time of James I. The Earl (Carr) and Countess of Somerset (Lady Essex). Planch^ ii. 230. 
Later fashion of marrid women baring the neck. 

Mask, from a print by P. de Jode; 
time of James I. Planchf, i. 366. 

Q. Elizabeth : early Portrait, with 

' Mary-Queen of-Scots'-cap.* 

Plancht, i. 79. 

Ruff ' underpropped with Supportasse. 
Stttbbes, p. 70, foot. Plancht, i. 443. 

Wheel Farthingale (or Crinoline). Anne of Denmark, Queen of James I. Planch t L 187. 
Later Fashion of marrid Women baring the Neck. 


Cap. Earl of Oxford, 1578. 
Planchc, i. 77. 

Ruff. Sir William Russell, 1590. Planche, i. 436. 

t v Y fj^Ti. * >^ _ / y'-^ ) i J 

Hat, with Lady's glove in it (gauntlet shown). George 
Clifford, Earl of Cumberland. Platicht, i. 256. 

Ruff, pointed Doublet, and Netherstockes 

{Stubbes, p. 57} ; time of Elizabeth, from 

portrait of Sir William Russell. 

Plancht, i. 172. 

Cap. Sir Christopher Hatton ; time 
of Elizabeth. Plancfit, i. 77. 

i 7 * 




THE history of the woodcuts illustrating the common street-ballads has 
never yet been systematically undertaken. Mr. William Chappell, our 
very highest authority on all matters connected with old songs and 
ballads, their words, music, and publication, has avowedly left the 
subject of their woodcuts to other students and specialists. It is of 
sufficient importance to be assigned to one volunteer, who has already 
made considerable progress in tracing the source from which many of 
the woodcuts had descended to the hawkers ; and his future gift to the 
Ballad-Society members may prove the interest attached to the search, 
and the value of several discoveries. Meanwhile here are some Ballad- 
Society woodcuts chiefly from the Roxburghe and the Bagford Collec 
tions, as reproduced under the editorship of Messrs. Wm. Chappell and 
J. W. Ebsworth. A few words from the latter may accompany the 
present selection of woodcuts, without borrowing from the Planche 

All the street-ballad cuts, of early, middle, or recent times, fall 
easily into one of two groups, i. Those which were engraved expressly 
for some one particular ballad. 2. Those which had originally belonged 
to a higher class printed-book, and, after having served the purpose 
of attracting attention and sale to it, became lessened in value, often 
mutilated of parts, worm-eaten, and cracked, and in such condition 
fell into the hands of those literary rag-pickers, the professional 
publishers of street-ballads for hawkers. There is seldom any practical 
difficulty found by an expert determining to which of these two classes 
every woodcut belongs, when it is encountered on a broadside. In 
general the first class, of ballad-cuts proper, are of much coarser execu 
tion, more clumsy in design, and later in costume than the book-illus 
trations. Of these latter a large number were no doubt the work of 
French and German artists. A few of these here given belong to 
known books, still extant, and there are many others in the Rox 
burghe, Bagford, Wood, and Rawlinson collections which are veritable 
relics of small quarto volumes of pleasantry, which must always be 
interesting to students of old literature. Thus the cut marked (A) 

1 8* Memorandum on Ballad-broadside Illustrations. 

belonged to Robert Greene's " Quip for an Upstart Courtier, "published 
in 1592. (B) is a mutilated and spoilt illustration from the title-page of 
Will Kemp's " Nine-Days Wonder," 1600 ; the figures separated and 
absurdly misplaced (after each had been elsewhere used singly, and the 
original intention forgotten) : with the bells on Kemp's legs shorn away 
to disguise their morris-dancer significance. These bells are better seen 
in the terribly-reduced copy (C) of the morris-dancer receiving his prize- 
cup and a " modest quencher," that " cheers," if it does no more. The 
gambling Bordello-scene (D) is an Elizabethan picture of fast-life, that 
had originally belonged to a small pamphlet. (E) is a very slovenly and 
inaccurate copy (Blanche's) from the wood-cut adorning the title-page 
of "A Faire Quarrell : written by Thomas Midleton and William 
Rowley," 1622. This edition is in the present writer's possession, but 
there was an earlier edition issued in 1617. The cut may have been 
used before that date, as evidently the two shields on the ground, with 
armorial-bearings emblazoned, mark some special duel. 

The single figure (F) represents Gabriel Harvey, as caricatured 
offensively by Thomas Nash (as though Harvey had anticipated Alder 
man Atkins of Civil- War date, in forgetting his manners ; even as 
Hogarth misrepresented Felix when he "trembled"). It is from 
" Haue with you to Saffron Waldon," 1596, and become a favourite 
adornment among ballad-prints. There is clever satire embodied in (G), 
showing how drink develops the latent animalism of human beings. The 
original cut, before it descended to the ballad printer Rich. Harper, was on 
the title-page of Thomas Heywood's " Philocothonista; or, the Drunkard 
opened, dissected, and anatomised," 1635. At the Bodleian Library, 
when engaged on the Bagford- Ballad editing, the present writer found 
the Maypole-dance (H) ; with its primitive perspective of street-archi 
tecture resembling our modern workmen's cottages, and the clear indi 
cation of a prize- wreath for the Queen of the May, with the protecting 
stumps around the May-pole, and the Tabourer with his pipe, calling the 
flat-capped 'Prentice-boys and the blithe damsels to a dancing-bout. It 
is apparently of Charles the First's time, and, to the best of our belief, 
was never copied before, being used as an extra-illustration of the Ballad- 
Society's Bagford-Ballads. 

The Tavern scene (I), with the "Drawer" waiting, was a favourite 
illustration of Martin Parker's convivial ballads, three of which it adorns. 
John Wade's publisher often selected (K), with its cavaliers regaling 
themselves oyer the Virginian weed : 

Much meate doth gluttony produce, 

And makes a man a Swine ; 
But hee' s a temperate-man indeed, 

That with a hafe can dine. 

Memorandum on Ballad-broadside Illustrations. 19* 

He needes no napkin for his hande 

His fingers for to wipe ; 
He hath his kitchin in a box, 

His Roast-meate in a pipe. (1641.) 

The patient fisherman (L), we believe, appeared in some little precursor 
of Isaak Walton's " Compleat Angler," and long before his date of 1653. 
(M) and (N) probably belonged to one story-book, and showed the pro 
gress of a love-affair, the garden-scene being a later incident in the tale. 
To us it seems to be of James the First's time. Most of the other cuts 
were intended from the first as ballad-illustrations. The Tinker (O) 
was always a popular, amatory, and reckless character ; to whom many 
old ballads were devoted, and he was always triumphant. The number 
of representations of Queen Elizabeth (P, Q, and R,) testify to the 
fondness with which the people regarded " Good Queen Bess," both 
before and after the Crown had passed to the Stuart family. We have 
an impression that the picture of a Queen with a veil depending from 
her head (S) represented " Bloody Mary." It is of rare occurrence, in 
comparison with those of her more popular sister, Elizabeth. The 
obtrusively-indelicate exposure of the bosom (T) was a court-fashion of 
James the First's time, to whose date the woodcut belongs. In Coryat's 
"Crudities," 1611, both the frontispiece and the illustration of his meet 
ing the Venetian Courtezan shew how this fashion prevailed among the 
frail sisterhood in other lands. Fuller's " Profane State,*' an early 
edition, has a portrait of Joan of Naples, with exactly similar display ; 
probably in that individual case it was a wanton calumny, but it was 
intended to blacken her character. Many upright people love to believe 
the worst about women who are fascinating. In an extant portrait of 
the beautiful and wicked Countess of Somerset, Carr's wife, there is an 
equal obtrusion of her charms, that ought to be kept secret. See the 
Bagford Ballads, p. 124, for what Dante writes on the immodesty of the 
Florentine women : " O dolce frate," etc., Purgatorio, canto xxiii. See 
also " Bagnall's Ballad," beginning, " A Ballet, a Ballet," in Musarum 
DelicicS) 1656. An insufficiency of drapery to cover one part of the 
body seems generally to have accompanied some superabundance at 
another ; as shown in the hoop-extended robes, with shoulder-lappets, 
and wire-spread starched- Ruff under the ears (U), in another Court- 
Lady of James the First : perhaps his Queen Anne, or the Lady Arabella. 
Even thus, bare shoulders and scanty under-garments are now found in 
conjunction with long trailing skirts. Going down to dinner, like Gold 
smith's Traveller, ladies "drag at each remove a lengthening chain." 
The feather-fans appear in many of the cuts ; and examples meet us 
(X 1 to X 4 ) of the same design being often copied ; sometimes by rival 
publishers, but oftener to suit other-sized spaces, or admit of several 

20* Memorandum on Ballad-broadside Illustrations. 

ballads being worked off simultaneously, before stereotyping was under 
stood. The Shepherdess with a crook (Y) affords a specimen of the 
fantastically Pastoral; her actual costume (compare Y 2 ) being whim 
sical enough to embody the ideal desired. The dashing Cavalier (Z) 
with three-plumed hat and fair depending Love-locks, often tied with 
knots of ribbon, belongs ,to the reign of Charles the First, and adorns 
ballads of the date 1639. Until shortly after that time the popular 
representation of a lover was always as an armed horseman : 

" I could not love thee, dear, so much 
Loved I not honour more." 


Roxburghe Ballad Cuts (Ballad Fociety). T. Bare Breasts ; Wheel Farthingale (or Crinoline). 

S. Queen Mary. P. Queen Elizabeth. Round Farthingale. 


Kutts, Fans, Chains, Farthingales or Hoops. X 2 . Unmarrid Woman, bare-breasted. 


Feathers, Ruffs, Fans, Farthingales or Hoops. V. Probably Queen Anne, of Denmark, with wired Ruff. 

Q. Queen Elizabeth. ^ 


Women's Feathers, Wired Ruffs, Wheel Farthingales. Men's Bumbasted Breeches, 
Hat-bands, Feathers, &c. t. Elizabeth or James I. 


(? Time of James I.) 

Women's Ruffs, Farthingales, &c. 4. Men's fringed Boot-tops, &c 



D. Gambling in a Brothel. Tune ot Elizabeth.. 

ii. Bombasted Breeches, time of Elizabeth. Planche, i. 57. (.Slovenly copy from the 
title-page of Middleton and Rowley's Faire Quarrell, 1617.) 

Roxburghe Ballad Cuts. A : from R. Greene's Quip for an Upstart Courtier, 1592. 
B is the famous Clown Kemp's Dance to Norwich 1600, alterd from the title-page of his 

Nine-Days' Wonder: the Drummer ought to go before Kemp. 
C. Morris-dancer, with bells below his knee, going to take a drink. 



F. Gabriel Harvey, from T. Nashe's Have with you to Saffron Walden, 1596. The rest 
probably of the time of James I. 


Fishing with an angle (? Dutch). Probably time of James I. 

The Jovial Tinker. See Memorandum. 

G. Drunkards, from the Title-page of T. Heywood's Philocothonista, 1635. 

K. Pipes and Ale : final time of Q. Elizabeth or early of James I. 


3 1 

[Probably a Professor or Lecturer at College, with his Students. Note the Dress, 
Benches, Chair, Bookshelves. J. W. E.] 

A Judicial Complaint : with plaintiff on his knees supplicating for redress, and the defendant 

standing, but losing courage while being admonished. Their inferior size is an indication 

of being of lowlier station. J. W. E. 

I. Tavern-scene. Drawer attending at a revel. 

H. May-pole Dance: time of Charles I. See Memorandum. 



I. The Anatomic : its \st and 

2nd Parts, p. 35* 
2. T. Nashe's chaff and abuse of 

Stubbes, p. 36* 
3. Did Stubbes write against real 

Sins orfancid ones ? p. 44* 
4. Was he a mere Railer, or did 

his indignation against Vice 

and Folly spring from an 

earnest Heart ? p. 49* 
5. Stubbes, his Wife, and her 

Family, p. 50* 

6. His II known, and 8 extant 

Works, p. 55* 
7. His Character, p. 69* 
8. Miscellaneous: p. 71* 

Queen Elizabeth's Procession in 
1600, Kirchmaier's Popish 
Superstitions in 1553, M* 
present Edition, &c. 
APPENDIX : Extracts from Bp. 
Babington more or less justifying 
Stubbes, p. 75* 

i. As Harrison's Description of England is the best work on 
the general condition of our country during Shakspere's early time, 
so is Stubbes's Anatomic the worthfullest for the special depart 
ments of Dress and its extravagances in men and women, of 
Amusements and the excesses they ran into, of the Follies and 
Naughtinesses of the day. No one can pretend to know Shakspere's 
England without Stubbes's help, and therefore the Anatomie has 
taken an early place in our Society's Sixth Series, whose purpose is 
to put before our Members the best pictures attainable of our great 
poet's time. The First Part only of the book is generally known. 
The reputation which its slash and life have won for it, has (I have 
long thought) unfairly darkend the merits of the Second Part, in 
which Stubbes shows up briefly the Abuses and Corruptions in all 
classes of Society, Temporalty and Spiritualty, and describes, one 
after the other, the 

1 Prof. Nichol, of Glasgow, calls this good word a barbarism ! How happy 
for us, that a little cherub sits up aloft in the Northern wilds to look after the 
civilization of us Southerners ! 

36* i. Contents of the Anatomic, Part n. 2. T. Nasfie. 

Country Landlords 

Queen Tailors 

Her Council Starchers 

Shires Tanners 

Judges (delays in law) Shoemakers 

Prisoners, their hard case Brokers (F. 4, bk.) 

Laws Hospitality, or relief for the 
Universities poor. 

Schoolmasters Beggars 

Merchants Husbandmen 

Drapers Ingraters or Forestalled 

Clothiers Chandlers 

Goldsmiths Barbers 

Vintners Surgeons and Physicians 

Butchers Astronomers and Astrologers 

Grasiers Prognosticators and Almanac- 
Parks Makers. 

The list of subjects will show those who have had a taste of Stubbes 
in this First Part of his Anatomic how valuable the Second Part 
must be; and tho' the spice of it is not equal to that of the 
First Part, I mean to print it, as well for its own worth as to 
complete the work. But as the First Part was evidently written as 
a complete book, the Second Part being only calld out by the 
unwonted success of the First, I have put separate Forewords, 
Notes, and Index to the First Part, so as to keep it distinct 
from the Second; and I have not quoted in the Notes, any of 
the many illustrative passages that are in Part II., where, as 
the reader has seen, some of the Part-I-subjects are dealt with 

2. The general view of Stubbes is, that he was a mere bitter 
narrow-sould Puritan, who saw only the dark side of everything, 
evil in innocence, sin in mirth, the devil in dancing, and hell in 
Shakspere's art. In his own time this opinion prevaild. He was 
held up to contempt as one of the Mar-Prelate zealots and 
hypocrites by the sharp-tongued Thomas Nashe, who in 1590 
plagiarized Stulbes's title, and helpt his own Anatomie of 
Absurditie into sale by following in Stubbes' s wake, and yet had 
in 1589 cut him (and his fellows) up in the style following; 

2. T. Nasheon Stubbess Dice-playing and Widow. 37* 

(i) NASHE on STUBBES, in his Almond for a Parrat, 1 1589. 

"If they will needes ouerthrowe mee, 
let them goe in hand with the 

exploite, 6^r. [on sign. C. 4. 

' ' T T Olla, holla, brother Martin, you are to hasty: what, Winter is 
no time to make warres in; you were best stay til summer, 
& then both our braines wilbe in a better temperature, but I thinke 
ere that time your witte wilbe welny worn thredbare, and your 
banquerout inuention, cleane out at the elbowes ; then are we well 
holpen vp with a witnesse, if the aged champion of Warwicke, doe 
not lay in his shoulders, and support discipline ready to lie in 
the dust, with some or other demonstration. I can tell you, Phil. 
Stu. is a tall man also for that purpose. What, his Anatomy of 
Abuses for all that, will serue very fitly for an Antipast, before one 
of Egertons^ Sermons: I would see the best of your Trauerses* write 
such a treatise as he hath done, against short heeld pantoffles. But 
one thing it is great pitty of him, that being such a good fellow as 
hee is, hee shoulde speake against dice, so as he doth : neuerthelesse 
ther is some hope of him, for as I heard not long since, a brother 
of his, meting him by chance (as theeues meete at the gallowes) 
after many Christian questions of the well-fare of his persecuted 
brethren, and sistern, askt him when they should haue a game at 
tables together, "by the grace of God, the next Sabbaoth," quoth 
Phil., " and then if it shal so seeme good to his prouidence, haue at 
you for ames ase and the disc." I forgette to tell you what a stirre he 
keepes against dumbe ministers, and neuer writes nor talkes of them, 
but he calleth them minstrels, when his mastershippe in his minority, 
plaide the Reader in Chesshire, for fme marke a yeare and a canuas 
dublet, couenanted besides, that in consideration of that stipend, he 
make cleane the patrones bootes euery time he came to towne. 
What neede more words to proue him a protestawt? did not he 
behaue himselfe like a true Christian, when he went a wooing for 
his friend Clarke ? I warrant you, he saide not * God saue you, or God 
speed you,' with 'good euen, or good morrow,' as our prophane woers 
are wont, but stept close to her, with 'peace bee with you,' very de 
murely, and then told her a long tale, that in-so-much as widowhoode 
was an vncleane lyfe, and subiect to many temptations, shee 

1 This tract has been attributed also to John Lyly, the author of Euphues ; 
but it's surely more like Nashe, and ought to be his. 

2 The 'zealous Puritan and Preacher at the Black Fryers in London,' Stephen 
Egerton, author of a Lecture on Gen. xii, &c. Lon. 1589, 8vo. Catechizing, 1594, 
8vo, &c. Wood, Ath. Oxon. (1691), i. 754. 

3 The famous Puritan, Walter Travers, author of ' An Answere to a suppli- 
catorie Epistle of G. T. for the pretended Catholiques,' 1583, &c. Wood, Ath. 
Oxon. (i. 1691), 741 ; Cooper, Ath. Camb. 

38* 2. T. Nashe about Stubbes tempting a Widow. 

might doe well to reconcile her selfe to the Church of God, in the 
holy ordinance of matrimony. Manye wordes past to this purpose 
but I 1 \votte well the conclusion was this, that since she had hitherto 
conuerst with none but vnregenerate persons, and was vtterly 
carelesse of the communion of Saints, she would let him, that was a 
man of God, put a newe spirite into her by carnall copulation, and so 
engraft her into the fellowshippe of the faithfull ; to which, that shee 
might more willingly agree, hee offered her a spicke and spanne 
new Geneua Bible, that his attendant Italian had brought with him 
to make vp the bargaine. But for all the Scripture he could alledge, 
it should not bee ; Phil. Stu. was no meate for her tooth. God wote, 
he could not get a penyworth of leachery on such a pawne as his 
Bible was ; the man behinde the painted cloth mard all ; and so, O 
griefe, a good Sabaoths day work was lost. Stand to it Mar-martin 
Junior, and thou art good inough for ten thousand of them ; tickle 
me my Phil, a little more in the flanke, and make him winche like a 
resty iade, whereto a dreaming diuine of Cambridge, in a certain 
priuate Sermon of his, compared the wicked. Saist thou me so, 
good heart ? then haue at you Maister Compositor, with the con 
struction of Sunt oculos dart qui cernis sydera tanquam. If you be 
remembred, you were once put to your trumpes about it in Wolfes 2 
Printing-house, when as you would needes haue clari the infinitiue 
moode of a verbe passiue ; which determined, you went forwards after 
this order : Sunt there are, oculos eies, qui the which, cernis thou 
doest see, clari to be cleare, tanquem sydera as the Stars : Excellent 
well done of an old Maister of Arte ! yet why may not hee by 
authority challenge to himselfe, for this one peece of worke, the 
degrees hee neuer tooke? 3 Learning is a iewel, my maisters; make 
much of it; and Phil. Stu. a Gentleman, euery haire of his head; whom 
although you doe not regard according as he deserues, yet I warrant 
you, Martin makes more account of him then so, who hath substituted 
him long since (if the truth were well boulted out) amongst the 
number of those priuy Martinists which he threatens to place in 
4 euery parish. I am more then halfe weary of trotting too and fro in 
this cursed common wealth, where sinfull simplicitye pufte vppe with 
pride of singularity, seekes to peruerte the name and methode of 

1 Sign. D. i. 

2 Reginald Wolfe, the Queen's Printer, and planner of HolinshecTs Chronicle. 
See Harrison, I. p. iv, and Stow, p. 65* n. below. 

3 This phrase I take to be the ground of Antony Wood's (or his correspond 
ent's) paragraph below, p. 53* n. Stubbes didn't take a degree ; therefore he was af 
a University. No trace existed of him at Oxford ; therefore he was at Cambridge, 
and left before he took his degree. Then, because there was a Justinian Stubs, 
M.A., at Glo'ster Hall, Oxford, in 1589 (? enterd there in 1583), therefore Phillip 
Stubbes, after his 7 years' ramble about England, 1576-83, settled at Oxford for 
a time, at Glo'ster Hall. 

4 Sign. D. I, back. 

2. T. Nashes Attack on Stubbes and his Anatomic. 39* 

magistracy. But as the moste of their arguments, are drawn from 
our graue fathers infirmities, so all their outrageous endeuors haue 
their offspring from affected vainglory. 

("An Almond for a Parrat / Or Cutbert Curry-knaues / Almes. / Fit 
for the knaue Martin, and the / rest of the impudent Beggers, that / 
can not be content to stay their stomackes / with a Benefice, but 
they will needes / breake their fastes with / our Bishops./ Rimanim 
sum plenus.l Therefore beware (gentle Reader) you / catch not the 
hicket with laughing./ [Ornament.'] Imprinted at a Place, not farre 
from / a Place, by the Assignes of Signior Some-body, and / are to 
be sold at his shoppe in Trouble-knaue / Street, at the signe of the / 
Standish./" [1589].) 

(2) NASHE on STUBBES, in his Anatomie of Absurditie, 1590 
(sign. B. ii.). 

" I leaue these [Girls and their praisers] in their follie, and hasten to 
other mens furie, who make the Presse the dunghill whether they 
carry all the muck of their mellancholicke imaginations, pretending 
forsooth to anatomize abuses, and stubbe vp sin by the rootes, whe;/ 
as there waste paper beeingwel viewed, seemes fraught with nought 
els saue dogge daies effects, who, wresting places of Scripture against 
pride, whoredome, couetousnesse, gluttonie, and drunkennesse, 
extend their inuectiues so farre against the abuse, that almost the 
things remaines not whereof they admitte anie lawfull vse. Speaking 
of pride, as though they were afraid somebody should cut too large 
peniworthes out of their cloth : of couetousness, as though in them 
that Prouerbe had beene verified, Nulhis ad amissas ibit amicus 
opes : of gluttonie, as though their liuing did lye vppon another mans 
trencher : of drunkennesse, as though they had beene brought vppe 
all the dayes of their life with bread and water: and finally of 
whoredome, as though they had beene Eunuches from theyr Cradle, 
or blind from the howre of their conception. But as the Stage player 
is nere the happier, because hee represents oft times the persons 
of mightie men, as of Kings & Emperours, so I account such men 
neuer the holier, because they place praise in painting foorth other 
mens imperfections. 

These men resemble Trees, which are wont eftsoones to die, if 
they be fruitful! beyond their wont ; euen so they to die in vertue, 
if they once ouershoote themselues too much wyth inueighing 
against vice ; to be brainesicke in workes if they be too fruit full in 
words. And euen as the Vultures slay nothing themselues, but pray 
vpon that which of other is slayne, so these men inueigh against no 
new vice, which heere to fore by the censures of the learned hath not 
beene sharply condemned, but teare that, peecemeale wise, which 
long since by ancient wryters was wounded to the death, so that out 

1 Sign. B. ii. back. 

40* 2. 7\ Nashes Attack on Stubbes & fellow-Puritans. 

of there forepassed pains, ariseth their Pamphlets, out of theirvolumes, 
theyr inuectives. Good God, that those that neuer tasted of any 
thing saue the excrementes of Artes, whose thredde-bare knowledge 
being bought at the second hand, is spotted, blemished, and defaced, 
through translators rigorous rude dealing, shoulde preferre their 
sluttered sutes, before other mens glittering gorgious array, should 
offer them water out of a muddie pit, who haue continually recourse 
to the Fountaine, or dregs to drink, who haue wine to sell. At 
scire tuum nihil est, nisi te scire hoc sciat alter. Thy knowledge 
bootes thee not a button, except another knowes that thou hast this 
knowledge. Anacharsis was wont to say, that the Athenians vsed 
money to no other ende but to tell it ; euen so these men make no 
other vse of learning, but to shewe it. But as the Panther smelleth 
sweetelie but onely to brute beastes, which shee draweth vnto her to 
theyr destruction, not to men in like maner, so these men seeme 
learned to none but to Idiots, whom with a coloured shew of zeale, 
they allure vnto them to their illusion, and not to the learned in like 
sort. I knowe not howe it delighteth them to put theyr Oare in [an] 
other mans boate, and their foote in another mans boote, to incurre 
that prouerbial checke, Ne sutor vltra cre- l ptdam, or that oratoricall 
taunt, Quam quisque norit artem, in ea se exerceat : with the Elephant 
to wade and wallowe in the shallow water, when they woulde sooner 
sincke then swym in the deepe Riuer, to be conuersant in those 
Authors which they cannot vnderstande, but by the translatour their 
Interpreter, to vaunte reading when the sum of their diuinitie 
consists in twopennie Catichismes ; and yet their ignoraunt zeale 
wyll presumptuously presse into the Presse, enquiring most curiouslie 
into euery corner of the Common wealth, correcting that sinne in 
others, wherwith they are corrupted themselues. To prescribe rules 
of life, belongeth not to the ruder sorte ; to condemne those callings 
which are approoued by publique authoritie, argueth a proude 
contempt of tho. Magistrates superiority. Protogenes knew Apelles 
by one lyne, neuer otherwise scene, and you may knowe these mens 
spirit by theyr speeche, their minds by their medling, their folly by 
their phrase. View their workes, and know their vanitie ; see the 
Bookes bearing their name, and smile in thy sleeue at their shame. 
A small ship in a shallow Riuer, seemes a huge thing, but in the sea 
a very little vessell ; euen so each trifling Pamphlet to the simpler 
sorte, a most substantiall subiect, whereof the wiser lightly account, 
and the learned laughing contemne. Therefore more earnestly I 
agrauate their faulte, because their crime is crept into credit, and 
their dooinges deemed deuotion, when as purposelie to some mans 
despight, they bring into act their cholericke motions. 

A common practise it is now adaies, which breedes our common 
calamitie, that the cloake of zeale, shoulde be vnto an hypocrite in 
steed of a coate of Maile, a pretence of puritie, a pentisse for iniquitie, 

1 Sign. B. iii. 

2. T. Nashe s Attack on Stubbesand the Puritans. 41* 

a glose of godlines, a couert for all naughtines. When men shall 
publiquelie make profession of a more inward calling, and shall waxe 
cold in the workes of charitie, and feruent in malice, liberall in nothing 
but in lauishe backbyting, holding hospitalitie for an eschewed heresie, 
and the performance of good workes for Papistrie, may wee not then 
haue recourse to that caueat of Christ in the Gospell, Cauete ab l hipo- 
critis. It is not the writhing of the face, the heauing vppe of the eyes 
to heauen, that shall keepe these men from hauing their portion in 
hell. Might they be saued by their booke, they haue the Bible alwaies 
in their bosome, and so had the Pharisies the Lawe embroidered in 
their garments. Might the name of the Church infeaffe them in the 
kingdome of Christ, they will include it onely in their couenticles, 
and bounde it euen in Barnes, which many times they make their 
meeting place, and will shameleslie face men out, that they are the 
Church militant heere vpon earth, whew as they rather seeme a 
company of Malecontents, vnworthy to breath on the earth. Might 
the boast of the spirit pind to their sleeues, make them elect before 
all other, they will make men beleeue, they doe nothing whereto the 
spirit dooth not perswade them : and what Heretiques were there 
euer that did not arrogate as much to themselues ? These they be 
that publiquely pretende a more regenerate holines, beeing in their 
priuate Chambers the expresse imitation of Howliglasse. 2 It is too 
tedious to the Reader to attend the circumstaunce of their seuerall 
shyftes, the lothsomnesse of their guilefull wiles, the tract path of 
theyr treacherie : you know them without my discourse, and can 
describe their hypocrisie, though I be not the Notarie of their 
iniquitie, Seeing their workes, shun their waies." 

(The Anatomic of/ Absurditie : / Contayning a breefe confutation 
of the slender / imputed prayses to feminine perfection, with a 
short / description of the seuerall practises of youth, and / sundry 
follies of our licentious / times. / No lesse pleasant to be read, then 
profitable to be remembred/ especially of those, who Hue more 
licentiously, or addic-/ted to a more nyce stoycall austeritie. / 
Compiled by T. Nashe. / Ita diligendi sunt homines, vt eorum non / 
diligamus errores. / At London, / Printed by I. Charlewood for 
Tho-/mas Hacker, and are to be solde at his shop / in Lumberd 
Street, vnder the signe of /the Popes heade./ Anno. Dom. 1590. / ) 

Gabriel Harvey, in his Pierces Supererogation, 1593, against 
Thomas Nashe, thus (pp. 183-4) answers the latter's attack on 

" It is the destiny of our language, to be pestered with a rable- 

1 Sign. B. iii. back. 

2 A supposd rough practical joker and dirty doer. Wm. Copland printed (in 
1548-60) 3 editions of the book recording his doings. For a list of its contents, 
see my Captain Cox, Ballad Soc., p. xlix-1. 

42* 2. Gabriel Harvey s Defence and Praise of Stubbes. 

ment of botchers in Print : but what a shamefull shame it is for 
him [T. Nashe], that maketh an Idoll of his owne penne, and 
raiseth-vpp an huge expectation of paper-miracles, (as if Hermes 
Trismegist were newly risen from the dead, and personally mounted 
vpon Danters presse 1 ), to emprooue himself as ranke a bungler in 
his mightiest worke of Supererogation, as the starkest Patch-pannell 
of them all, or the grosest hammer-drudge in a country. He dis- 
daineth Thomas Delone, 2 Philip Stubs, Robert Armin, and the 
common Pamfletters of London, euew the painfullest Chroniclers 
tooe ; bicause they stand in his way, hinder his scribling traffique, 
obscure his resplendishing Fame, or haue not chronicled him in 
their Catalogues of the renowned modern Autors, as he meritoriously 
meriteth, and may peraduenture be remembred hereafter. But may 
not Thomas Delone, Philip Stubs, Robert Armin, and the rest of 
those misused persons, more disdainfully disdaine him ; bicause he 
is so much vayner, so little learneder, so nothing eleganter, than 
they; and they so much honester, so little obscurer, so nothing 
contemptibler, than he ? Surely, Thomas, it were pollicy, to boast 
lesse with Thomas Delone, or to atchieue more with Thomas More. 
If Vaunting, or craking may make thee singular, thy Art is incom 
parable, thy Wit superexcellent, thy Learning omnisufficient, thy 
memory infinite, thy dexterity incomprehensible, thy force horrible, 
thy other giftes more then admirable ; but ..." 

In the same tract (Pierces Supererogation, 1593, pp. 190-1), 
Gabriel Harvey further praisd Stubbes 3 for his filed and workman 
like style : 

" Our late writers are, as they are : and albeit they will not suffer 
me to ballance them with the honorable Autors of the Romanes, 
Grecians and Hebrues, yet I will craue no pardon of the highest, to 
do the simplest no wrong. In Grafton, Holinshed, and Stowe ; in 
Hey wood, Tusser, and Gowge 4 ; in Gascoigne, Churchy arde, and 
Floide 5 ; in Ritch, Whetstone, and Munday; in Stanyhurst, Fraunce, 

1 From which came in 1597 the first Quarto of Romeo and Juliet. J. Danter 
also enterd a Titus Andronicus in 1593. 

2 See the long list of Deloney's ballads, tracts, and books, in Hazlitt. Tho' 
Deloney might have been calld a pamphleteer, Robert Armin, the actor and 
play-writer, couldn't. 

3 I assume that he means Phillip Stubbes, and not John Stubbe of the Gaping 
Gulfe, 1579 (p. 53* and 54* below). The Chroniclers who are coupled with 
Stubbes above, are praisd here by name, Grafton, Holinshed, Stowe ; and 
certainly Harvey would admire all the hard inkhorn words in the early editions 
of the Anatomic. 

4 See a bit of Googe's wprk in the Naogeorgus Appendix, p. 323 below. 

5 Lodowick Lloyd, of The Pilgrimage of Princes, &c. f was so calld, sa)S 
Mr. Hazlitt. See the list of his works in Lowndes. 

2. Nashe s Widow-chaff of Stubbes not to be believd. 4.3* 

and Watson; in Kiffin 1 , Warner, and Daniell; in an hundred such 
vulgar writers, many things are commendable, diners things notable, 
some things excellent. For a polished and garnished stile, few go 
beyonde Cartwright, and the chiefest of his Confuters, furnished 
writers : and how few may wage comparison with Reinolds, Stubbes, 
Mulcaster, Norton, Lambert, and the Lord Henry Howarde ? whose 
seuerall writings, the siluer file of the workeman recommendeth to 
the plausible interteinment of the daintiest censure. 2 " 

Now I don't want, with Harvey, to call the slashing Tom Nashe 
"the sonne of a mule, a rawe Grammarian, a brabling Sophister, a 
counterfaict cranke, a stale rakehell, a piperly rymer, a stump-worne 
railer, a dodkin autor" (ib. p. 61) ; or to say that his books are all 
like his Strange Newes (1592, against Harvey): "Railing, railing, 
railing : bragging, bragging, bragging : and nothing else, but fowle 
railing vpon railing, and vayne bragging vpon bragging, as rudely, 
grosely, odiously, filthily, beastly, as euer shamed Print " (ib. p. 64), 
but I do not believe his story about Stubbes and the widow. Nashe 
reminds me of a little drunken scribbler I once knew, who, when a 
man offended him, always said 'the fellow 's a drunken clown.' 
Nash and his loose-living likes, who sneerd at Stubbes and his mates 
as eunuchs, did, I believe, invent or get hold of any joking tale 
like that of the Bible that wasn't a high enough cushion for a willing 
sister and an endeavouring brother, because the Apocrypha wasn't in 
it 3 (Percy Fol, L.&ff. Songs, p. 35), and stick it on to any Puritan 
they wanted to chaff. So that it raisd a laugh was all they cared for, 
and when it had done this, they were satisfied. Nashe's story goes 
too far. Even if Stubbes had been an Angelo, and the widow an 
Isabella, the bribe wouldn't have been a Bible. So I reject the 

1 Maurice Kyffin, of the Blessedness of Brytaine, 1587, &c. : see Hazlitt's 
Handbook, p. 322-3. 

2 See the praises of other authors, &c., before and after, p. 190-2 : Southwell, 
Scot (Discovery of Witchcraft], Whitgift, Drant, Dr. Still, &c. On p. 60-1, he 
calls Nashe "a May-Lord of Primerose-hill, that hath all humours in his liuerie, 
& can put conscience in a Vices coate." I don't take up space by quoting the 
chief works of the authors nam'd in the text above, as they are either well known 
or can be easily found in bibliographical lists. 

3 See too in Dodsley, ix. 61-2, the jest about the Puritan lass who yielded only 
to prevent her lover breaking his oath, as he'd sworn to succeed. The point of 
the Apocrypha joke was that the Puritans calld the Apocrypha a lot of Popish 
fables, and refusd to acknowledge it as part of the Bible. 

44* 3- W as Elizabethan Dress outrageously absurd? 

widow tale. Nashe, however, is more to be regarded, and is nearer 
hitting the nail on the head, when he complains of Stubbes extend 
ing his "inuectiues so farre against the abuse, that almost the thing 
remaines not whereof they admitte anie lawfull vse." 

3. But the question is, T. whether Stubbes was writing against 
real abuses or not, and 2. whether he wrote from real earnestness, 
or only hypocrisy. If the excesses he denounct were real, and if his 
zeal against them was righteous, we shall not judge him harshly 
because he went a little too far in the words he used, or the sharp 
ness of the curb he'd have liked to put on offenders. 

On the first point he deals with, Men's and Women's Dress, I 
ask whether one single writer of the time can be produc'd, who 
treats the matter, and is satisfied with his contemporaries' practice ? 
I've never seen or heard of one. But on the contrary, every man 
whose book you open, from the catholic Shakspere, who surely 
liked his cakes and ale, to the sensible cheery Harrison, the odd, 
and liker of oddities, Tom Coryat, every single writer condemns 
the foolery, extravagance and evil of the outrageous garments around 
him. The Queen and her Council did so (see the fine volume of 
her Proclamations in the Grenville Library, Brit. Mus., an. i, 4, 8 
(p. 94-6), 16 (p. 155-7), 19 (P- J 7i-3)> 3 (? 2 53-7)> 39 (P- 343' 6 , 
A.D. I597). 1 And we, by our practice, do it too. 

Why also did Stubbes condemn these follies? Not only 
because he saw with Shakspere that men bore manors on their 
backs, and sacrifict their inheritances to gratify their stupid pride ; 
not only because he knew, with Harrison, that for this, England's 
oaks were felld, her country hospitality stopt; but because the follies 
led to the neglect of the poor the humble folk that ben Christ's 
friends, as Chaucer says who were left to die in the streets like 
dogs, the dung that rotted, to grow the flowers that adornd the 

Take the next vices with which Stubbes deals, Whoredom and 
Adultery, Gluttony and Drunkenness ; and on the first pair, con 
trast Shakspere' s Spring Song on the Cuckoo at the end of Love's 

1 See An. 42, for suppression of Ale-houses, and due observance of Fish-days ; 
and an. 43 for prohibiting the carrying of dags (big pistols : Harrison, i. 283). 

3- Did Stubbes condemn Whoredom too strongly? 45* 

Labours Lost with Wordsworth's, and judge whether Stubbes had 
cause to write as he did, or not, and whether we haven't cause to be 
grateful that he and his fellows did write thus, and set their faces as 
a flint against the idle wits that treated the soiling of women's purity 
as a joke, and the debauching of girls as an honourable token of 
manliness. Thank God, it requires an effort of the imagination to 
turn from our own state of society faultful tho' it be and con 
ceive one in which the so welcome note of the herald of spring, the 
recaller of youth's ' golden time,' could suggest the idea of cuckoldry 
to any husband. No longer is it true in England, that 

" When Daisies pied, and Violets blew, 
And Cuckow-buds of yellow hew, 
And Ladie-smockes all siluer white, 
Do paint the Medowes with delight, 
The Cuckow then on euerie tree 
Mockes married men ; for thus sings he, 
Cuckow ! 

Cuckow, Cuckow ! O worde of feare, 
Vnpleasing to a married eare." 

Z. Z. Lost, V. 904-12, Folio I. p. 144, col. 2. 

And we have to thank mainly the Puritan party that this old evil is 
not ours still. 

As to the Drunkenness, that is still the great curse of our land. 
And ask any one who's been among working men, and seen what a 
drinker's home and wife and children are like, seen the blessed 
change that teetotalism makes in all ; ask any one who knows what 
went on in the upper and middle classes as late as my own father's 
day, my own youth, the daily debasing of men to worse than brutes; 
ask any one who knows but a little of Elizabethan books ; ask 
Shakspere, thro' Hamlet or Cassio, whether Stubbes has said one 
word too stern against that " devil drunkenness" (Oth. II. iii. 297), 
which was in his day, as it is in ours, the blight of our native land. 

As to the evils next complaind of, the enclosure of Commons 
without due regard to the rights of the poor, the cheating dealers, 
&c. what is our Commons -Preservation Society, what are our 
Co-operative Societies and Stores, but declarations that Stubbes was 
in the right ; that landlords' greed needs check by law, the weakness 


4-6* 3- Stubbes's abuse of Cheating, etc., justified. 

of the poor needs help ; and that the Dealer, standing between the 
workman and the buyer, to make out of both the most he can for 
himself, without regard to the welfare of either, is a being who has 
to be turnd into the agent of worker or buyer, or if possible both, 
bound to act honestly, and put down all adulteration, extravagant 
profit, and tricks of trade. As to the evil of letting usurers get the 
ownership of mortgagees' lands because the money was not paid on 
the day fixt for its return, our Courts of Equity and our Laws have 
long since settled that Stubbes was right, and have secured the 
mortgagee his equity of redemption, and prevented the mortgagor 
from taking more than his principal and interest. So also our laws 
have, by later Insolvency and Bankruptcy Acts, declard Stubbes 
right in his denouncing of the old iniquitous power of creditors to 
keep moneyless debtors in prison just as long as they lik'd, let 
their heels rot from their buttocks, as Stubbes says, in the foul 
prisons of the day, and then make dice of their bones. 

Swearing has so long ceast to be "good form," that Stubbes's 
condemnation of it will be acquiest in by all, tho' they may not 
want swearers now branded with a hot iron, or believe in judgments 
on em. 1 

We now come to Stubbes's wholesale abuse of the Amusements 
of his time ; and it is for this that many folk condemn him, that I 
allow he was " sum what too sour," and went beyond the bounds 
which he had laid down for himself in his Preface. But let the 
reader recognize how very much there was in the pastimes of the day 
that deservd the strongest blame, and in how many cases posterity 
has justified Stubbes's censures. Note first, that the main reason 
for Stubbes's fierceness was, that all the games and devilry that he 
complains of so bitterly, were carried on more vigourously on 
Sunday than any other day. This is the point the whole matter 

1 Years ago I chanced to ask a regular contributor to the Saturday & very 
high wrangler of my time at Cambridge what had made the S. Review such a 
success. He said, " Mainly Cook's (the editor's) power of swearing. He swears 
at everybody so fiercely, from the printer's devil to his best leader-writer 
or sub- editor, that he makes us all do exactly as he tells us. I never heard 
such oaths." The like procedure seems to produce contrary effects at the Horse 

3 Stubbes on Sabbath-breaking. Fairs, etc., now. 47* 

turns on. 1 Stubbes lookt on the Day as specially holy to his Lord, 
to be spent "in hearing the woord of God truely preached, therby 
to learn and to doo his wil ; in receiuing the sacraments, rightly 
administred; in vsing publique and priuate prayer; in thanks- 
giuing to God for all his benefits ; in singing of godly Psalmes, and 
other spirituall exercises and meditations ; in collecting for the poore^ 
in dooing of good woorkes ; and breefly, in the true obedience of the 
inward man " (p. 140) ; and instead of this, he saw all the vagabonds 
and drabs of the country playing the devil's delight all day long, 
and all night too. No wonder that he rose in wrath, and curst the 
whole crew. And who even among us Sunday League and Sun- 
day-Society-men, goers by train and boat now wants to have bears 
baited, or theatres open 2 , on Sundays ; fairs held then, and markets ; 
the cancan danced, 3 or drunken jollifications going on in Church or 
Churchyard ? Who would let sister, daughter, or maid, be out with 
a mixt company of men and girls in the woods all night (p. 149) ? 
Depend on it, there were abuses of the grossest kind in the rough 
games of Stubbes's and Shakspere's day, abuses even justifying the 
call that they should in public be put down for a time altogether. 
We know how many of them have been rightly given up since ; any?, 
if we care, we may know that there are two sides to great gather 
ings for amusement now. Two of the occasions on which this has 
been brought home to me were these. The first time I was saying 
to a faithful-working curate-friend in a country town in Hampshire, 
how pleasant all lookt at the fair that morning. " Yes, "he answerd, 
" I suppose one oughtn't to grudge the people their gathering; but 
our annual crop of bastards '11 be sown to-night. We had twelve last 
year, and eleven the year before ; and many of the girls get ruind for 
life." The second time, chatting to an easy-going acquaintance about 

1 So in his denouncing of the Church- Ales, p. 150 2, one great grievance is 
that the Churches lie " like swyn-coates (pig-styes), their windowes rent, their 
dores broken, their walles fall downe, the roof all bare . . . the booke of God 
rent, ragged and all betorn, couered in dust," p. 151. 

2 With Pink Dominoes (as describd to me) playd, or even the innocent Venus 
and Adonis acted, with next Sunday's Referee notice that Miss Phoebe Don's 
legs were "monuments of managerial perspicacity and plumpness." 

3 See p. 146. Note too Chaucer on the dangers of Dances, &c., Cant. T., C. 

3' Stubbes right in abusing Bearbaiting, etc. 

our races on Runnymede, at Egham, and saying that I'd seen no harm 
going on to justify the outcry against them by some folk, he answerd: 
"Ah, your people just drive down to the course, and go away when 
the races are over. But if you want to know when the harm's 
done, and what it is, come with me to the booths the nights before 
and after, and then take a turn about the grass, and see what's going 
on there. I'm not one of the strait-laced lot ; but knowing what I 
do, I don't wonder at people trying to stop the whole affair." Folk 
who like races and fairs and fun in general, either shut their eyes to 
the evils attending them, or say it's human nature, and there's no 
such great harm in it after all ; but other men and women exist in the 
world, who can't take sin and the causes of it like this; they're just 
forced by their souls to fight against it, and its sources, with word and 
deed, with all their might ; and if they do speak a little too sharply, 
or hit a little too hard, the self-indulgent do-nothings had at least 
better keep from abusing or sneering at them. 

The justness of Stubbes's argument against hunting, on p. 182, 
is acknowledgd by our modern hunts paying for the damage they 
do to farmers' fences and crops ; and his plea that * For pleasure 
sake only, no man ought to abuse any of the cretures of God,' 
cannot be answerd, as every one '11 confess who's seen, at the end 
of his first day's hunt, the tears and distresst look of the stag he's 
followd, or the last tries of the fox to save his life. 1 

In Stubbes's condemnation of cockfighting, gambling, bear-bait 
ing, we all admit that he was right ; and on the whole, tho' he would 
have put me as an inveterate Sabbath-breaker 2 , dancer, and hon- 
ourer of Shakspere, into one of the hottest corners of his ' Material 
Hell,' I do not hesitate to ask his readers to believe that the 

1 The only defence is a shirk, and ' You're another : ' " You can do without 
meat if you like ; at any rate, you'd be better with little of it, and that of the 
simplest kind. But, solely for your pleasure, to tickle your palate, you have lots 
of animals needlessly killed ; while we hunting men, for our health and refresh 
ment, as well as our pleasure, only give a stag a good sweating, and kill a 
stinking fox now and then. Who are you to find fault with us ? " (Mr. E. A_ 
Freeman's articles on hunting and Mr. A. Trollope's answer, a few years back, I 
haven't seen.) 

2 And a backslider from the faith of Stubbes, for one Sunday, after a Sab 
batarian parson's sermon, my father's Sunday newspaper, the Windsor Express, 
to his great disgust disappeard till Monday morning. 

4- Stubbes didnt rail only, but car d for the Poor. 49* 

Abuses he denounct were real and not fancid ones, cancers in the 
body of the commonweal, and that his words in denouncing them 
were not, in most cases, one whit too strong, We pass then to 

4. Was Stubbes a mere railer ? In my early days in London, 
when one of a body of workers full of Christian-Socialist plans of 
social reform, helping in district-visiting, ragged schools, working- 
men's associations, &c., came out some Latter-Day-Pamphlets, by a 
certain prophet of the time, which seemd to me to do nothing but 
swear generally all round. Everything was wrong, everybody 
except the writer was a fool, niggers should eternally be slaves, 
and there was no hope for the world except in the coming of 
some beneficent hog-herd with a tremendous whip to drive the 
universal swine along the road they ought to go. 1 One night a 
well-known naval novelist, a disciple of this faith, was at a friend's 
house, holding forth with his usual fervour, and I ventured to 
suggest that he should do something to try and cure some of the 
evils he seemd to feel so keenly. I askt him to teach in our 
ragged school in Little Ormond Yard. On which he took his pipe 
out of his mouth, took a sip at his th glass of toddy, and said, 
' My dear Sir, I'll see you and your ragged school damnd first ! 
The world 's going to the devil its own way. Let it go ! ' 

Now Phillip Stubbes wouldn't have given a like answer if I 
judge him aright had John Stubbe, or any such man, askt him to 
lend a hand to any good work near Lincoln's Inn in his day. He'd 
have gone and done his best at it, tho' he'd no doubt have insisted 
on dosing the workees with texts and sermons. On his Sundays, he 
didn't want only to sing psalms and pray ; he'd also collect money 
for the poor, and do good works (p. 140). He wasn't angry with the 
rich for their gay clothes ar.d vain show only, but because these led 
to ' cold charitie to the poore ' : 

" Do they think that it is lawfull for them to haue millions of 
sundry sortes of apparell lying rotting by them, when as the poore 
members of lesus Christe die at their doores for wante of clothing?" 

1 If I do injustice to this book, which was a cruel blow to me after the noble 
Life of Cromwell, the Sartor, &c., I am sorry. I never opend it after the Parts 
were bound. But, had that whip then come to my hands, the prophetic back 
would have been the first laid open by it. 

50* 4- Stubbes s care for the Poor, etc. 5. Fits life. 

p. 59. " And so [the poore diseased] being caried foorth, either 
in carts or otherwyse, and thrown in the streats, there they end their 
dayes most miserably. Truely, Brother, if I had not seen it, I would 
scarsly haue thought that the like Turkish cruelty had beene vsed in 
all the World." p. 60. 

Again and again Stubbes comes back to this, pp. 105, 116, 183, 
&c. He cares for God's dumb creatures too 1 (pp. 178, 182). And 
tho' we can't class him with Orlando, who " wil chide no breather 
in the world but my selfe, against whom I know most fault " (As You 
Like It, III. ii. 297-8), we can honestly refuse to couple him with 
Jaques, or any of those who merely want to " raile against our mistris 
the worlde," and "must have liberty Withall, as large a Charter as 
the winde, To blow on whom [they] please '' (ib. II. vii. 47-9). 

5. Stubbes and his family. Where he came from, when he 
was born, 2 where he was taught, and when he died, we don't 

1 He would, were he living now, certainly join the Fellowship of Animals' 
Friends that our Vice-Presidents Mr. and Mrs. Cowper- Temple have just 
founded. And he'd have curst the putting back Christians under Turkish rule in 
1878 as heartily as I did ; ' English interests' doing the Devil's work. 

2 I suppose he was born about I55S> the year that Latimer and Ridley were 
burnt at Oxford (Oct. 16) in bloody Mary's reign. If Stubbes's 7-years' travel 
about England by or before 1583, is to be taken literally, he probably did not 
start till he was his own master, and 21. I suppose that he didn't die till in or 
after 1610, when an enlargd edition of his Pathway was publisht, with 15 new 
prayers added, perhaps for the first time. That he was a well-read and learned 
man is plain from his books. 

Here's a suggestion from The Saturday Review (Sept. 25, 1869, p. 421, col. 
2) as to Stubbes's Christian name : "Why were there so many Philips in those 
days? Philip, Earl of Arundel, to whom this book (Stubbes's Anatomie] is 
dedicated ; Philip, Earl of Pembroke, to whom the Shakespeare folio is inscribed ; 
Philip Sidney and Philip Massinger, who could write books for themselves. 
Why but because Philip was the name of the 'father of our Kings to be,' and 
was the favourite godpapa with the rank-worshipping mammas of the period. 
And if the word Philip had been called out at a bearbaiting in the sixteenth 
century, there would have been as many responses to it as there are nowadays 
when H'albert is shouted for at a Foresters' Fete at the Crystal Palace." 

Now, though I can't pretend to measure the infinite flunk eyism of the Victorian 
or Elizabethan English mother and man, yet I must observe that Philip Massinger 
was baptizd on Nov. 23, 1583, only five years before the Armada, and Sir Philip 
Sidney born on Nov. 29, 1554, four years before Elizabeth came to the throne 
(1558) ; and if the 'mammas of the period' kept up their fancy for the Popish 
Philip of Spain during all the changes of feeling in this time, the fact will surprise 
any one who has studied the period with the least care. How Stubbes must 
have hated his name if he thought he got it from the pet son of the scarlet whore ! 

5 Stubbes s Marriage, Wife, and Boy. 51* 

know. 1 His Marriage-license we have, the Certificates of his son's 
birth, and his wife's death ; his own account of his 4^ years marrid 
life (below, p. 197-203, 208), and the few words he says of his 
travels about England, in his Anatomic, 1583 (p. 22, below), and 
Motive to Good Workes, 1593, p. 68*, 69*, below. Colonel Chester 
kindly sends me the Marriage License, from the Bishop of London : 

" 1586, Sep. 6, Philip Stubbes, Gentleman, of St. Mary at Hill, 2 
London, and Katherine Emmes, spinster, of the same parish, 
daughter of William Emmes, late of St. Dunstan in the West, 
London, Cordwainer, 3 deceased To marry at any church or chapel 
in the diocese of London." 

Mr. Henry Stubbs of Danby, Ballyshannon, sends me the fol 
lowing extracts from the Parish-Registers of Burton-on-Trent, as all 
that the latter yield : 

"1590. John Stubs 4 filius Philippi baptized the 17 November 
1590. Catherine Stubs buried the 14 day of December." 5 

1 I say this notwithstanding the passage from Nashe quoted above, p. 37*, and 
the extract (evidently bas'd on it) from Ant. Wood that follows, p. 53*, note. 
But Nash's bit about the Cheshire readership may have some ground. 

2 Dr. Howard, who has searcht the Registers of St. Mary at Hill, reports that 
there are no Stubbes entries in them. J. L. C. 

3 Of course you understand that Katherine Emmes's father was something 
more than a mere " shoemaker, '' as we now understand the term. His will 
styles him "Citizen and Cordwainer," i. e. a freeman of London, and member of 
the Cordwainers' Company. Stubbs in his tract intimates that William Emmes 
had held high office in his company, which elevates him to the level of the 
superior tradesmen of the old city. J. L. C. 

* 70 years after, a John Stubs, with George Fox and Benjamin Furly, publisht 
"A Battle-Door for Teachers and Professors to learn Singular and Plural : You 
to Many, and Thou to One: Singular, One, Thou; Plural, Many, You. Wherein 
is shewed forth by Grammar, or Scripture Examples, how several Nations 
and People have made a distinction between Singular and Plural, &c. London, 
Printed for Robert Wilson, and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the 
Black- Spread-Eagle and Wind-mil in Martins le Grand, 1660. folio." Hazlitt. 
Collection and Notes, p. 166, col. 2. 

6 This is the day of her death, according to Phillip Stubbes. Possibly her 
fever led to her quick burial, but it looks odd. It was the Vicar, the Rev. C. F. 
Thornewill, that extracted the above entries in the Burton Registers for Mr. Henry 
Stubbes, who says, " the Vicar in his letter to me remarked that there was a 
+ against the entry of Baptism of John Stubs, which he did not observe against 
any other entry ; 'and likewise that the entry of Burial had evidently been made 
at a later date than that of the Burial itself, as it is in different ink from the rest, 
and is obviously put between the lines, having been forgotten or otherwise 
omitted at the time.' " 

52* 5- Stubbes s Life. His Mother-in-law, Mrs. EMMES. 

All the facts, then, that we know about Philip Stubbes at present 
are, that he was a Gentleman either by birth, profession, or 
both; a writer, from 1581 to 1610 (?), of pamphlets and books 
strongly on the Puritan side, well-read in his Bible and holy books ; 
that before 1583 he had spent "seuen winters and more, trauailing 
from place to place, euen all the Land ouer indifferently" (p. 21, 
below) about England; that he marrid in the autumn of 1586, a 
sweet, gentle, pious girl of from 14 to 15, with whom he led a happy 
peaceful life for nearly 4^ years, expounding texts to her to his heart's 
content a blissful contrast to Milton's first experiment ; that he 
lost her on Dec. 14, 1590, from a 6-weeks' fever caught after she 
had thoroughly recoverd from bearing 'a goodly man childe' 
baptizd John, on Nov r 17 ; that he was in 'lodging by Cheapside, 
8 of November, 1593;' and that he probably livd till after the new 
edition of his Perfect Pathway to Felicitie was publisht, with 1 5 new 
Prayers, in 1610. Col. Chester writes : " I have again gone carefully 
over all the Stubbs' wills in Somerset House from 1550 to 1630, and 
can find nothing of his parentage. His own will is certainly not 
here, if he left one, and no letters of administration to his estate 
were ever taken out." 

Stubbes' s mother-in-law, Mrs. Emmes, is describd by him as 
"a Dutch woman, both discreete and wise, of singular good grace 
and modestie . . . both religious and verie zealous " (p. 197), and 
yet she must have been a very Wife of Bath in the matter of hus 
bands, 'one down, t'other come on.' Probably after her third 
husband's death, she in 1586 "bestowed her [daughter Katherine 
by her second husband, William Emmes,] in marriage to one 
maister Stubbes" our Phillip p. 197, below, and Col. Chester 
kindly sends me the following account of her : 

"The mother of Catherine Stubbes (nee Emmes) was also 
named Catherine, and she was first the wife of one Reginald 
Melchior (or Melcher), whose will, as of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, 
Middlesex, dated 22 Sept. 1563, she proved 12 Nov. following. 
Melchior directed his body to be buried in St. Martin's Church 
yard. He merely left small sums to his apprentice and his maid, 
and the residue of his possessions equally to his wife Catherine and 
his son Melchior. 

" The widow did not grieve long, for on the 8th of November 

5- Stubbes s Mother-in-laiv. A. WOOD'S Life of him. 53* 

1563, four days before she proved her husband Melchior's will, a 
license was granted by the Bishop of London for her marriage with 
William Emmes, then of St. Sepulchre's, London. They subse 
quently lived in Fleet Street, St. Dunstan-in-the-West" 

"The will of William Emmes, Citizen and Cordwainer of 
London, is dated 26 Nov. 1583. He bequeathed considerable 
property in houses, &c. to his wife Catharine, and his children, 
William, John, Catherine [Stubbes's wife], Anne, Susan, and Alice, 
all under age. The widow Catharine Emmes proved the will 14 
Jan. 1583/4. 

"Four days later, viz. 18 Jan 1583/4, the Bishop of London 
granted another license for her to marry Richard Tompkins, of St 
Mary at Hill, London. She outlived her third husband, for, on the 
24th of April, 1591, letters of administration to her estate, as a 
widow, were granted to her daughter Alice, who was then wife of 
(blank) Dumper." 

(Of course the natural temptation has been yielded to, 1 to make 

1 By Antony Wood (or his informant) whose account of Stubbes (not in his 
1st ed.) is printed in inverted commas in Bliss's ed. of the Ath. Oxon. i. 645, and is 
as follows : " Philip Stubbs or Stubbes, was born of genteel parents, but where, 
one of his descendants of both his names who is a vintner in London, [Philip 
Stubbs, a vintner, living in the parish of St. Andrew Undershaft in London 
(note)] knows not, nor can he positively affirm whether he received his education 
in either of the universities or not. Be it known therefore, that he was mostly 
educated in Cambridge, but having a restless and hot head, left that university, 
rambled thro' several parts of the nation, and setled for a time in Oxon, parti 
cularly, as I conceive, in Glocester-hall, where a brother or near kinsman called 
Justinian Stubbs, Mfaister] of A[rts] and a civilian, studied, by which name and 
titles I find him there in the beginning of 1589. This Ph. Stubbs was a most 
rigid Calvinist, a bitter enemy to popeiy, and a great corrector of the vices and 
abuses of his time ; and tho' not in sacred orders yet the books he wrote related 
to divinity and morality, as the titles of them following partly shew." He then 
gives the titles of (b) the Two Judgments, 1581 ; (c) View of Vanity 1582 ; (e) 
Rosary 1583 ; (d) Anatomy 1583,* noting 'divers corrections in and additions to 
it ;' (g) Theatre of 'the Pope 's Monarchy 1584. oct. ; (j) Perfect Path to Felicity 1592; 
(k) Motive to Good Works 1593; (?) "Praise and Commendation of Women. 
Printed in oct. This I have not seen, f and therefore I cannot give you a larger 
title." (i) " Christial glass for Christian Women. Lond. 1626." He then 
speaks of Stubbes's wife, and says, " Near of kin, if not brother, or father to this 
Philip, was Joh. Stubs of Lincolns-inn, gent, a most rigid puritan, author of 
A Discovery of a gaping Gulph for England. Printed 1579, oct." 

* "Ded to Phil. E. of Arundel ; black letter, double pages 125. Printed by 
Ric. Jones. At the back of the last page is a wooden cut of a man in a gown, 
round bonnet, stooping, and holding a pair of gloves in his left hand. Thebook 
penes Mr. Lort of Trin. coll. Cambr., who in May 1772, gave 7-r. 6d. for it at 
Mr. Joseph Hart's auction of books." Cole. 

t Nor has any one else that I can hear of. 

54* 5* John Stubbe of the Gaping Gulfe, 1579. 

Philip Stubbes, "near of kin, if not father or brother" of the noble 
Puritan, John Stubbe 1 , (or Stubbes,) who in 1579 (not 1581) wrote 
against the proposd marriage of Queen Elizabeth with the Popish 
Duke of Anjou, the French King's brother " The Discoverie of a 
Gaping Gulf whereunto England is like to be swallowed by another 
French Marriage, if the Lord forbid not the banes, by letting her 
Majestie see the sin and punishment thereof" ; and who had his right 
hand chopt off with a butcher's knife and mallet 2 for his sensible 

1 See the interesting memoir of him in Cooper's Ath. Cant. ii. ui-12. 

2 See Camden's Annales englisht, 1625, Bk. III. p. 14-16. His account is the 
best : " Her Maiestie likewise burned with ch oiler that there was a booke 
published in print, inueighing sharply against the marriage, as fearing the 
alteration of Religion, which was intituled ' A gaping gulfe to swallow vp England 
by a French marriage? In this Pamphlet the Priuy Councillors which fauoured 
the Match were taxed of ingratitude to their Prince and Countrey : the Queene, 
as not vnderstanding well her selfe, by the way of flattery is tauntingly touched : 
the Duke d' Anjou and his country of France in contumelious tearmes shamefully 
reviled : the marriage condemned, for the diuersitie of Religions, by poisonous 
words and passages of Scripture, miserably wrested, would seem to proue that 
the Daughter of God, being to match with the sonne of Antichrist, it must needs 
bee the ruine of the Church, and pernicious to the State j neither would Queene 
Elizabeth bee perswaded that the Author of this booke had any other pur 
pose, but to bring her into hatred with her- subiects, and to open a gap to some 
prodigious innouation. . . . 

" Since that, shee begunne to bee the more displeased with Puritans then shee 
had been before-time, perswading her selfe that such a thing had not passed 
without their priuitie : and within a few dayes after, lohn Stubbes of Lincolnes 
Inne, a zealous professor of Religion, the Author of this Ralatiue Pamphlet 
(whose Sister, Thomas Cartwright the Arch-Puritan had married), William Page 
the disperser of the copies, and Singleton the Printer, were apprehended ; against 
whom sentence was giuen, that their right hands should be cut off, by a law in 
the time of Philip and Marie against the Authors of Seditious Writings, and those 
that disperse them. Some lawyers storming hereat, said the iudgement was 
erroneous, and fetcht from a false obseruation of the time wherein the Statute 
was made, that it was onely temporarie, and that (Queene Marie dying) it dyed 
with her. Of the which Lawyers, one Dalton, for his clamorous speeches was 
committed to prison, and Monson, a ludge of the Common-pleas, was sharply 
rebuked, and his place taken from him. . . . 

"Not long after, [Nov. 3, 1579,* not 1581, as Stowe says, Annales, 1605, p. 
1 1 68], vpona Stage set vp in the Market-place at Westminster, Stubbes and Page had 
their right hands cut off by the blow of a Butchers knife, with a Mallet strucke 
through their wrests. The Printer had his Pardon. I can remember that, standing 

* See " His Wordes upon the Scaffolde when he lost his Haund on Tewsdaie, 
3 November, 1579." In Nuga Antique. Cooper, 

6. Stubbes s Works in the Stationers Registers. 55* 

and manly tract. But Mr. Henry Stubbes of Danby, Ballyshannon, 
has a copy of the wills of the righthandless John Stubbs and his 
father, John Stubbe of Buxton, Norfolk, and in neither of them 
is there any mention of Philip Stubbes.) 

6. Stubbes 's Works. Of these, eleven have survivd to our day 
in title, 1 and eight in copies. Of the eleven only six, and of the 
eight only five, were enterd on the Stationers' Registers, if I can 
trust my search through the second volume of the (alas !) indexless 
Transcript of Mr. Arber. They are : 

1582-3. An. Eliz. XXV to . primo die Martij 

Richard Licenced vnto him vnder thandes of the Bishop of 

Jones. LONDON and both the wardens. The Anatomye of 

abuses, by PHILLIPE STUBBES yj d 

Transcript, ii. 421. 

1583. An. Eliz. XXV to . Tertio Die Augusti. 

John Receaued of him for his licence to ym print The Rosarie 

Charlewood/ O f Christian Prayers vj* / 

Transcript, ii. 426. 

by lohn Stubbes, so soone as his right hand was off, put off his hat with his left, 
and cryed aloud, God saue the Queene. The people round about him stood mute, 
whether stricken with feare at the first sight of this strange kind of punishment, 
or for commiseration of the man whom they reputed honest, or out of a secret 
inward repining they had at this marriage, which they suspected would be 
dangerous to Religion." Sir Walter Scott and Macaulay have word-painted the 

The 8vo mentiond by Antony Wood, The Praise and Commendation of 
Women, is not reckond in the II, as I doubt the author of The Anatomie, Part I., 
which scarified women so, ever having written a ' Praise ' of Women in general, 
tho he did praise his own dead wife. Moreover, we've no record of the Praise 
book being seen by any one ; and none of the long list of books on Women in 
Mr. Hazlitt's Handbook, and Collections and Notes suits Wood's title except ' to 
y* Prayse of Good women,'' y* xiiij chapeter of y e Proverbis, licenst to John Aide 
in 1568 {Arber s Transcript, i. 378), which is too early for Stubbes. * The Praise 
and Dispraise of Women ' in 1579 won't of course do. 

I don't think as Mr. Reardon did, Old Sh. Soc. Papers, iii. 15 ; and Mr. 
Collier, Bibl. Cat., ii. 399 that Gabriel Harvey necessarily meant to include 
Stubbes in " the common Pamfletters of London " (p. 42*, 1. 9 above), or we might 
suppose that many of Stubbes's works have been lost. There is no "other" 
before Harvey's "common, "as there ought to be if Mr. Reardon's and Mr. 
Collier's view were right ; and against it, is also Harvey's after praise of Stubbes 
for his filed lines (p. 43* above). Harvey meant to distinguish Stubbes from 
the "common Pamfletters," not confuse him with em. 

56* 6. Stubbess Works in the Stationers Registers. 





2 S Eliz. Septimo Die Nouembris/ 

Licenced vnto him vnder the wardens handes 
second parte of Thanotomye of Abuses 



Transcript, ii. 428. 

1591. An. Eliz. 33. xv to Junij 

Entred for his copie vnder the handes of the Bishop of 
LONDON and the wardens / A Christall glasse for 
Christian women / Conteyninge an excellent discourse of 
the godly life and Christian death of mistres KATHERINE 

SlUBBES 2 &C ........... VJ d / 

Transcript, ii. 585. 
1593. An. Eliz. 35 to . xiiij to . die Octobris/ 

Entred for his Copie vnder the handes of the Bisshopp 
of LONDON and Master warden Cawood. a booke 
entituled, A motiue to good, woorkes or rather to true 
Christianity e &c ........... vj d 

Transcript, ii. 638. 

[Assignment] 1594. An. 36 Eliz. vltimo Maij 

Entred for his copies by order of Court Certens Copies 
whiche were John Charlewoodes / Saluo Jure Cuius- 
cunque .......... xiii 8 iiij d C 

The Rosary of Christian Praters 

Transcript, ii. 651. 

a. But Stubbes had begun printing as early at least as 1581, when 
(or earlier) he issued a broadside, with a woodcut, " A fearefull and 


1 "9 August! [1596]. 

Entred for his Copie in full Court holden this Day. These flfyve 
Copies whiche were assigned from William wright to Thomas 
Scarlet, and from Thomas Scarlet to the said Thomas Crede 

ijs yjd 

. . . Item the second parte of the Anatomye of abuses called the 
Display e of Corruptions." Transcript, iii. 68. 


Entred for his Copyes these thinges followinge, viz. Catheryne 
Stubes, vjd (with The scale of vertue, vj d ; Twenty Orders of 
Calettes and Drabes, vj d . . . The ffyve and Twentye orders of 
knaues, vj d ) Transcript, iii. 187. 

Edward White's estate in * Katherine Stubes ' was assignd to Master Pauier 
and John Wright on Dec. 13, 1620 (Trans, iv. 44), and Pavier's share was, after 
his death, assignd by his widow to Edward Brewster and Robert Birde (Tran 
script, iv. 164-5). 


..- 6. Stubbes sjirst godly Ballad, w 1581. 57* 

terrible Example of Gods iuste iudgement executed vpon a lewde 
Fellow, who vsually accustomed to sweare by Gods Blood : which 
may be a Caueat to all the World that they blaspheme not the name 
of their God by Swearing. [Colophon] Finis. Philip Stubbes. 
Imprinted at London for W. Wright, and are to be Sold at his' shop 
in the Poultrie." * Reprinted by Mr. J. P. Collier in his " Broadside 
Black-letter Ballads, printed in the i6th 6- \lth Centuries, chiefly 
in the possession of J. Payne Collier," 4, 1868, p. 42 7. This 
is a ballad of 102 lines (25 verses, and a tag) of 7-measure or 14- 
syllable couplets, describd by Stubbes at p. 135 below, as telling 
the awful end of "a certaine yong man dwellyng in Enlocnilshire, 
in Ailgna, (whose tragicall discourse I my self penned about two 
yeares agoe, referring you to the said booke for the further declara 
tion thereof) who was alwaies a filthie swearer : his common othe 
was by Gods bloud." 

The story being given at p. 135 below, I quote only a few verses 
of the ballad from its second edition in the Lambeth Library (sign. 
B. i. and B. ii.), to show the doggrel it is written in : 

"There is a towne in Lincolneshire, which Bothbie hath to name, 
Just three miles distant from Grantam, a towne of au^cient fame. 


Wherein there dwels a Gentleman, the truthe for to decyde, 13 
Who Frauncis Pencil called is, this may not be denyed. 
It pleased God this Gentleman, into his house did hyre 
A Seruingman t'atende him on, borne in Worstershire. 16 


Which sayd youngman inclyned was, vnto a thing not good, 
As for to sweare by Christ his flesh, and by his precious blood. 18 
* * * * * 


He had no sooner spoke these wordes, 'which I haue shewed to you, 
But that a-pace his heart blood did, foorth of his boody flowe ; 46 
For why, out of his ringers endes, his blood did streame full faste ; 
So did it foorth at his toes endes, which made them all agaste. 48 

1 Hazlitt's Collections and Notes, p. 410, col. I, from which, and Hazlitt's 
Handbook, most of the after titles, &c,, are given. 

58* 6. Stubbess Second godly Ballad, in 1581. 


Thus died he, commmitting his soule to the furies fell, 53 

Which doo possesse th' infernall gulfe and Laberinth of hell. 
Than was his body straight interde, although (in trueth) forlorne, 
For whome it had beene better farre, if he had not beene borne." 56 
(Old) Shakespeare Society's Papers, iv. 77-9, 1849. 

b. Stubbes's second known publication contains his first ballad, 
with a second like one in 114 long lines, couplets probably first 
issued as a broadside too and prose forewords and hindwords, the 
latter calld " An admonition to the Christian Readers, inferred vpon 
the two straunge Stratagems before passed." The whole forms a 
4to pamphlet of ten leaves (A & B in fours, C in 2), of which there 
is a copy in the Lambeth Library, and a reprint by Mr. James 
Purcell Reardon in the Papers of the Old Shakespeare Society, iv. 
73-88. The title is : 

" Two wunderfull and / rare Examples. / Of the vndeferred and 
present / approching iudgement of the Lord our God : the / one 
vpon a wicked and pernitious blasphe-/mer of the name of God, 
and seruaunt / to one Maister Frauncis Pennell, / Gentleman, dwell 
ing at Booth-/bie, in Lincolnshire, three / myles from Grantham./ 
The other vpon a woman, named / loane Bowser, dwelling at Don- 
nington, in Leicestershire, to whome the Deuill verie / straungely 
appeared, as in the dis-/course following, you may / reade. In lune 
last. 1581. / Written by Phillip Stubbes. /Imprinted at London for/ 
William Wright, and are to be solde at / his shoppe in the Poultrie : 
the middle / shoppe in the rowe, adioyning to / Saint Mildreds 

The story of the second ballad is told in the prose forewords, 
sign. A, iij, (p. 75-6, Sh. Soc. ) : how in Donnington, Leicestershire, 

"dwelled a poore man named lohn Twell, who deceased, owing 
unto one Oswald Bowcer the summe of fiue shilling, which the 
sayde Oswalde did forgiue the sayde man before named, as he lay 
vpon his death bedde ; but the sayde Oswaldes wife, called loane, 
would in no wise forgiue the sayde Twell as long (she sayde) as she 
had day to Hue. Wherevpon, not long after, the Deuill appeared 
vnto her in the forme of the sayd Twell, deceased, expressing all 
the lyneamentes of the body of the dead man . . . this euill spirit 
vttered unto her these speeches, and sayd he had brought her mony 
from lohn Twell deceased, and willed her incontinent to disburse 
the sayd money vnto her husband for his paines. Which she, with 

6. Stubbes on Donnington, in his znd Ballad. 59* 

as couetous a desire, receyued, saying, ' God thanke you.' She had no 
sooner named God, but the money consumed away from betweene 
her handes, as it were a vapour or smoake, tyll it was all consumed : 
wherwith the Deuill, giuing her a most fearefull and sore stroke, 
vanished out of her sight. 

"Wherewith her whole body, became as blacke as pitche, 
replenished all ouer with a most filthy scurffe and other thinges, 
which was so odious, as heere my pen for modesties sake leaueth 
to wright . . . her body was most straungely benummed, and her 
eyes closed vp from the benefite of the light. Thus remayning a 
certaine space, she confessed the hardnesse of her heart, and with 
great patience thanked God for his iudgementes bestowed on her. 
Wherevppn, to be breefe, it ^leased God, seeing her repentaunce, 
to reuoke his Justice, and to restore her vnto her former health, 
where she remayned, praysing the name of God for his great 
mercies bestowed upon her." 

At the end of this ballad, Stubbes calls on Donnington to 
repent, and talks of the love he bears the town, as if he knew it well 
and had some connection with it. 1 And as his objection to dancing 
and piping, which he shows in his Anatomic y comes out too, I quote 
a few lines from sign. B. iiij. back, and C. i. : 

"Therefore, thou Towne of Donington, I read thee to repent 83 
* * * * * * 

God hath thee warned now by this, and that in freendly sorte, 87 
To leaue thy whoredome and thy pride, and all thy filthy sporte. 

Abandon, then, out of thy streates, all mirthe and minstrelsie ; 

No Pipers, nor no Dauncers vile, in thee let extant be , 90 

Remember thou thy lately plague, of blayne, of Botche, and Bile 

Whereby thy God did scourge thee sore, least synne should thee 



O Donington, fall not againe vnto thy vomite old ; 
In filthy, scurrile, bawdie talke, doo not thy selfe vphold ; 94 

Ne yet with vaine and bloody othes, doo not thy selfe imbrew, (p. 86) 
For than the Lord will throwe thee downe amid the Deuils crew 96 
* * * * * * 

1 The Rev. John G. Bourn, the Vicar of Castle Donnington near Derby has 
kindly searcht his Registers for 1550 1600, and finds no Stubbes or Bowcer entry, 
but one of John Twell (who may have been Stubbes's man), marrid 5 May 1567; 
John Twell baptizd 18 June 1583 ; John Twell son of John Twell, baptizd 
1589, died (?) 25 March. 

6o* 6. Stubbess V^iew of Vanitie ; and Anatomic, Pt. i. 

And now, O gentle Donington, be mindefull yet of me 103 

Who haue with paines contriued this same, for looue I beare to 



Requite me not with wrath againe : that were disloyaltie, 
But see that thou accept hereof, as best beseemeth thee ; 
And as a pledge of my good will, let this be vnto thee, 
Desiring God, that I thy state, in health and wealth may see." 

c. Of Stubbes's third publication, no copy is known. It was 
"A View of Vanitie, and Allarum to England or Retrait from 
Sinne, in English Verse by Phil. Stubs. London, by T. Purfoot. 
1582. Svo." 

d. His fourth was the famous Anatomic of Abuses, enterd in the 
Stationers' Registers on the ist of March, and printed on the ist of 
May, 1583, 125 leaves, small Svo, 1 here reprinted. The success 
of the book was so great that a second edition was " Printed at 
London, by Richard lones. 16. August 1583. \Cokpkon\ Perused, 
aucthorised, and allowed, accordyng to the order appoincted in the 
Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions. At London Printed by Richard 
Jones dwellyng at the Signe of the Rose and the Crowne, neere 
vnto Holborne Bridge. 1583." small Svo, 133 leaves, black letter. 
( Collation : 1F, 4 leaves : B R in eights, R 8 occupied by the colophon 
and device 2 ). Copies are in the Grenville Library in the British 
Museum (collated for the present edition), in the Bodleian (Malone 
526), and at Bridgewater House. In 1584, a third edition 3 of 
the book was issued, "now newly reuised and recognized, and 
augmented the third time by the same Author [Quotations]. 

1 There are 3 copies of it in the Bodleian, Crynes 833, Tanner 120, 8. S. 
269. Art. Mr. F. Ouvry has the copies of the 1st and 2nd editions describd by 
Mr. Collier in his Bill. Cat. ii. 

2 The woodcut on the last page is that of a man in a round cap and long 
gown, stooping, his arms both stretching to the left, with a glove in his left hand ; 
whereas the woodcut at the end of the 1st edition is of a lady seated, and looking 
over her right shoulder, with a flower in her hand. 

3 Formerly treated by Mr. Collier, and Mr. Hazlitt after him (and me after 
them), as 2 editions, the 3rd and 4th. Mr. C. (Bibl. Cat. ii. 393) states that "the 
fourth edition, also dated 1584, is without any specification of the month. We 
have examined all anterior impressions of the book and their dates, so that we are 
in a condition to speak positively on the subject." But can one trust him ? 

6. Stubbes s 4.1/1 Book, the Anatomic, Part i. 61* 

and Printed at London, by Richard Tones 12 October, 1584, 8 
black letter 1 "; this has A R 4 in eights, says Mr. Hazlitt, the 
colophon on R 4 repeating the date of the year, but not the 
month. In 1585 the fourth edition came out, and was still 
calld the third 2 : "now newly reuised recognized and augmented 
the third time by the same Author. . . 1585." (A copy is in 
the British Museum, and has been collated for the present edition.) 
Then came a stay for ten years, when the fifth edition (calld the 
fourth) was publisht, "Now, the fourth time, newly corrected and 
inlarged by the same Author. . . Imprinted at London by Richard 
lohnes, at the sign of the Rose and Crowne, next aboue S. 
Andrewes Church in Holborne. 1595." 4to, 76 leaves. Of this 
edition two copies are in the Bodleian (Malone 527, and Tanner 
120) and have been collated for the present book. Mr. Huth also 
has a copy. 

Tho Mr. J. P. Collier has in his reprint of the Anatomic, A. 1583 
(Introduction), and his Bibliographical Catalogue, ii. 402, tried to 
kill Stubbes in 1593 of t'ie plague then raging in London, it is 
absolutely certain that he revisd his Anatomic for the edition of 
I 595> 3 an d its title-page of that year leaves no doubt that he was 
not dead when it was issued. Also, if his Perfect Pathway of 1610 
is not a reprint of an earlier edition, its fresh 15 Prayers were added 
by Stubbes alive then. The changes made in the Anatomic after 
its first publication were mainly 4 these : 

i. he left out of the 2nd and all after editions, his Preface to the 
Reader, in which he had said that he didn't want to put down all 
amusements, but only the abuses in them, and had allowd that 
some kind of Plays, dancing in private, and gaming that wasn't 

1 "A perfect copy in the original vellum wrapper has been recently dis 
covered," Mr. Hazlitt tells me (Aug. 8, 1879), and is in the possession of Mr. A. 
Wallis, 88, Friar Gate, Derby, Editor of the Derby Mercury. Mr. Pyne has 
the imperfect copy mentiond in Mr. Hazlitt's Collections and Notes. 

2 The late Mr. Turnbull reprinted this, with a short Introduction. 

3 See notes, p. iii, viii, ix, 50, 52, 53, &c., &c. 

4 In F he left out his Latin verses, p. xiv, A. D. 's commendatory poem, 
p. xvii, and his own verses on ' The Avthor and his Booke,' p. xix-xx, below ; in 
B, &c., he put in a poem by "C. B. In commendation of the Auctors lucubrations," 
p. xv-xvi, below. 


62* 6. Changes in the 2nd and 6tk eds. of the Anatomic. 

gambling, were innocent. He evidently wrote, and perhaps printed, 
this Preface before he wrote all his book, and then saw that it was 
more or less inconsistent with the book itself, which denounst Plays, 
&c., so fiercely, and calld out loudly for their abolition. 

2. he put in the story at p. 7 1 3 of the Devil setting the Antwerp 
woman's ruff, and wringing her neck for it; the bit in p. 79 note, 
about Looking-glasses being the Devil's bellows ; the 2 pages, p. 
87 9, on the bad way in which women spend their days and meet 
their paramours in Gardens in the suburbs ; the bit on p. 99 against 
allowing whoredom for a fine; the stories in in 13 of the Devil 
burning up the 7 Swabian drunkards, and on 113 14 of the awful 
end of the 2 Dutch drunkards ; the new chapter, of 7 pages in our 
text, on Create Swearyng in AiZgna, p. 129 136, and the instance 
of the English Jew who fell into a privy on his Sabbath, and died 
there rather than 'break or violate the Lordes Sabbaoth,' p. 139. 
Some fresh sidenotes were added in B 1583, E 1585, and F 1595 (or 
the uncollated edition of 1584) : see p. 41, 53, 62, 63, 81, 82, 83, 87, 
103, in 14, 122, 130 6, &c. ; and some fresh chapter-headings. 
The worth of the Anatomie is too well known to need any dwelling- 
on by me, and so are the strength and raciness of Stubbes's words 
the ruffs that go flip-flap in the wind, and lie on men's shoulders 
like the dish-clout of a slut (p. 51), the women who are 'puppits or 
maumets of rags and cloutes compact together ' (p. 75), the boys who 
care for nothing, so that they have ' their pretie pussie to huggle 
withall' (p. 97), the usurer, 'thou Dauill, for I dare not call thee a 
man ' (p. 127), the dancers, ' what kissing and bussing, what smouching 
and slabbering one another' (p. 155), the minstrels who pipe up a 
dance to the devil (p. 172), the football players, when two charge 
one, ' to hit him vpon the hip, and to pick him on his neck, with a 
hundred such murdering deuiees' (p. 184), the ' vgglesome monsters 
and Deuills' (p. 188), &c, &c. 

Another change that Stubbes made in his 1595 edition (our F) 
was of his earlier inkhorn terms into simpler ones. Here are a few 
instances taken at random : 

A. tractation 
F. discourse 


A. preparaunce 

F. great preparation 


6. Changes ofinkhorn words used in the 1583 ed. A. 63* 


A. momentaine 115 

F. momentary 

A. acuate 128 128 

F. whette 

A. implicate 129 

F. entangled 

A. denegers of (the faithe) 134 
F. reprobates concerning 

A, abdicate (themselves) 134 
F. abandon 

A. evacuate 136 

F. haue discended 

A. God his (left at 189) 142 
F. Gods 

A. exordium 145, 154 

F. original 

A. procliue 146 

F. prone 

A. allections 146, 155 

F. enticements 

A. instinction 148 

F. instinct 

A. exterior action 152 

F. outward show 

A. templaries & oratories 152 
F. temples and churches 

A. saturitie 153 

F. fulnesse 

A. determinat 153 

F. prefixed 

A. circum vailed 153, 162 

F. compassed about 

A. concions 154 

F. preachings 

A. introite 
F. entrance 

A. instinction [on-pricking] 157 
F. instinct 

A. preter time 157 

F. former ages 

A. quauemire or plash 159, 168 
F. quagmire or puddle 

A. obtused 161 

F. dulled 

A. babish 161 

F. wanton 

A. distincted 165 

F. distinct 1 

A. victimats and holocaustes 168 
F. and oblations 

A. Hethenicall 168, 177 

F. Heathnish 

A. auditorie 169 

F. hearers 

A. fucate 174 

F. counterfeit 

A. promulgat 176 

F. published 

A. vendicate . . commend 
ations 177 
F. challenge . . rewards 

A. adnull 178 

F. annull 

A. prostrated 181 

F. humbled 

A. preiudicing 182 

F. annoying 

A. consummate 183, 191 

F. ended 

But he has left amamtent, 147; alatrate, 149; conculcate, 183, 

&c. ; and in one case he has turned the simpler trinckets of A, 82, 

to supellectiles in E and F : probably more of like kind occur. In 

F, too, Stubbes gave up his absurd way in A of spelling certain 

1 ' Distincted ' is left in F. 1 56. 

64* 6. Stubbes's Rosarie, Anatomic n, against Papists. 

proper names backwards : Ailgna, for Anglia, England ; Eprautna 
(71), for Antwerp; Lewedirb (100), for Bridewell; Munidnol (59), 
for Londinum, London; Ainatirb (21), for Britannia; Ratstirb 
(100), for Brustar ; Enlocnihhire (135), for Lincolnshire ; Notelgnoc 
for Congleton (136), &c. Erichssehcshire for Cheshire (135) he 
had given up in E (1585) or before. 

e. Stubbes's fifth book was "The Rosarie of Christian Praiers 
and Meditations for diuers Purposes, and at diuers Times, as well 
of the day as of the Night, by Phill. Stubbes. Lond. by lohn 
Charlewood, 1583, i8mo." It was enterd in the Stationers' 
Register on Aug. 3, 1583, and assignd to James Roberts on May 
31, 1594, but no copy is now known. 

/ Stubbes's sixth book was the " The / Second part / of the 
Anatomic of / Abuses, conteining The display / of Corruptions, 
with a perfect de-/scription of such imperfections, blemi-/shes, and 
abuses, as now reigning in eue-/rie degree, require reformation for 
feare / of Gods vengeance to be powred vpon/ the people and coun- 
trie, without / speedie repentance and con/uersion vnto God : made/ 
dialogwise by Phil-/lip Stubbes. / Except your righteousnes exceed 
.... London, Printed by Ro[ger] W[ard] for William Wright,/ 
and are to be sold at his shop ioining / to S. Mildreds Church in the/ 
Poultrie, being the mid-/dle shop in the rowe." [i 583]. A P in eights : 
a little 8vo of 5^ inches high by 3f6ths broad, 2 copies at Lam 
beth, i in the Grenville Library, Brit. Mus., i in the Bodleian, &c. 
As I've already given the list of this book's subjects (p. 36*), and 
mean to print it for the Society, I need say no more about it now. 
It was enterd in the Stationers' Registers in Nov. 7, 1583. 

In the 1583 edition of Foxe's Martyrs (' Ecclesiastical History 
.... Actes and Monumentes,' &c.), the following eight lines of 
Stubbes's, on the Papist Bloodsuckers or Leeches, appeard at the 
end of the commendatory Poems, sign. IF iiij. They are not in the 
edition of 1570, but are repeated in that of 1596 : 

"In sanguisugas Papistas, 

Philippus Stubbes. 

k Vi sacrum Christi satagit conuellere verbum, 
Vulnificum contra calcitrat hie stimulum, 


6. Stubbed s Popes Monarchic, & Parry's Treason. 65* 

Florida quse nimio compresse est pondere palma, 
Fortius exurgit viribus aucta suis. 
Auricomansqwe crocus quo calcatur magis, exit 
Hoc magis, excrescit, floret, eoq#<? magis. 
Sic EuoyyeXio*' quantumuis turba papalis 
Conspuat, exurat, crescit, vbique tamen. 

g. Of the seventh book: " The Theatre of the Popes Monarchic, 
by Phil. Stubbes. Lond. for Henry Carre. 1584. 8vo," no copy is 

h. His eighth, a 4to tract of 4 leaves, is represented by copies 
in the Lambeth and Huth Libraries, and was reprinted (with a few 
changes) by Mr. Reardon in the Old Shakespeare Society's Papers, 
Hi. 17 21 : 

" The / Intended Trea-/son, of Doctor Parrie :/ and his Com 
plices, A -/gainst the Queenes moste / Excellent Maiestie./ With a 
Letter sent from the Pope/ to the same effect./ Imprinted at 
London / for Henry Car, / and are to be solde / in Paules Church 
yard at the Signe / of the Blazing Starre. / " (1585.) 

This little tract must have been written between Febr. 25, 1585, 
when Stubbes says that Parry "was conuaied from the Tower of 
London to Westminster Hall, where he was arraigned according to 
the lawe in that case prouided,"and March 2, when he was hangd. 1 
The object of the tract was to state Parry's crime, to print the Pope's 
letter to him ' written by the Cardinall of Como ' encouraging him 
to his crime, and granting him plenary indulgence and remission of 
all his sins, and to make Englishmen hate the Pope and papists : 

" One Doctor Parrie, Doctor of the Ciuil Law, being (though 
beyond his deserts) very deer vnto her maiestie, and wel liked of, 
was by her grace sent ouer Seas in very waightie affaires, which he 
wel atchiuing, returned home, and no doubt was bountefully 
rewarded of her grace for his seruice and paines sustained : within 
a while after, this Doctor Parrie, vnwoorthy the name of a doctor 
or of a Christian, conspired the death of her maiestie, hauing 

1 And, as Stowe says in his Annales (1605), p. 1180, "The 2. day of Marche 
[1584 5] William Parry was drawne from the Tower through the city of London 
to Westminster, and there in the palace court, hanged, bowelled, and quartered 
for high treason, as may appeare by a booke extant, intituled 'A true and plaine 
declaration of the horrible treasons practised by W. Parry' &c. & I have set downe 
the same booke in the continuance of Reine Woolfe's Chronicle " [calld by us, 
Holinshed's, ed. 1587, vol. ii. p. 138295]. 

66* 6. Stubbed* Parry's Treason, & Life of his Wife. 

receiued his fees of the Pope (as it should seem) for the same. 
For the accomplishing of which moste hainous fact, he, with another, 
determined to kill her maiestie, sometimes with a Dag, 1 sometimes 
with a Poynado or dagger, sometime with one thi//g, and sometimes 
with an other. Wei, this platforme being laid, and he hauing 
promised the Pope to performe the thing, one of his conspirators, 
through the goodnes of God, disclosed the same ; which doon, 
both he and the said archtraitor Parrie were both apprehended 
and committed, and vpon the 25 of Februarie the said Parrie was 
conuaied from the Tower of London to Westminster hall, where 
he was arraigned according to the lawe in that case prouided 

sign. A. ij. (p. 1 8) 

" What good subiect, now, knowing the Pope and papists to be 
the instruments of all mischeef, of blood and of treason, wil not 
abhor and detest the one & y e other? (A. iij. back, p. 20). . . . 
take this for a Maxime, that all papists are traitors in their harts, how 
soeuer otherwise they beare the world in hand (p. 20) ... blood, 
treason, rebellion, insurrections, commotions, mutenies, murther, and 
the like, are the badges and cognizaunce of them, and of that wicked 
generation ; and let vs look for it, they wil be pricks vnto our eyes, 
whips unto our backs, and kniues to cut our throts withall, if time 
would serue them, which I pray God neuer doo" (sign. A. iiij. p. 21). 

/. Stubbes's ninth book was his Life of his Wife, or Christal 
Glassefor Christian Women, i59i,enterd on the Stationers' Registers 
on June 15, 1591. Mr. Henry Pyne has been kind enough to lend 
me his unique copy of the first edition. 2 From it the part in which 
Stubbes describes his wife and her relation to him, is printed below, 
p. 195 208, the doctrinal part being left out. That Stubbes lovd 
his young wife, and did his duty by her, is clear. The picture of the 
stern grave husband and the sweet girl-wife looking up to him, never 
contrarying him, but gently persuading, listening to his exposition 
of Holy Writ, is surely one grateful to the mind, notwithstanding its 
dark background of hard religionism. 

j. Stubbes's tenth book is also in part reprinted below, p. 209. 

" A perfect Pathway / to Felicitie,/ Conteining godly / Medita 
tions, and prai-/ers, fit for all times, and / necessarie to be prac-/tized 
of all good / Christians./ Imprinted at Lon-/don by Richard 
Yardly/ for Humfrey Lownes"/ 1592.7. My copy, believd to be 

1 Pistole: F. A Pistoll ; a great (horsemans) Dag . . Pistolet ; m. A 
Pistolet ; a Dag, or little Pistoll 1611. Cotgrave. 

2 The 2nd edition, 1592, is in the Huth Collection. The tract was printed 
as late as 1658. Of that edition I have a copy. 

6. Stubbes '$ Pathway, and Motive to good Workes. 67* 

unique, is imperfect. It is a little squarish book, much cut down, of 
3^-in. high, by 2\ broad, every page having a printed border. Colla 
tion : IT in 8, and A to P in 8s ; no doubt the last three leaves, and 
perhaps IT i too, were blank. The Contents of it are printed below, 
p. 210 and p. 212, the titles of the missing Prayers being given from 
the only other edition known to me, that of 1610, the only known 
copy of which the late Mr. Henry Huth, with his never-failing 
friendship, lent me. This 1610 edition has 15 more Prayers than 
that of 1592 their titles are given at the foot of p. 212, and I 
suppose that Stubbes livd till 1610 to write them. The 20 pages 
of Prayers, &c., reprinted below, are from the 1610 edition, as the 
1592 one did not turn up till after my pages were cast. I chose 
those Prayers which interested me most not forgetting that on p. 
220-1 below, which mentions 'those fleas and gnats' that in bed did 
bite the skin of Stubbes, as their fellows must have done that of 
Shakspere. These Prayers convinct me that their writer was a pure- 
minded earnest man, not only a bitter railer. Taking them with the 
other works, I cannot but feel a real respect for Stubbes : and all 
who wish to understand him should read them. 

k. Of the eleventh and last known work of Stubbes, only one 
copy seems to have been lately extant, and that belongd to Mr. J. 
P. Collier, but has (he says) been stolen from him. He thus 
describes it in his Bibliographical Catalogue, ii. 400-1 : 

" A Motive to good Workes. Or rather, to true Christianitie 
indeede. Wherein by the waie is shewed, how farre wee are behinde, 
not onely our forefathers in good workes, but also many other 
creatures in the endes of our creation : with the difference betwixt 
the pretenced good workes of the Antichristian Papist, and the good 
workes of the Christian Protestant. By Phillip Stubbes, Gentle 
man. Matthew. 5. verse 16. Let your light so shine, &c. 
London, Printed for Thomas Man, dwelling in Pater Noster rowe, 
at the signe of the Talbot. 1593. 8vo. 114 leaves. 

" In quoting the sacred text, which the author chose as the motto 
of his book, it is singular that he, or his printer, should have left out 
so important a word as ' good ' before ' workes/ 

"This is the only copy of the book that we ever met with : 
Lowndes originally mentioned it, and the short title is given in the 
new edition, p. 2539 j but in both it is erroneously dated 1592 : it 
is entirely prose. 

68* 6. Stubbed s i ith book, A Motive to good Workes. 

" Stubbes, in his dedication, tells Cuthbert Buckle, Lord Mayor of 
London for the year, that ' he took his gelding about the Annuncia 
tion of S. Mary last past 1 ,' and made a journey, which lasted about 
three months, into various parts of the kingdom, partly for pleasure, 
and partly to avoid the infection of the then raging plague. As he 
subscribes it ' from my lodging by Cheapside, 8 of November, 1593' 
we may conclude that by that date the virulence of the disorder had 
considerably abated. He complains that he every where found the 
country fertile and beautiful, but the people utterly unworthy of it 
a deplorable deficiency of good workes, and a lamentable decay 
of hospitals, almshouses, churches, schools, &c. His object in 
writing his book is therefore evident, and in a brief address ' to the 
courteous Reader ' he apologises for the unadorned plainness of his 
style : ' I have not desired to be curious, neither to affect filed 
phrases, culled or picked sentences, nor yet loftie, haughtie or farre 
fetched epithetes.' 

"Considering the purpose for which the author travelled, we 
might reasonably expect some minute and interesting details of 
what he saw in the country nearly three centuries ago ; but we have 
little beyond general invective and pious lamentation over the 
prevailing vices, until we arrive at p. 184, where remarks are made 
upon the facility with which a license was obtained for a worthless 
or immoral book, while permission to publish a religious or 
meritorious work was long delayed. As this is a point which he 
had touched upon in his 'Anatomy of Abuses [p. 185, below]' we 
transcribe only a few sentences : he says 

' I cannot a lyttle mervayle that our grave and reverend Bishops, and other 
inferiour magistrates and officers, to whom the oversight and charge of such 
things are committed, will either license (which I trust they do not, for I wyll 
hope better of them) or in anie sorte tollerate such railing libels and slanderous 
pamphlets as have beene of late published in print, one man against another, to 
the great dishonour of God, corruption of good manners, breach of charitie, and 
in a worde to the just offence and scandall of all good Christians. And truely, 
to speake my conscience freely, I thinke there cannot a greater mischiefe be 
suffered in a common wealth, than for one man to write against another, and to 
publish it in print to the viewe of the world.' 

"Tn this passage we can scarcely fail to observe an allusion to 
the very personal controversy about this date so vigorously carried 
on, through the medium of the press, between Nash and Harvey. 
The Martin-marprelate feud was also then at its height, and Stubbes, 
as a zealous Puritan, sincerely sympathised with his pen-persecuted 
brethren. 2 He proceeds : 

1 25 March, 1593. 

2 And had a direct personal feeling about it besides : see Nashe's attacks on 
him, p. 37* 41* above. But it is surely to Stubbes's credit that (so far as we 
know) he didn't, like Gabriel Harvey, answer Nashe's personal railing by per 
sonal railing, as he could easily have done, but protested against the practice. 
It's a height of virtue which I have not yet reach t. 

6. Stubbed s Motive, 1593. 7. His Character. 69* 

' I wis, the noble science of printing was not given us to that end, being 
iudeede one of the chiefest blessings that God hath given to the sons of men heere 
uppon earth. For is not this the next * way to broach rancor, hatred, malice, 
emulacion, envie and the like amongst men ? Nay, is not this the next l way to 
make bloudshed and murther, to rayse up mutenies, insurrections, commotions 
and rebellions in a Christian commonwealth ? and therefore I would wish both the 
bookes and the authors of them to be utterly suppressed for ever, the one by fire, 
and the other by the halter or gallowes, if nothing else will serve. But what 
should I say? I cannot but lament the corruption of our time, for (alas) now 
adayes it is growen to be a hard matter to get a good booke licensed without 
staying, peradventure, a quarter of a yeare for it ; yea, sometimes two or three 
yeares before he can have it allowed, and in the end happly rejected too ; so that 
that which many a good man hath studyed sore for, and traveyled long in, 
perchance all the dayes of his life, shall be buryed in silence, and smothered up 
in forgetfulness, and never see the light ; whilest in the meane tyme other bookes, 
full of all filthines, scurrilitie, baudry, dissolutenes, cosonage, conycatching and 
the lyke (which all call for vengeance from heaven) are either quickely licensed, 
or at least easily tollerate, without all denyall or contradiction whatsoever.' 

"At all events Stubbes had not much reason to complain of 
delay : he collected his materials in the summer of 1593, wrote his 
book on his return in November, and published it, duly registered 
[Oct. 14] and licensed, before the end of the year. 

"He is especially vehement on the neglected and ruinous state 
of the churches in the country and does not spare the Roman 
Catholics and Jesuits for their many attempts on the Queen's life, 
enumerating Parry (about whom he had himself written), Somerville, 
Arden, Throckmorton and Babington as among the principal 
offenders." 2 

7. Stubbes' 's Character. On Sunday, July 17, 1575, and the 
Tuesday after, the Coventry folk, led by the great Captain Cox, 
playd before Queen Elizabeth at Kenil worth, their Hock-Tuesday 
Play, of how the English men and women drove out the Danes, 
A.D. 1012. They had been wont to act the play yearly in their city, 
but it had bean "of late laid dooun, theyknu no cauz why, onless it 
wear by the zeal of certain theyr Preacherz : men very commendabl 
for their behauiour and learning fy sweet in their sermons, but 
sumwhat too sour in preaching awey their pastime" 3 Now something 
of this kind may, I think, fairly be said of Stubbes. Tho his 

1 next is the contraction of ' nighest,' as hext of 'highest.' 

2 On p. 402, Mr. Collier, besides trying to take a dozen or more years off 
Stubbes's life by making him die of the plague in 1593, thinks "It is rather 
singular that in the [Motive to Good Workes, 1593] Stubs says nothing of the 
death of his wife which had occurred on the I4th December preceding," or 1592. 
But 1590 was the year of Katherine Stubbes's death : see p. 195 below. 

3 Captain Cox or Laneham's Letter, p. 27 of my edition for the Ballad 
Society. Who'll give us ^35, to issue it for the New Shakspere Society ? 

70* 7- The Character of Phillip Stubbes. 

Anatomie can't be calld a * sweet ' book, yet his purpose in writing 
it was a righteous one : 

"Wherefore I will assay to doe them good (if I can) in 
discouering their abuses, and laying open their inormities, that 
they, seeing the greeuousnes of their maladies, and daunger of theyr 
diseases, may in time seeke to the true Phisition and expert Chirurgion 
of their soules, Christ lesus, of whome onelie commeth all health 
and grace, and so eternally be saued." p. 26 below. 

And tho he cut out in after editions, the moderate and sensible 
Preface to the Reader ^ p. x xiii below, which he wrote to his first 
edition, yet there stands his declaration of his meaning in the book, 
that it was the abuse, not the use, of amusements that he con- 
demnd : " take away the abuses, the thinges in themselues are not 
euill ; being vsed as instruments to Godlynes, not made as spurres 
vnto vice. There is nothing so good but it may be abused \ yet, 
because of the abuses, I am not so strict that I wold have the things 
themselues remooued, no more than I wold meat and drinke, 
because it is abused, vtterlyto be taken away." p. xii; see too p. x. 

And granting that Stubbes went beyond this limit in the body 
of his book, yet one knows that the evils he was denouncing were 
real sores in the common weal, and one sees how easily he, 
believing that the Day of Doom was close at hand (p. 187), would 
be led to speak, maybe too sharply, of the ridiculous petty vanities 
and fooleries that were going on daily and hourly around him. 
There was something better for English men and women to do in 
Shakspere's days than dress themselves like ' a dog in a doublet,' 
and paint themselves like harlots ; and if Stubbes while calling on 

1 I attach no value whatever to Mr. Collier's suggestion that Stubbes withdrew 
his Preface on account of the issue of ' a public order . . forbidding the profanation 
of Sunday by the representation of plays and interludes.' Why should this make 
him withdraw his moderate Preface, and yet make him maintain his fierce attack 
on Sunday plays in the after part of his book ? -And I suppose that the following 
paragraph is due to that imagination of Mr. Collier's which gave us his versions 
of the Alleyn letters (Audelay and Harman, E. E. T. S. xxv), Blackfriars petitions, 
&c : " We can readily believe that, considering the offence it had given at Court and 
elsewhere, he [Stubbes] was glad also to omit what he had said, in the first instance, 
on the subject of indecency and extravagance in dress." Bibl. Cat. ii. 394. The 
denouncings are made fiercer, if anything, in the 2nd edition j the Preface is 
withdrawn only because it weakend the attack in the text. 

8. Queen Elizabeth's Procession in 1600. 71* 

them to do this better thing, also calld them idiots, and all the hard 
names he could lay his tongue to, let us hold that he was right in 
his main purpose, if he errd somewhat in his way of carrying it out. 

And if we read his meditations and prayers, and give him credit 
as we surely may for trying to do and be, from dawn till sleep 
came upon him, what he askt others to pray to do and be, in their 
daily life, I do not think we shall deny to Philip Stubbes a pure 
spirit, an earnest soul, a longing to be one with God, and fit himself 
and the world around him for the habitation of the Holy One, in 
whom he with his whole heart believd. 

. 8 Miscellaneous, a. The illustrations. As Stubbes writes so 
much about the dress of his period, I thought our members the 
foreign and colonial ones especially would like to have some 
authentic reproductions of trustworthy specimens of that dress : 
hence our heliogravure (by M. Dujardin) of Virtue's large engraving 
of Queen Elizabeth's Herbert Procession in 1600, from Lord 
Ilchester's picture, and the other cuts from Planches late work on 
Costume. For the Ballad cuts that follow the above, I cannot 
claim equal authority ; but as they could be had for the price of the 
casts of them, they were added, and Mr Ebsworth has been so kind 
as to write an interesting Memorandum on them. 

The cause of Elizabeth's Procession was her going to the 
marriage of Lord Herbert and Miss Anne Russell. A short notice 
of the event is given, says Mr. G. Scharf (Arch<zol, Journal, xxiii, 231), 
in the Sidney Papers, ii, 203 : 

" Rowland White to Sir Robert Sidney, June 23, 1600 : 

"This day se'night her Majesty was at Blackfriars to grace the 
marriage of Lord Harbert and his wife. The bride met the Queen 
at the water-side, where my Lord Cobham had prouided a lectica, 1 
made like a litter, whereon she was carried to my Lady Russell's by 
six knights. Her Majesty dined there, and at night went through 
Dr. Puddins (Sir Wm. Paddy's house) who gave the Queen a fanne 
to my Lord Cobham 's, where she supped . . . Her Majesty upon 
Tuesday came backe againe to the court." 

p. 137 : "It may be observed, with reference to the costume of the 
Queen, that the wide-spreading, radiating ruff, open in front so as to 
show the neck, appears to be a peculiarity of the Queens latest 

1 Littra, a horselytter, Lectica. 1591. R. Perciuale. Spanish Diet, 

J2* 8. Q. Elizabeth's Procession. Stubbes Extracts. 

years. The open neck was more particularly reserved for unmarried 
ladies. It does not appear either in pictures or on coins of this 
reign bearing dates earlier than I60I. 1 Most of the portraits of the 
Queen, on the coinage especially, exhibit her wearing a small 
ruff, carried completely round and supported by a high stiff band or 
collar belonging to the dress, such as was worn during the reign of 
her predecessor. In this picture, however, a second minor ruff also 
appears, passing immediately under the chin, and corresponds 
exactly with a small frill in Lord Salisbury's curious portrait, 
exhibiting the robe embroidered with eyes and ears. No. 267 of 
the Kensington Portrait Exhibition." 

" All the noblemen's cloaks are black satin, and of the short 
Spanish cut. All legs are remarkably thin. The shoes are uniformly 
white, with ties of the same colour on the instep. All the courtiers, 
with the exception of the Earl of Cumberland, wear full-spreading 
lace-ruffs." Schdrf y p. 143. The bride is in white. 

As to the house in the background, the antiquary whose loss 
we all so lament, Mr. J. G. Nichols, said (Arch. Journal, xxiii, 302) 
that he 

". . . . did not attribute much reality to the landscape in the 
background, except that it may give a general idea of the detached 
buildings then existing in the fields and gardens on the Surrey side 
of the river. He regarded the grand house immediately behind the 
figures as the mansion of Lord Cobham, in which the Queen was 
entertained, notwithstanding that the procession is represented as 
already passing it by. This house, after the attainder of Lord 
Cobham in 1603, passed to Lord Hunsdon, and then acquired the 
name of Hunsdon House, whence the confusion with the Queen's 
visit to Hunsdon House in Hertfordshire. . . . Inquiry being made 
where the house stood, Mr. Nichols replied that he believed very 
near the site of the famous Blackfriars Theatre (shown in the map 
by Playhouse Yard), in which Shakspeare was a partner : subsequently 
occupied by the Kings Printing-office, and now by that of the 
Times newspaper in Printing-house Square." 

b. The Extracts from Stubbes's other works are added to enable 
the reader to judge Stubbes's character better than the Anatomic 
alone allows them to do, and for the picture of his girl wife, a bride 
at between 14 and 15, dead between 18 and 19, and their marrid 
life. Her doctrinal belief I have left out. 

The Extracts from Bp. Babington are given, to show how a grave 
Churchman in high place in Elizabeth's reign spoke of the social 

1 But in 1598, when Hentzner saw Elizabeth at Greenwich, " Her bosom was 
uncovered, as all the English ladies have it, till they marry." Harrison, I. Ixxvi. 

8. Naogeorguss Popular Superstitions. This Boult. 73* 

ills of which Stubbes complains, so that the reader may judge, from 
them and the other extracts in the Notes, how little or how much 
Stubbes exaggerates. That I could have three- or four-folded the 
testimony borne by these extracts, and those in the Notes, every 
student of the literature of the time knows. 

c. The Fourth Book of Kirchmaier's (or Naogeorgus's) Regnum 
Papismi, as englisht by Barnabe Googe in 1570, is reprinted here, 
because it deals with many of the superstitious customs against 
which Stubbes writes, and also because I believe many of our 
members must have often desird with me, to see the whole of the 
Book in which the passages occur that have so often informd and 
interested them in Brand (Popular Antiquities, ed. Ellis, ed. 
Hazlitt). This fourth Book of Kirchmaier's easily lifts out of Tlie 
Popish Kingdom*, the rest of which, tho' it abuses the Papists, 
isn't lighted by nearly so much of the church- and folk-lore that 
make the fourth Book of such worth to us now. 

d. The present Edition of the Anatomie (Part I) is the second 
reprint of Stubbes's first edition of May i, 1583, Mr. J. Payne 
Collier's reprint in 1869 (with a few mistakes) being the first. As 
above noted, p. 61, note 2, the late Mr. W. D. Turnbull * re-edited 
in 1836, Stubbes's fourth edition of 1585, wrongly calld the third. 
That the worth of the book deservd more reprints, is clear ; but as 
Harrison's Description of England was never reprinted separately, 2 
till our Society did part of it in 1877-8, we cannot wonder at the 
fewness of the Anatomies reprints. 

Stubbes having so added to and changd this first edition, I 
thought it would be more interesting to print the text in its first 
state, and show all the changes in it, rather than to reprint the last 
edition of 1595, and note the earlier states of that. The only 
difficulty was, how to deal with the chapter on Swearing, and the 
other long additions of the second edition : I decided to put them 
in the text, between brackets, and with notes saying that they were 
insertions. Of no copy of the edition of 1584 (then considerd two 

1 See Canon Simmons's note on him in The Lay Folks' Mass Book, Early 
English Text Society, 1879, p. Ixvi. 

2 Sir Hy. Ellis of course included it in his reprint of Holinsked. 

74* Thanks to Helpers. Asking for Notes. 

editions, p. 60* above, note 3) could I hear, and so I couldn't get 
it collated. For the copying and collations of the text I have 
to thank our helpers, Mr. George Parker and Miss Smith; for a 
great part of the Index, Mr. Sidney J. Herrtage and Mr. H. K. 
Deighton ; for some aid in the Notes, Mr. W. G. Stone ; for their 
details of Stubbes' s family, Col. Chester and Mr. Henry Stubbes; 
for leave to have the englisht Naogeorgus out of the Cambridge 
University Library, Mr. Bradshaw, our great Chaucerian; for his 
Memorandum on the wood-cuts, Mr. Ebsworth king, with Mr. 
Chappell, over Ballad-land ; for tidings of editions, Mr. W. C. 
Hazlitt ; and for information about their paintings of Q. Elizabeth's 
Procession, Lord Ilchester and Mr. Digby. 

For any further tidings about Stubbes or his lost books, I shall 
be greatly obliged, for use in my edition of The Anatomic, Part II. 

3 St. George's Sq., N. W., July 20, 1879. 

p. 52*. Mr. Henry Stubbes says: "I have had the Eltham Registers 
examined, and they contain a great number of Stubbs entries of the branch from 
which I am descended, from 1584 to 1650, and among them some Philips, but 
none whom I can identify as the Author." 

p. 66*. Life of Wife. Besides the witness that its many editions afford to the 
wide-spreadness of Stubbes's ' Life of his Wife,' we have other testimony in plays, 
&c., as for instance, in William Cartwright's The Ordinary ', probably written in 
1634, printed in 1651, Vicar Catchmey says 

" I shall live to see thee 
Stand in a playhouse door with thy long box, 
Thy half-crown library, and cry small books : 
' Buy a good godly sermon, gentlemen,' 
' A judgment shown upon a host of drunkards ' ; 
' A pill to purge out popery ' : 
The life and death of Katherine Stubbs,' " 

in Hazlitt's Dodsley, xii. 272. And, as the note there says, ' Richard Brome, in 
his play of The Antipodes, act iii, sc. 2. [acted 1638, printed 1640] mentions this 
book in the following manner : 

" A booke of the godly life and death 
Of Mistress Katherine Stubs, which I have turn'd 
Into sweet meetre, for the vertuous youth, 
To woe an ancient lady widow with." 
'Again, Bishop Corbet, in his Iter Boreale, [? 1647] says 

" And in some barn have cited many an author, 
Kate Stubbs, Anne Ascue, or the Ladies daughter." ' 




Dress, p. 75* 

Charms, Gaming, and Cursing, p. 78* 
Spending of Sunday, p. 78* 
Parents' Neglect of Children, p. 82* 
And setting them a bad Example, p. 82* 
Children's Neglect of Parents, p. 82* 
Stage-Plays and Players, p. 83* 
Dancing : its Evils, p. 83* 
Wanton Looks and Books, p. 84* 
Liveries and Retainers, p. 86* 

Idleness in Youth, p. 86* 

Idle Jesting and Scoffing, p. 87* 

Amusements allowable, btit not Gaming 

for Money, p. 88* 

Dicing: its evils (Chaucer on}, p. 89* 
Oppressing the Weak. Taking Bribes, 

p. 91* 
Covetousness. Lawyers. Unfit Parsons, 

p. 92* 
Prittle-prattle : evils of it, p. 93* 

Bp. Babington on Dress. 

p. ii. "Apparell againe is another of the raging desires of Apparell. 
many. Euen a worlde it is to see howe all, as dead, doe tast no sinne 
in it, but spend, and spare not, what possiblie may be gotten to bestowe 
on it ; yet what bsginning had it ? Was it not then inuented, when man 
had sinned, grieuouslie offended his God, and cast himselfe away both 
bodie and soule ? Seeing then in our integritie it was not vsed, but after 
sinne, bestowed on man to hide his shame withall, what may it euer 
beate into vs, but our rebellion against the Lorde, our sinne and cursed 
disobedience ? Howe should the sight of it and vse of it humble vs, 
and not puffe vs vp, 1 seeing it plainely telleth vs, we are not as we were 

1 Dress, advantages of. "Fastidious Brisk. Why, assure you, signior, rich 
apparel has strange virtues : it makes him that hath it without means, esteemed 
for an excellent wit : he that enjoys it with means, puts the world in remembrance 
of his means : it helps the deformities of nature, and gives lustre to her beauties ; 
makes continual holiday where it shines ; sets the wits of ladies at work, that 
otherwise would be idle ; furnisheth your two-shilling ordinary j takes possession 
of your stage at your new play ; and enricheth your oars, as scorning to go with 
your scull." 1598-1601. B. Jonson. Every Man in his Humour, II. ii. Works, 
i. 94. See too 

" Macilente. I was admiring mine own outside here, 

To think what privilege and palm it bears 

Here in the court ! Be a man ne'er so vile, 

In wit, in judgment, manners, or what else ; 

If he can purchase but a silken cover, 

He shall not only pass, but pass regarded : 

Whereas, let him be poor and meanly clad, 

76* 4ppx. Bp. Babington on Dress. 

when no apparell was worne, and yet no shame thereby ? Were it not 
monstrous pride, if a redeemed prisoner conditionally, that he should 
euer weare an halter, should waxe prowde of his halter ? Mans apparell 
is the badge of a sinner, yea of a condemned and cursed sinner, & 
therefore the pride of it and delight in it, no doubt very monstrous 
before the Lorde, and hatefull. If euery silken sute and gorgeous gowne 
in Englande shrowded vnder it a saued soule, and a sanctified bodie in 
the sight of God, O, happie then England of all the nations vnder 
heauew. But if vnder such garded garments, may, and doeth lodge a 
body and soule abhorred of the Lorde, that in the day of wrath shall 
finde no fauour : then is it not apparell, that ought to be sought after, 
but in the day of Judgement how we may be saued." 

p. 308. " As for filthines, foolish talking, iesting, and such like, they 
are thinges vncomelie for a Christian. Againe, vnchast bookes and 
wanton writinges, who knoweth not howe they tickle to vncleannes ? and 
therfore both they and the reading of them forbidden in this lawe. 
Sixtly, too much showe in apparel, painting, tricking and trimming of 
our selues aboue conueniencie : it is a daungerous allurer of lust, and 
therefore forbidden. 

Que. I could wish yet a litle larger speach of apparell, because I 
see it is one of the wormes that wasteth at this day the common wealth, 
that decaieth hous-keeping, that maketh strait the hande of the 
master to his seruant, and the Lord to his tenant, 1 and a thing, to 

Though ne'er so richly parted *, you shall have 
A fellow that knows nothing but his beef, 
Or how to rince his clammy guts in beer, 
Will take him by the shoulders or the throat, 
And kick him down the stairs. Such is the state 
Of virtue in bad clothes ! " ib. p. 108, col. i. 

1 Thomas Lupton gives us the grasping landlord's remorse in hell, in " A 
Dreame of the Devil and Dives, most terrible and fearefull to the servaunts of 
Satan, but right comfortable and acceptable to the chyldren of God &c. 
Imprinted at London by John Charlewood for Henrie Car." (8. L. 8vo. 60 
leaves, 1584. A copy at Lambeth.) 

"Then, said Dives, wo woorth these rackte rentes, and unreasonable fines 
that shall purchase such a kingdome ! I would to God I might chaunge my estate 
of that kingdome with the most vilest and basest cottage on the earth. When they 
came hyther, they will crie out and say, Wo woorth the time that ever we rackt 
our tenants, or tooke such fines to impoverishe them ! wo woorth the tyme that 
ever wee were so greedie of money, and wo woorth the tyme that ever we 
consumed the same in gluttonous and excessive fare, in proude and sumptuous 
apparell, in playing of Dice, Gardes, or other games, and other worldly vanities ! 
Wo woorth the tyme that we made our Sonnes ritch by making Tenaunts poore ! 
But cursed be the time that we have made our Sonnes Lordes and Gentlemen on 
the earth, with the everlasting damnation of our owne bodies and soules in Hell ! 
That proverbe may be truelie verifyed in us, which is Happie is that childe whose 
Father goeth to the Devill. This will be theyr song when they come hither, but 
then they shall be without remedy, as I am." Collier's Bibl. Cat. i. 498. 

* Endowd with parts or talents, learned, &c. 

Appx. Decker, &c. } against absurd Dress. 77* 

conclude, that the deere children of God cannot ouercome themselues 
in." ' 

1 Apparel : (a) Women imitating merfs dress : (b) Men's absurd Dress. 
Andrew Boarders Cut of the naked Englishman, p. 249, below. 

" For as man is Gods ape, striuing to make artificiall flowers, birdes, &c. like 
to the natural : So for the same reason are women, Mens Shee Apes, for they will 
not bee behind them the bredth of a Taylors yard (which is nothing to speake of) 
in anie new-fangled vpstart fashion. If men get vp French standing collers, 
women will haue the French standing coller too : if Dublets with little thick 
skirts, (so short that none are able to sit vpon them), womens foreparts are thick 
skirted too : by surfeiting vpon which kinde of phantasticall Apishnesse, in a short 
time they fall into the disease of pride : Pride is infectious, and breedes prodi- 
galitie : Prodigalitie, after it has runne a little, closes vp and festers, and then 
turnes to Beggerie. Wittie was that Painter therefore, that when hee had limned, 
one of euery Nation in their proper attyres, and beeing at his wittes endes howe 
to drawe an Englishman, At the last (to giue him a quippe for his follie in 
apparell) drewe him starke naked, with Sheeres in his hand, and cloth on his 
arme, because none could cut out his fashions but himselfe (see p. 249, below). 

"For an English-mans suite is like a traitors bodie that hath beene hanged, 
drawne, and quartered, and is set vp in seuerall places : his Codpeece is in Den- 
marke, the collor of his Duble[t], and the belly in France : the wing and narrowe 
sleeue in Italy ; the short waste hangs ouer a Dutch Botchers stall in Vtrich : 
his huge floppes [slops] speakes Spanish : Polonia giues him the Boates : the 
blocke for his heade alters faster than the Feltmaker can fitte him, and thereupon 
we are called in scorne Blockheades. And thus we that mocke euerie Nation, for 
keeping one fashion, yet steale patches from euerie one of them, to peece out our 
pride, are now laughing- stocks to them, because their cut so scuruily becomes vs." 
1606. T. Decker. Seuen Deadly Sinnes of London (Arber, 1879), p. 367. 

Women. Tight waists. "I have scene some swallow gravell, ashes, 
coales, dust, tallow, candles, and for the nonce, labour and toyle themselves to 
spoile their stomacke, only to get a pale-bleake colour. To become slender in 
wast, and to have a straight spagnolized body, what pinching, what girding, what 
cingling, will they not indure ; Yea sometimes with yron-plates, with whale-bones 
and other such trash, that their very skin, and quicke flesh is eaten in and 
consumed to the bones : Whereby they sometimes worke their owne death." 
1603. J. Florio. Montaigne's Essayes (ed. 1632), p. 133. [in French, 1580.] 

The following sketch of a fop with a toothpick in his mouth and a flower in 
his ear (compare the picture in the Natl. Portrait Gallery) is from "Laugh 
and lie downe : or Theworldes Folly" (Printed at London for Jeffrey Chorlton, 
and are to be sold at his shop, at the great North dore of saint Paules.) 1605. 4to. 
B. L. 

"The next was a nimble witted and glib-toung'd fellow, who, having in his 
youth spent his wits in the Arte of love, was now become the jest of wit ; for his 
looks weere so demure, his words so in print, his graces so in order, and his 
conceites so in tune, that he was yea, iwis, so was he, and that he was such a 
gentleman for a Jester, that the Lady Folly could never be better fitted for her 
entertainement of all straungers. The picktooth in the mouth, the flower in the 


78* Appx. Bp. Babington on Gaming, &c. 

Charms, Gaming, and Cursing. 

p. 158-9. " For sorcerie and witchcraft, charming and coniuring, am 
I able to say I haue as earnestlie abhorred them as I ought, and euerie 
way so absteyned from them as I shoulde ? Nay hath not rather ease 
Ckarmin ^ eene s ught in paine of mee by these meanes, or at least 
ntn S' wished if j coulde haue gotten them ? . . . Let it be wel weied 
of anie Cristian heart that feareth God indeede, and carefullie seeketh 
_ . the credite of his name, howe often vnreuerentlie in sporting 
n s ' and playing, in shooting & bowling, in dising & carding, we vse 
Scripture his name, howe the phrase of scripture wil rowle out of our 
phrase. mouthes in iesting and light conferences, howe fearefully we vse 
Banning, him in cursing & banning our bretheren, and surely he shall 
see no smal guilt touching this comma/zdement in euerie one of vs." 

Here is Babington's contrast of the way in which the Papists 
punisht breaches of God's laws swearing, &c. and of their own : 

p. 119. "Who so breaketh these, an Heretike hee is, a runneaway 
from the Church : cite him and summon him, excommunicate him and 
imprison him, burne him and hang him, yea, away with such a one, for 
Reade the L. he is not worthie to liue upon the earth. But if he blas- 
C e x b aminatfon P^ eme t ^ ie name of the Lord by horrible swearing, if he 
^tiwfagin- offende most grieuously in pride, in wrath, in gluttonie, and 
ning of it. couetousnesse, if he be a drunken alestake, a ticktack tauerner, 
keepe a whore or two in his owne house, and moe abroade at bord with 
other men, with a number such like greeuous offences, what doe they? 
Either he is not punished at all, & most commonly so, or if he be, it is 
a little penance of their owne inuenting, by belly or purse, or to say a 
certaine of prayers, to visit such an image in pilgrimage, &c." 

Sabbath-breaking : the Spending of Sunday. 

p. 189-191. "If the sanctification of this day consist greatly in 
labouring to knowe the Lorde by the preaching of his worde, howe 
shall they safely passe the curse of God for the breache hereof, who 
with benummed soules, parched, padded, senselesse, and euery way most 
hardened hearts, either lie and sleepe on the one side idle, or tossing the 
alepot with their neighbours, suffer this day to passe without any instruc 
tion, and like dumbe dogges hold their peace, no way discharging the 
dutie of a true minister, and one that tendereth the glory of God, his 
owne, & his peoples soules ? . . . Againe, if to sanctifie the Sabaoth, be 
to consecrate it to holy vses, such as haue beene named, is it possible 
for vs to escape the reuenging hande of the eternall God, if he, content 
in mercie with one day in the 7. we denie him that also, and dedicate it 

eare, the brush upon the beard, the kisse of the hand, the stoupe of the head, the 
leere of the eye, and what not that was unneedefull, but he had so perfecte at his 
fingers endes, that every she was ' my faire Ladye,' and scarce a Knight but was 
' Noble Sir ' : the tobacco pipe was at hand, when Trinidado was not forgotten, 
and then a tale of a roasted horse to make an asse laugh for lacke of witte : why, 
all thinges so well agreede togither, that at this square table of people, or table 
of square people, this man (made by rule) could not be spared for a great somme." 
Collier's Bibl. Cat. i. p. 452-3. 

Bearbaiting on Sundays, attackt & defended. 79* 

to drunkennes, to feasting and surfeiting, &c. Nowe in y e name of the 
God of heauen, and of lesus Christ his son, who shall come to iudge the 
quick & the dead at the latter day, I require it of al that euer shall reade 
these words, that, as they wil answere me before the face of God & all 
his Aungels at the sounde of the last trump, they better wey \spending 
whether carding, dising, & tabling, bowling, & cocking, stage Sunday.} 
plaies and summer games, whether gadding to this ale or that, 1 to this 
bearebaiting 2 & that bulbaiting, with a number such, be exercises com 
manded of God for the sabaoth day or no. O hart al frosen & void of 

1 See Harrison, Part I, p. 32: he speaks of Ales, &c., as lessend in number. 

2 The sweet and comfortable recreation of Beare-bayting. 

In Haslewood's account "of the London Theatres; No. IX, The Bear 
Garden," in the Gentleman's Magazine, 1816, vol. 86, Part I, p. 205,* he says 
that "The Author of a tract in manuscript in the Museum, f written about this 
period [1606], having censured the players for the indirect attacks made by them 
upon the Nobility, under borrowed names of foreign Dukes and feigned persons, 
defends this diversion as needful for the common people, and that it should be 
exhibited upon festivals. ' I cannot (he says) see howe that sweet and comfortable 
recreation of beare-bayting (beinge, to our rude and inferiour vulgar, that which 
Circensis Venatio was among the Romans) maye welbe forborne, seeinge like will 
to like, as it is in the black proverbe, and therfore conclude that our active 
spirritts and fine pregnant witts, with pleasant and ingenious playes would be 
intertayned, and the scumme of the people (evene vpon the festivall daies) to the 
Bancke-side drayned ... To retorne, where exception is taken to bear-bay ting 
on festivall daies, I saye, vppon those, hell is broake loose, and it is good pollicye 
to drawe all the devylles (if it be possible) into one place, to keepe them from being 
easely tempted (for pares cum paribus facillime congregantur, pent dixissem 
copulantur, for one devill easely tempteth another,) and vnlawfull attemtinge 
ells where. Bestiis indulgendum est infima plebi; the poore slaves have bene helde- 
in harde to labour att the working daies, and would be gladd to have a little 
recreation on the holye dayes, which our commiserant Lord ordayned in part (as 
I conceive) for the reste of them, and all brutes in generall, whome the insatiable 
covetousnes of man wold contynually, without intermission, be hurrying in 
traveile and laboure, and partly for solace and refection to the droylinge servant. 
Nowe becawse the rude multitude dothe not knowe well howe to vse libertye (and 
some they muste and will have), therefore, that they themselves may devise none 
madder, whereof mischief maye aryse to the weale publique of the poppular 
cittyes, let them vse the sweete pastime of beare-bayteinge, and other suche publique 
exercises (thoughe on the festivall dayes), a God's name, that we may knowe what 
they doe, and wheare to fynd them if neede be. And [in] generall, all manner of 
pastimes are to be permitted att customable tymes to a peaceable people for there 
solace and comfort, as his Majestic in those moste judicious and admirable 
preceptes and direccions to the Prince J, hathe verye choisely noated and 

* Mr. W. G. Stone gives me the reference. 

f I can't identify the MS by the Class Catalogue, nor can the keeper of the 
MSS. tell me which it is. We've tried a few likely ones. 
\ James fs Book of Sports. 


8o* Appx. Bp. Babington against Sabbath- Breaking. 

the feeling of the mercie of thy God, that hauing euery day in 6. euery 
houre in euery day, & euery minute in euery houre, so tasted of the sweet 
grace of thy God in Christ, as that without it thou hadst perished euery 
minute, yet canst not tel howe possibly to passe ouer one day to his 
praise, vnlesse one halfe of it be spent in carding & bowling. Awake, 
awake, in lesus Christ admonished, awake ! & seeing al the weeke long, 
y e Lord of heauen doth defend & feede thee, comfort & blesse thee, & is 
contented but in one day especially to be regarded, vow with thy self in 
request of strength to keepe it, that to the Lord y* one day shall be 
consecrated of thee, & obserued according to his will." 

p. 199-205. " Haue we spent the Sabaoth in godly conference & 
meditation, powring out thanks from a feeling soule for y e Lords good- 
nes euer to vs, & namely the weeke passed ? Haue we visited or 
thought vpon the sick, sore, diseased, imprisoned, banished, or any way 
suffring for a good cause, & to our power comforted them? Haue we 
studied how either to procure or continue or increase amongst our selues, 
or our neighbours, the rneanes of saluatio, as y e preaching of the word, 
& such like ? O beloued, we haue not, we haue not, we know it & must 
needs corifesse it, if there be any trueth in vs. Too much haue we neg 
lected all these ; yea, euen diverse of them, it is greatly to bee feared, haue 
litle or neuer at all troubled our heads : but for their contraries, in most 
ful measure we haue wallowed in them, and with greedinesse euer accom 
plished them. Where is the minister whose negligence hath not made his 
people to pollute the Sabaoth ? Where is the people whose consciences 
awaked may not iustly condemne them for ungodly gadding \ckurckaies, 
on this day to Churchales, to weddings, to drinkings, to ba- stage plays, ' 
kets, to fairs, & markets, to stage plaies, to bearebay tings, & ***&****] 
summer games, 1 and such like? Where is that master that hath had a 

1 Dancing and Minstrelsy on Sundays. See Mr. Collier's account, in JBibl. Cat. 
i. 489-492, of Thomas Lo veil's ' Dialogue between Custom and Veritie, concerning 
the use and abuse of Dauncing and Minstrelsie, 1581, a book written to prevent the 
desecration of the Sabbath by' "heathenish dauncing and vain minstrelsie. " 
Custom defends these practises ; Verity condemns them, especially * the horrible 
immorality of kissing at the end of a dance, as we know was then usual (Henry 
VIII, Act I, sc. 4).' 

While men with maides in wanton 
daunce unseemly oft doo turn, 

Their harts blinde Cupid oft doth cause 
with Venus games to burn . . . 

If that his mate doo seem to like the 

game that he would have, 
He trips her toe, and clicks her cheek, 

to show what he doth crave. 

For Thomas Deloney's advice in 1607 how to woo and win a wench, see 
Collier's BibL Cat. i. 215. 

Arthur Golding, the great englisher of classical books in Shakspere's day, 
also complains of the Sabbath-breaking that went on. In his little book on the 
earthquake * probably alluded to by Shakspere, through the Nurse's mouth, in 
Romeo and Juliet, he says : 

* "A discourse upon the Earthquake that hapned through this Realme of 
Englande, and other places of Christendom, the sixt of Aprill. 1580. betweene 
the houres of five and six in the Evening. Written by Arthur Golding, Gentle 
man. At London, Imprinted by Henry Binneman, dwelling in Thamis streate 
nere Baynerds castle," small 8vo. B. L. 

Appx. Bp. Babington against Cochfighting. 81* 

conscience to restraine his seruants from this impietie, or the seruant 
againe that hath either brideled himselfe for y e Lords cause, or else wel 
accepted his master or mistres restraint being made vnto him, and which 
hath not rather burst out into vngodly & disobedient speeches, murmur 
ing that because he hath wrought all the weeke, therfore he should haue 
libertie to do what he list on y e Sabaoth, not considering that this com- 
mandement bindeth not only y e master himselfe to honor God on this 
day, but to see to his family so much as he can, that they also do it. Nay 
I would to God y* masters in many places were not ringleaders to their 
owne & al other mens people, to prophane this Sabaoth of the Lord, and 
that euen such maisters as in respect of their calling, office and credite 
in the countrey, should farre otherwise doe. When doeth a gentleman 
(to name no higher estates) appoint a shooting, a bowling, a 
cocking, or a drunken swearing ale, for the helpe as they say L 
of some poore one, but vppon the Sabaoth ? And if he be at y e Church 
in the forenoone, for the after noone it is no matter, he hath beene verie 
liberall to God in giuing him so much. What day in the week vsually 
doeth he giue so euill an example of vnmeasurable sotting in bed, as on 
the Sabaoth? But O filthie sauour that ariseth out of this lothsome 
chanell, thus raked vp into the nostrels of the Lorde ! I spare to speake, 
I shame to see, I rew to knowe, what I fully knowe against our soules in 
this respect. . . . What should I say of the second end of the institution 
of the Sabaoth, namely for the rest of seruant & cattell ? But euen in 
an word, woe to the man whom God shall iudge according to his guilti- 
nesse herein. For it is too vsual with al estates to be a meanes to robbe 
their seruauntes of the blessing due to the keepers of this law, and to 
pull vppon them the plague for the contrarie, by making them ride and 
run, post and away, vpon euerie occasion that commeth in their heads, 
when in truth, if they would but euen look into it, the matter may be done 
wel without such hast. . . . Wherein or howe crucifie we the fleshe more 
on this day than any other, bridle the frowarde desires of the heart, 
restrayne our owne nature, and doe the will of God more on this day 
than any other ? Alas, our owne consciences crie vnto us, we doe nothing 
lesse : wee drinke, wee eate, wee surfet, wee sweare, we play, [Sunday 
we daunce, we whore, we walke and talke idlely, vainely, amusements. .] 
vncleanely and vngodlily : these are our workes on y e Sabaoth more 
commonly than any day in the weeke else ; and if this bee to resemble a 
spirituall rest, then in deede wee doe it, not otherwise. ... A thousand 
times & a thousand he might with great right haue destroyed vs either 
amongst our pottes, or in our daunces, or idle in our beds, asking vs if 
that were to halow his Sabaoth, or to honour his name to swill [Drinking 
and to bibble, to leape, to walowe and tumble in bed, till it on Sundays.] 
bee noone, with such like." 

"The Saboth dayes and holy dayes, ordayned for the hearing of Gods word 
to the reformation of our lyves, for the administration and receyving of the 
Sacramentes to our comfort, for the seeking of all things behovefull for bodye or 
soule at Gods hands by Prayer, for the mynding of his benefites, and to yeelde 
praise and thankes unto him for the same, and, finally, for the special! occupying 
of our selves in all spirituall exercizes, is spent full heathenishly in taverning, 
tipling, gaming, playing and beholding of Beare-baytings and Stage playes, to 
the utter dyshonor of God, impeachment of all godlynesse, and unnecessarie 
consuming of mennes substances, which ought to be better employed." Collier's 
Bibl. Cat. ii. 31516. 

82* Appx. Bp. Babington on Parents want of Duty. 

Parents to blame for bringing up children badly. 

p. 221-2. " For too much it is of parents neglected, & yet are they 
grieued, if of their children they be not reuerenced : and howsoeuer 
many there bee, that in these daies are carefull ynough to procure vnto 
their children knowledge of Artes, of Countries, and of any thing that in 
worldely sort may make them mightie, famous, and spoken of : yet is 
the grounde of all verie fearefully neglected, namely, to setle in them the 
true feare of the God of Israeli, deliuered and taught in his worde. Yea, 
it is euen accounted by father and child not so needefull or beseeming 
for a gentleman, to the great exasperating of the Lordes wrath against 
them and their seede. Humilitie also and shamefastnes are taken from 
youth in these daies, euen by their parents and their teachers ; and where 
it hath euer beene held, that blushing in measure, modestie, and silence 
haue been commendable tokens in young yeeres, nowe is it a shame to 
be ashamed at any time, blushing is want of countenance and bringing 
vp, silence is ignoraunce, modestie is too much maidenlinesse ; and in 
short, nowe vertue is vice, and vice very comely and gallant behauiour. 
So times are changed to and fro, and chaunging times haue chaunged 
vs too. But of this thus farre." 

Children's want of Reverence to Parents. Parents' setting bad 
Examples to their Children. 

p. 247-251. " What shoulde I name, what shoulde I feare to name, 
so will it wring vs all, the mocking of our Parentes ? Where is that 
childe that hath carefully couered to his power, and euer borne withall in 
him selfe, the wantes or infirmities whatsoeuer of his Parents ? No, no, 
the Lord hath not onelie something against vs in this behalfe, but euen 
great and greeuous hath beene our fault, and still it remaineth in manie 
of vs. Wee laugh to see our Parentes shame, we smile at their wants, 
wee publishe their infirmities, we disdaine their ignoraunce, wee loath 
their age, and in manie a thing to our owne confusion, if the Lorde giue 
not an amending repentance, we bewray a robbed hart of that true reuer- 
e/zce which ought to bee in children to their parentes. Alas if God iudge 
vs for our obedience, where are we ? what witles wil erecteth a kingdome 
in vs ? Howe cleaue wee to our selues in all matters, and thinke our 
owne direction best ? Howe despise wee the counsell of our friendes, 
and cast behinde vs their experience ? Euerie sonne and euerie daughter 
would rule their mariage wholie themselues. And euen in euerie action, 
alas, what disobedience sheweth it selfe in vs vnto our parentes. . . . 
Are we parents ? . . . What life haue wee ledde before our children too 
breede and continue these duties in them ? Hath it beene holy, graue, 
and modest, and so remayneth, as neere as we can, seeking to hide from 
the eyes of their witlesse heades, such wantes as we knowe our selues 
subiect vnto ? No no, but carelesly and loosely, euen in euery place, 
parentes bewray neglect of religion : they will goe to the Churches or 
good exercises when they list, and that verie rarely; they shewe no 
regarde of the dutie of Christians, they carie no grauitie in their doinges, 
no modestie often in their behauiour, but Hue most dissolutely and often 
incontinently; they sweare fearefully without regarde, speake prophanely, 
not respecting the frailtie of the youth that heareth them ; father and 
mother let vnkinde speeches passe from them one towardes an other in 
the presence of their children, to the great impayring of their credite 

Bp. Babington against Stage-Plays. 83* 

with them, carelesse, God knowes, of their bringing vp, and too full of 
foolish pitie when they should correct them. . . . The very vnnaturall 
and vnkinde dealing of Parentes with their children in their youth, 
denying them releefe, and comfortable helpe, maketh them often (though 
it should not) when they haue attayned to anie estate, to deale as 
vndutifully with their needie Parentes againe." 

Stage-Plays and Players. (See too p. 85*.) 

p. 316-318. "These prophane & wanton stage playes or interludes: 
what an occasion they are of adulterie and vncleanenesse, by gesture, 
by speech, by conueyances, and deuices to attaine to so vngodly 
desires, the world knoweth with too much hurt by long experience. 
Vanities they are if we make the best of them ; and 
the Prophet prayeth to haue his eies turned away by the 
Lorde from beholding such matter : Euill wordes corrupt t. Cor. 15. 
good manners, and they haue abundance. There is in them f Thes 
euer manie dangerous sightes, and wee must abstaine from 
al appearance of euill. They corrupt the eies with alluring gestures : 
the eyes, the heart : and the heart, the bodie, till al be horrible before 
the Lord. Histrionicis gestibus inquinantur omnia : (sayth Chrysostome) 
These players behauiour polluteth all thinges. And of their playes he 
saith, they are the feasts of Sathan, the inuentions of the deuill, &c 
Councels haue decrieed verie sharply against them, and polluted bodies 
by these filthie occasions haue on their death beddes confessed the 
daunger of them, lamented their owne foule and greeuous faulles, and 
left their warning for euer with vs to beware of them. But I referre 
you to them, that vpon good knowledge of the abominations of them, 
haue written largely & wel against them. If they be dangerous on the 
day time, more daimgerous on the night certainely : if on a stage, & in 
open courtes, much more in chambers and priuate houses. For there 
are manie roumes beside that where the play is, & peraduewture the 
strangenes of the place & lacke of light to guide them, causeth errour in 
their way, more than good Christians should in their houses suffer." 

Dancing, the Evils of it. (See too, p. 85*.) 

p. 318-321. " Que. What else? w . 

" Ans. Dancing againe is in the number of vaine pastimes, 
and the allurements to vncleannesse, as much experience hath too wel 
proued. The scriptures checke it, the fathers mislike it, thecou;/cels haue 
condemned it, & the proofe of Gods iudgementes vpon it biddeth vs be 
ware. Instrumenta luxuries tympana $y*tripudi& t sayth one, the inticers ta 
lust are pipinges and dancinges. Laquei sunt & scandala, non solum 
saltatoribus, sed spectatoribus. They are snares and offences not onely 
to the actors, but also to y e beholders. lob noteth it as an olde , 
practise of the deuil to occupy men withall,& as an ancient exer- * ' 
cise of the wicked, that they should daunce. Upon which wordes a godly 
writer sayeth : that from the tabret and the flute, which in Caiu. semt 80. 
themselues are not vnlawefull, they come to dauncing, vponiob. 
which is the chiefest mischiefe of all. For there is alway (sayth he) 
such vnchast behauiour in dauncing, that of it selfe, and as they abuse 
it, (to speake the trueth in the worde) it is nothing else, but an intice- 
ment to whoredome. In the gospell the spirite of God noteth it 
in a wicked woman as an immodest thing, & of a damnable 

84* Appx. Bp. Babington on the Evils of Dancing. 

effect in her wicked father Herode, to dance. And such as interpret the 
place are not afraide of these words, that it was meretricice lasciuip 
Marior. ex. turpis nota nubUis puellcB saltcitio. That is, that for her 
Caiu. to dance, beeing a maide for yeares manageable, was a note 

of whorish wantonnesse. For whosoeuer (saith he) hath a care of 
honest grauitie, he euer condemneth dancing, and especially in a maide. 
Againe hee calleth it spectaculum families Regies probrosum. A dis 
honorable sight in a kings house : with manie speaches moe of mislike. 
s Sirac, a wise man, and of great experience, biddeth a man not 

4 ' to vse the companie of a woman, that is a singer and a dauncer, 
neither to heare her, least hee bee taken with her craftinesse. The 
Ambros. de. godlie Fathers, as I saide, mislike it. For saltatio ad 
virgin, lib. 3 adulteras, non ad pudicas pertinet, saith one of them : 
Dauncing belongeth to adulterous, and not to honest women. A sharpe 
Ckryst Math speeche : Yet was this graue father not afraide to speake 
kom. 48. " it. Saltatio barathrum diaboli, sayth an other : dauncing is 
in Genes. the deuils hell. And we heare speeche of Jacobs mariage 
Theophiiact (saith he) in the scripture, but not a worde of anie dauncing 
in Mar. 6. that was at it. Mira collusio sayth another, saltat diabolus 
per puellam : It is a strange iugling, when wee thinke the maide doth 
daunce, and it is not so, but the deuill in her, or by her. The councels 
haue condemned it, as others haue at large shewed. And verie Tullie 
could say, an honest man would not dance in an open place for a great 
patrimonie. For the iudgementes of God rpon this vaine pastime, it is 
A strange which Pantaleon noteth out of Crantzius, that in Col- 

*' I5 5 ' becke, a towne in Germanic, certaine light persons hopping, and 
dauncing in the Churchyearde of S. Magnus, beeing by the minister 
admonished to cease, and not ceasing, did for a long time (not able to 
stay) runne rounde about, and at last fell all downe dead. 1 But because 
others haue so largelie writ against this vanitie, I say no more of it at 
this time, but wish vs to consider that it is an inticement often to adulterie, 
and therefore in this commaundement forbidden. And as for anie 
dauncing that wee reade of in the scriptures to haue beene vsed of the 
godly, we must vnderstande, that their dancing was euer a sober modest 
motion, with some song vsually to Gods praise, and men by themselues, 
women by themselues. Which nothing will warrant our custome and 
guise in these daies. 

Qne. Are there yet anie moe allurementes ? 

Ans. There are yet many mo. But I may not in this sort stande 

vpon them. Gluttonie & drunkennesse, with houses of open 

ze ' l6 ' whoredome, youre booke nameth and proofes for them. Idle- 

i. Cor. 7 . 39. nesse also is an other meanes, the vowe of chastitie, the 

Deut 22 deniall of seconde marriages, the going of men in womens 

apparell, and women in mans apparell, with a number such." 

Temptations to Unchastity : Wanton Looks and Books, Dress, 
Plays, Dancing. 

p. 348-350. "The meanes and allurementes either to the actuall 
offence, or the thought condemned in this commaundement as we haue 

1 Robert Manning of Brunne cites this instance too, in his Handlyng Synne, 
A.D. 1303. See my edition, p. 279-286. He makes the sacrilegious Carollers 
or Dauncers go on hopping for ever after. 

Appx. Bp. Babington against Stage-Plays, &c. 85* 

heard before, are many and diuerse. Sometimes the eyes disorderly 
wander, and beeing not checked by a Christian conscience that feareth 
to giue them libertie too long, they become the occasions both of 
thoughtes and actes, wicked and damnable. Sometimes behauiour 
vnchast and unseemely. Sometimes speeche wanton and light, stir the 
hart vp to conceiue that thing, and the wicked fleshe to perfourme it fully, 
which God and nature abhorre as filthie. The dalying tattles of these 
courting dayes, the lasciuious songes made by loose mindes, and the 
wanton greetinges in euerie place nowe vsed, alas what thoughtes 
procure they, neuer liked of the Lorde, that I may say no worse ? 
Bookes written by vnreformed heartes, and continually redde to the 
greefe of God, are they no occasions to fraile flesh, both in thought and 
deede to offende against this law: God knoweth, and experience 
teacheth such soules as tast of Christ, that verie deadly poyson vnder a 
false delight, doth this way creepe into vs. An vnchast looke makes an 
vnchast heart, and a rouing tongue beyonde the listes of godlinesse ere 
euer we well knowe what we doe. So subtill is the sinne that this way 
'creepeth into our soules. Apparell is next, a most fearefull allurement 
to the breache of this commaundement both in thought and deede, if God 
once in mercie would open our eyes. So are these stage playes 
and most horrible spectacles, so is our dauncing, which at ***"*&*] 
this day is vsed, so is drunkennesse, gluttonie and idleness?, with a 
number such like, as can witnesse eche one in the world that will weigh 
them. ; ' 

p. 351-354. " Light behauiour and alluring daliance is Behauiour. 
euerie where accompted comelie bouldnesse, and good speech. 
bringing vp : discoursing speeche to a vaine ende, we count a quality 
commendable in vs, and the want of it we esteeme simplicitie, whereso- 
euer we see it. And therefore by bookes to such endes set out, we 
endeuour to attaine vnto it, and hauing once polluted our speech (for I 
will neuer call it polishing) we are neuer better than when we haue 
company to bestowe our tales and greetinges vppon. Our ap- A pp are n 
parell, in matter, to our power we make sumptuous, and in forme, 
to allure the eye asmuch as wee can. If this be true, in the name of 
Christ let vs better thinke of it than we haue done. These are allure- 
mentes to sinfull lust, and this lawe of God forbiddeth not onely both act 
and thought, but euen euerie allurement to either of them. What should 
I speake of stage plaies and dauncing ? Can we say in trueth before the 
maiestie of God that we carefullie abstaine from these thinges, because 
they tickle vs vp either more or lesse to the breach of this commaunde 
ment ? Alas we cannot a number of vs. But we runne to the one 
continually to our cost, when we will not be drawen to better ayes * 
exercises that are offered freely, we sucke in the venom of them with great 
delight, and practise the speeches and conueyances of loue which there 
we see and learne. The other wee vse with especiall pleasure, Daunct - 
and God being witnesse to many an one, they wish the fruite of 
their dauncing to be this, euen the fall of them selues and others into 
fhe breach of this lawe. What should I say of gluttonie and idlenesse ? 
Doe they not make vs sinne ? Good Lord, giue vs eyes to see, and hearts 
to weigh the occasions of our fall. The spirite of God hath Gluttonie and 
sayde that these pricked up the flesh of the filthy Sodomites &*******". 
to that height of sinne ; and yet we can imagine they will cause no sinne 
at all in vs against this lawe. And therefore professing the gospell and 
integritie of life, yet dare we so pamper, so stuflfe, & cramme this rebelling 

86* Appx. Bp. Babington on the Evils of Retainers, &c. 

flesh, as if we were gods that could suffer no temptation : we dare gull 
in wine and note drinkes continually, beeing peraduenture both strong 
and young, and euerie way needing rather pulling downe, than setting 
vp. We dare solace our selues in soft beddes too long for our consti 
tutions, and all the day after betake our selues to nothing whereabout the 
minde might walke, and so escape impure conceptes." 

The giving of Liveries to Retainers and Serving-men, &c. 

p . 37 8- 9 . And I wil yet adde one thing ouer vnto all 
ancue a rs e of these, which must needes be included in this head of 
oppression. oppression, because it is a common and a dangerous cloake 
of the same, to wit, lyueries of Prince or subiectes, noble men, gentle 
men, or whosoeuer. Which if they maintaine and beare out the vniust & 
wrongfull dealings of any man with y e knowledge of the Lord, not only 
the deede doer, but the giuer of that cloth and cote whatsoeuer he be, 
standeth giltie of that oppression before almighty God. The consider 
ation whereof being so true and sure, should iustly cause in al estats, 
that deale their cloth to others, a more vigilant eye & eare to see & heare 
the conuersation of their folowers, & a restraining hand of such 
countenance, credite or couer to them (all worldly reasons set apart) 
when so euer they shall vnderstande the same to be abused. For why 
should any earthly respect euer stande so great in mens eies, as that for it 
they dare take vpon them the guilt of other mens sins, & spoyling 
oppression ? But alas great is the vnfeelingnesse of many mens harts 
in this matter in these dayes. Either Pope, profile, or pollicie, doe make 
vs deale our cloth too liberally, and regard our mens behauiour too 
negligentlie. But a worde is ynough." 

p. 428. " What shoulde I say of that cloke and couer and cause of 
, . . much oppression, the cloth and liueries of Superiours ? Am I the 

LtlterieS. . i I-*T/-TI 1 IT 1-1 

giuer or the taker ? If I bee the giuer, haue I neuer boulstred 
my cognisance out to doe the thing that God forbiddeth ? Haue I 
hearkned about to see and learne howe they vse the credit that is giuen 
them ? God knowes wee haue litle neede to be charged with other 
mens sinnes, as no doubt such a maister shall with such a mans 
offences. For we shall neuer be able to beare in our selues the burden 
of our owne. Am I the taker ? what then saith my conscience ? haue I 
sought it and sued for it for affection, and true duetie in my heart to him 
that gaue it ? Doe I weare it, and wishe to weare it, to haue my heart 
knowen to him or her the better, whom with heart and hande, bodie and 
goods, power and might till my death, in right I honour and serue, and 
wishe and will doe euer ? Or rather a false faith seeketh a faire shewe, 
and a powling hande of manie a seelie weake wretch seeketh a strength 
to establish my wickednesse, and a backer to beare on my foule 
oppressions ? " 

Neglect of honest Work in Youth. ( The Grasshopper and the Ant. ) 

p. 382-385. " There was a litle tittle tattle, when time was, they say, 
betwixt the grashopper and the pismire, and we may laugh at it, & yet 
looke better about vs as admonished by it. The grashopper hauing 
passed the summer ouer merily, as her custome is, singing and tuning 
the notes of a thoughtlesse minde vnder euerie leafe, at last when winter 
came on, beganne to shake, and to goe to bedde with an emptie bellie 

Appx. Bp. Babington on Idleness in Youth, & Jesting. 87* 

manie a night, to the great weakening of her liuely limmes, and the quite 
marring of all her musicke. To steale, shee refuseth of her honest 
nature ; and to begge, shee is ashamed, for feare to be mocked. Yet neede 
maketh the olde wife trotte, they say ; and modestie in this hungrie 
'creature must yeelde to necessitie. To it therefore shee goeth, and 
hauing a wealthie neighbour not farre off, that had laboured sore all 
summer, and layde vppe much good vitaile, to her she commeth, and 
craueth some succour at her hande. Who by and by demaunded of her 
what shee did all summer ? " Alas (sayeth the grashopper) I sung, and 
litle remembred this change." " Did you so (sayth the Ant) in deede did 
you sing all summer? No we trust me, for mee, you shall daunce all 
winter, for I Hue by my labour, and I will neuer maintaine idlenesse 
in anie." Thus receiued slouth a checke, when it looked for helpe ; and 
wee, warned by it, may learne this morall, to labour least we lacke. 
Optimum obsonium senectute labor, (sayth one) They are good refresh- 
inges in our age, the wel-bestowed trauelles of our youth. Yeares passe, 
and strength fayles ; gette nothing in youth, and haue nothing in age. 
But O carelesse heartes of ours, and headie will, 2 who can perswade this, 
or beate it into the heades of young men, and maydes, of seruantes, and 
such as are comming on ? No, no, we will hoppe and daunce, tipple 
and drinke, banket and reuell, what connsell soetier is giuen vs to the 
contrarie, with that litle we haue, and sing care away. And a litle gaie 
apparell on the backe, is worth much money in the chest. But wise is 
he whome other mens harmes can cause to take heede. Sicknesse may 
come, and euerie maister will not keepe a sicke seruant ; a mayme may 
fall to vs, and wee then may heare it, I haue no wages vnlesse you 
could worke, many thinges may happen, and a mans owne is his owne, 
and great is gods blessing to faithfull labour, as trulie his plagues are 
not litle or rare to idlenesse and slouth. . . . 3 Wherefore it is not ynough 
to make vs guiltlesse of this commaundement to say, we get that we haue 
by labour, but it must be good labour (sayth Paule) iust labour, and 
lawefull labour. The which distinction ouerthroweth al maintaynance 
gotten by massing, by iugling, by charming, by playing interludes, by 
fidling and pyping vppe and downe the countrey, by carying about beares 
and apes, by telling of fortunes, and such like trades, mentioned in the 
statute of this lande, touching vagabundes. For though they be labours, 
and make them sweate often, some of them, yet want they warrant in the 
worde to prooue them good, and lawefull labours. And therefore subiect 
to the penaltie of this la we before God." 

Idle Jesting and Scoffing. 

P' 396-7. " Vnto this heade is referred all vngodlie counsell, whatso- 
euer, and all leawde vanitie, or babishe seruilitie to make men delight 
more in vs, and lesse in the feare of God. Is it not lamentable to see, 
that a popish, or an atheisticall Spirite shall doe more hurt at a table, or 
such like place with one peeuish iest, and girding skoffe in the heartes of 
the hearers, than twentie good men can recouer with much good counsell ? 
And yet what say we ? O, hee is a merie greeke, a pleasaunt companion, 
and in faith a good fellowe. 4 Hee cannot flatter, his words must be 

1 P- 383- 2 P- 384. 3 P. 385- 

4 ' Good men* fighting, &>c. "howe dare these sinfull, brauling, quarelling, 
disquiet, hatefull, and furious fighters, take vppon them to be called good men. 

88* Appx. Bp. Babingtoa on lawful Amusements. 

borne, and soe foorth. But marke marke what effect this mirth hath 
in us, and whereto it tendeth. And if it increase our knowledge, increase 
our zeale, and increase good graces in vs, then like it, and spare not, and 
cheerish such an one. But if it poyson the profite of the worde vnto 
vs, decay our diligence, and liking of good exercises, and decrease all 
that I haue named, then know him for a thiefe, though his handes be 
true, for he stealeth our soules from the liuing God, & both bodie and 
soule from eternall life." 

Amuseme?its in Moderation are justifiable. What Games are allow 
able. Gaming for money is not. The Evils of Gaming. 

P' 399-400. " Concerning then playing and gaming in generall, diuers 
you shall finde both in writing and speaking verie straite, who hardlie 
will bee perswaded to allowe vnto Christians almost anie plaie at all. 
For, say they, wee must giue accompt in the day of iudgement o feuerie 
action, of euerie idle worde, and of euerie iote of time, howe wee haue 
bestowed it, and therefore we shoulde not play." 

p. 400-408. " The meaning of these our brethren no doubt is good, 
and willingly would drawe vs to greater dutie to our God. And these 
reasons of theirs ought to haue this effect in vs, euen to abridge that 
excesse which al may see in our playing and our sportes, and to bring 
vs home to a greater strictnesse of life in heeding what we should. But 
to cut vs off from all recreation by any play (be it without offence of 
anie spoken) indeede they cannot. For wee are men, and no Angels, 
and as men in this worlde wee must walke our course, subiect to 
dulnesse, and wearinesse, euen in good thinges, and wee must refreshe 
that feeble weakenesse of ours by lawful and allowed comforts. Which 
Zach. 85 I so tearme, because I am assured that the worde of God 
Exod. 13. condemneth not all our play, and the corrupt constitution 
2 Sam. 18. O f our bodies, together with the dulnesse of our minds, 

Leutt. 23. . i o ^i- ii. , .. . . 

The appoint- require some play. Sparing in truth is the worde in giumg, 
ing of festival because well knewe the Lorde wee woulde not bee sparing 
in taking libertie for to play. Yet is it plaine inough. 
Notwithstanding fitly may it bee saide of play, as he saide of studying 
philosophic, Philosophandum paucis : Wee must play but litle. 

But nowe the seconde steppe is more harde than this, namelie to knowe 
what games wee maie vse, and at what wee may play. Wherein not 
purposing anie set and curious treatise, I aunswere briefely, that of those 
manie and differing kindes of sportes, that are deuised and vsed in euerie 
place, I condemne none, which make for the quickening of bodie or 
minde, which serue to actiuitie, and prepare men for better sendee an 
other daye, vnlesse they haue ioyned to them any vngodlinesse, or are 
by Lawe of that particular place forbidden : no, not Cardes or Tables in 
all respectes, and to euerie person at all times, and in all places : Neuer- 
thelesse I am fullie assured, and doe willinglie affirme, that they ought 
not of Christians professing the Gospel to bee so much vsed as they are. 
. . . Let vs therefore rather enter to consider an other poynt, which is 

And what witlesse woodcocks are they, that cals them good men, bicause 
Stoute fighters they fight lustily, sticke to it stoutely, and would mayme and kill 
are not good desptratly : neuer regarding their cause nor their quarrel." 1580. 
T. Lupton. Sivqilci) p. 53. 

Appx. Bp. Babington against Gaming and Dicing. 89* 

harder than this, namelie, whether wee shoulde play for monie or no. 
And first I reason thus : If it bee lawefull to plaie for monie, then is it 
lawefull to winne monie in this sort, and the monie lawefullie possessed : 
But this seconde is false, therefore the former also. That the seconde is 
false, the ende and first inuention of plaie prooueth, which, as euerie one 
canne well witnesse, was neuer inuented to this ende, but onelie to refresh 
either body or mind ; and corruption afterward brought in mony, as we see 
dayly before our eyes. . . . Thirdlie, I reason from the multitude of miser 
able creatures, that are the same fleshe that wee are, and yet pitifullie crie 
for want of succour : from the multitude of godlie and Christian vses, 
to employ that which wee maie spare vppon, and euen from the want of 
manie necessaries for our selues, that it is not lawefull nor tollerable to 
play for monie. For is it not lamentable, and most fearefull, that anie 
Christian man shoulde carie about in his conscience daie and night a 
witnesse, that this seuen yeares hee hath not giuen seuen shillings to 
the naked, needie, and comfortlesse members of lesus Christ, and yet hee 
hath lost at vayne playe, in a vayne manner, twentie times as much ? 
Can a man bee so dull, as to thinke this thing will neuer pricke him, or 
neuer haue a iust rewarde of punishment at Gods handes ? Is it not 
lamentable, that a man can see no Christian vse to giue of hys 
abundaunce to, but thinke all that euer hee can get, litle inough to 
consume in playe? Are wee exempted out of the number of them that 
are bounde to workes of loue, and deedes of mercie, so that wee neede 
to doe none of these, and yet shall bee saued too ? Naie, is it not 
woonderfull, and a thing that heauen and earth are ashamed of, and euen 
all the creatures in both of them stande astonished at> to consider, that a 
man shoulde not eyther doe the former dueties, or him selfe haue 
eyther anie good apparell to weare, anie bookes to benifite his soule by, 
no not so much as a Bible or a prayer booke, anie meate at home for 
his wife and Children, anie wages to paie hys Seruauntes, or his other 
debtes, or a number moe such necessaries, and yet thinke hys playing, 
yea his costlie playing, lawefull, and not to bee spoken agaynst ? Is 
it I say, possible, that euer a Christian man, that thinkes hee hath 
Gods spirite, shoulde thus haue his conscience seared vp? Truelie, for 
myne owne part, I professe I haue stoode in my hearte amazed at it, 
and I beseech the Lorde to driue awaie from vs such grosse securitie. 
For else as we Hue, wee shall knowe wee haue deceyued our selues, and 
others ; wee were neuer anie thing lesse, than Christians. These dueties 
therefore due to others, so manie, and great, and these wants of 
necessaries for our selues, improoue l our playing for monie." 

Dicing, the Evils of it. Chaucer and Sir T. Elyot. 

p. 411-417. "The Poet layeth it downe amongest the Cankers that 
consume men and make them beggers, Disc, Wine, and Women. What 
shoulde I say ? Take anie booke in hande of an heathen man, and it is 
awoonder, if youfinde not some thing against dysing. Nowe come from 
heathens to Christians, and see euen as great misliking. Austen 
beginneth and is not afraide to say plainely, A learn p e c ; UJ -t, Dei. 
inuenit Dcemon, The deuill first found out the game of M>. 4- 
dising. Lyra, detesting it, seeketh to make other men doe inpraceptorio. 
as much by diucrse reasons. It coueteth (sayth hee) an other mans 

1 Lat. improbo, disapprove, blame, condemn. 

90* Appx. Bp. Babington, Chaucer, &c., against Dicing. 

goods greatly, it is a mightie raeanes of deceite, it passeth vsurie, it 
causeth lying, swearing, brawling, and manie idle wordes, it is an 
offence to the godly, it breaketh the lawes, it misspendeth the time, and 
what not ? Olde CHAUCER so long agoe set his sentence downe against 
this exercise, 1 and spares not to display the vertues of it in this maner : 

Dising, 2 (saith he) is verie mother of leasinges, [ 2 Hazard] 

And of deceite and cursed forswearings. 
Blasphemie of God, manslaughter, and waste also, 

Of battaile, naughtinesse, and Other mo. 3 [ 3 Ofcatel, and of time, andforthermd\ 

It is reproofe and contrarie to honour, 

For to be hould a common disesour. 4 [ 4 hasardour} 

And euer the higher he is in estate, 

The more he is houlden desolate. 

If thou a Prince dost vse 5 hazardie p if that a Prynce ; vsetK] 

In all[e] gouernance and pollicie 600 

He is, by a 6 common opinion [ 6 asby} 

Houlden lesse 7 in reputation. 602 [ 7 Yhoide ttu lesse} 

Lordes might finde other manner of 8 play, 627 pfynden other maner\ 

Honest inough to driue the day away. 628 

But of all other speeches, me thinkes it is a maruelous saying of Sir 
Thomas Eliot, and ought verie greatly to moue vs, who affirmeth that 
if a man heare one to be a diser, and knoweth him not, by and by he 
iudgeth him to be a light and vaine person, and of no credite or accompt. 
. . . Last of all, peruse the Statutes of this our owne countrie, and 
I beseech you marke the liking they haue showed of dising. In the 
twelfth yeare of Richarde the seconde all vnlawefull games were forbidden, 
and by name Dising generallie. In the 21. yeare of Henrie the fourth, 
disers taken were imprisoned sixe dayes. And if anie heade Magistrate, 
as Maior, or Sheriffe, made not diligent search for them, they forfeited 
fortie shillings : If a Constable were negligent, hee lost sixe shillinges 
and eight pence. In the seuenteenth yere of Edward the fourth, they 
that kept dicing houses were to haue three yeares imprisonment and 20. 
pounds fine. Players at dice in those houses, two yeares imprisonment 
and ten pounds fine. In the eleuenth yeare of Henrie the seuenth, 
Dicers shoulde be openlie set in the stockes by the space of one whole 
day, and the house keepers that suffered him to play, forfeit a noble, and 
be bounde to their good behauiour. In the 33. yeare of Henrie the 
eight, Dicing houses forfeited fortie shillings euerie time, & disers vi. s. 
viii. d. and bound in recognisance neuer to play againe. And yet more 
may you see in Pultons abridgement. 9 Now it is woonderfull that notwith 
standing all this, yet so foule a thing shoulde seeme so faire, and that a 
man should not thinke himselfe vsed as a gentleman or almost as a man, 
vnlesse hee may haue libertie in this loosenesse, and the large reine to so 
great an euill. And yet wee be Christians, and that of the better sort 
too, or you doe vs wrong. The heathen hated it, and we hatch it vp in 
euerie house, and yet we be Christians. The godly writ against it, wee 
waite for it, and yet we be Christians. The councels haue condemned 
it in the spirite of Christ, and Christian lawes haue most sharpely 
punished it : wee day and night vse it, and cannot be reaued of it, and 

1 In the Pardoners Tale, Group C, 1. 589-628 ; Six-text, p. 321-2. A few of 
the Ellesmere MS. readings are in the margin above. 
* Of the Statutes. 

Bp. Babington on Oppression of the Weak. 91* 

yet we be Christians. But alas, alas ! the day of vnderstanding, or the 
day of damnation for our ignoraunce, shall teach vs an other thing. We 
sweare, we lie, we reuile, and wee runne into the fielde with murthering 
mindes (for such anger is murther) moued by play, and yet we will not 
leaue it. And if I doe not thus in shewe, yet inwardly I frette, I chafe, 
I gnash with my teethe, and teare the Gardes, burne the Dice, throw 
away the Tables, and such like, and yet I am religious. The Lorde 
forbiddeth all appearaunce of euill, all occasions of sinne, and T ^^ 
yet wee are the Lordes, and doe neither. The Lorde saith, * If 
thy right hande cause thee to offend, or thy right eye, cut it off, plucke it 
out, and cast it away'; wee will bee the Lordes, and not restrayne a litle 
play, that, mine owne soule being witnesse, most greeuouslie tnaketh mee 
offende. Fie, fie, what deadnesse is this ? Where is either loue of God, 
or feare in vs ? Loue makes vs burne with desire to doe well, feare 
makes vs shake, to thinke of anie sinne : we continually sinne in our 
greedie gaining, and yet we be godlie. But this either makes vs see it, 
or we will neuer (I feare) see the mischeefe of playing, and by name of 
Dising. The Lorde for Christ his sake awake vs, and so I end." 

Oppression of Servants and the Weak. Taking of Bribes. 

p. 425-428. "Who seeth not, who knoweth not, that all oppression, 
oppression of my brother in his goods is contrarie to that loue that I ought 
to beare to him and his goods ? And how stande wee in this matter ? 
Haue wee neuer detained the poore seruauntes wages, and Ofseruantes 
wrecked our anger vppon him to his harme further than a 
mercifull heart shoulde haue doone ? Haue wee not taken euen the flower 
of his youth, the strength of his yeares, and the verie iuice and sappe of 
hys bodie to serue our turnes withall, and then either turned him off vnre- 
warded, 1 or taken from him, or diminished without cause, other than our 

1 "Nay, thou hast yet Another Cruelty gnawing in thy hosome ; Against want 
for what hope is there that thou shouldst haue pitty ouer others, ofprouision 
when thou art vnmercifull to thy self! Looke ouer thy walls into thy dye i^tke 
Orchards and Gardens, and thou shalt see thy seruants and appren- fi elds ' 
tises sent out cunningly by their Masters at noone day vpon deadly errands ; when 
they perceiue that the Armed Man hath struck them, yea, euen when they see 
they haue tokens deliuered them from heauen to hasten thither, then send they 
them forth to walke vpon their graues, and to gather the flowers themselues that 
shall stick their own Herse. And this thy Inhabitants do, because they are loth 
and ashamed to haue a writing ouer their dores, to tell that God hath bin there ; 
they had rather all their enemies in the world put them to trouble, then that he 
should visit them. 

" Looke againe ouer the walls into thy Fields, and thou shalt heare poore and 
forsaken wretches lye groaning in ditches, and trauailing to seeke out Death vpon 
thy common hye wayes. Hauing found him, he there throwes downe their 
infected carcases, towards which, all that passe by, looke, but (till common 
shame, and common necessity compell, ) none step in to giue them buriall. Thou 
setst vp posts to whip them when they are aliue : Set vp an Hospitall to comfort 
them being sick, or purchase ground for them to dwell in when they be well, and 
that is, when they be dead." 1606. T. Decker. Seuen Deadly Sinnes of London 
(Arber, 1879), p. 48. 

92* Appx. Bp. Babington on Bribery and Covet ousness. 

owne couetousnesse, the reward that our auncestour gaue to his seruice 
before ? If wee haue doone it, alas it is a great oppression, a great 
wrong, and it standeth not with that loue that I am charged withall 
Widow and towardes him in this commaundement. . . . Haue wee 
jatherlesse. not h urt t h e desolate Widowe, the fatherlesse childe, or 
anie whose might was lesse than ours to beare off the hardnes of our 
handes ? Haue we not lift vp our force against them when we sawe wee 
might haue helped them in the gate ? If we haue, what can we say why 
lob 31, 32 we shuld not rot in peeces for it, & our armes bee broken from 
the bones, as lob wished to him in such a case ? Haue wee 
neuer respected the person more of one than an other in cause of iustice, 
a strong meanes to drawe vs to oppression ? Haue wee neuer suffered 
Bribes t* 1656 handes to feele the weight of a bribers gift 1 to drawe vs to 
oppression ? O spare not to spie your sinne euen to the full if 
you haue offended, and yet accuse not your selues if you dare boast of 
innocencie. Happie were our countrie, and a thousande comfortes were 
it to euerie one of vs, if the dulnesse of our heartes in these deadlie 
sinnes pulled not vppon vs the often offending in them, and then such 
sinne, such wrath againe from heauen aboue, as is most due vnto it. 
Alas, wee see not, neither euer will bee made to see, what loue by this 
lawe wee owe to all men in their goods ; but we robbe them, we spoyle 
them, and wee take giftes to do it, and yet we be no theeues." 

Covetousness. Lawyers. Giving Church-livings to bad Parsons. 

p. 431-5. " Wee boldlie looke of euerie mans commodities. As we goe 
and ride, wee streight way couet, and that which is worse, presentlie we 
deuise to obtain our will to the impayring of our brothers wealth, and 
the fearefull breaking of this commandement. And woulde God the 
rage of our lust were not sometime so vehement, as that missing to get 
what it greedelie seeketh, it casteth vs downe sicke in our bed, or causeth 
vs to hurt him who hindereth our wishe, as wee see fell out in Achab to 
Naboth for his vineyarde. But of this hereafter more againe in the tenth 
By tongues commaundement. For the tongue, alas what shoulde I saie, I 
will neuer bid you enquire whether you bee guiltie or no. For 
whither shoulde a man flie in these dayes from flatterie, or where may 
we liue and not light of false forgers seeking by filed phrase to bleere 
the eyes of such as least suspect them. ... Let them ioyne hereunto, 
Lawieres w ^ ose calling is such a true viewe of the drift and successe of 
their pleas, whether they haue not often indeuored with 
their tongues, and often also obtayned by their speach, the wrongfull 
alienation of mens right from them to other men. And is not this a 
theft ? Might not he euen as well haue robbed him with his handes, as 
to be a meanes by speach of wrong perswasion that others doe it ? But 
alas, what wordes can I vse, or anie man else this day aliue, to make men 
feele, that neither golden gaine, nor anie regarde to be named whatso- 
euer, shoulde make them speake vntruely against the good estate of their 
brethren in anie causes ? Surely, if this will nothing moue, that it is in 
nature theft which in name they so abbore, I will assay no further. . . . 
Are we al cleare of that theft of theftes committed in eonueying of the 
Church liuinges to our owne vse from them that ought to haue them and 
doe the dutie for them, to the dishonour of God, the ruine of the Church, 
and the fearefull casting away of manic a soule into the pitte of hell for 

1 Compare Bacon's case, &c. 

Appx. Bp. Babington on Unfit Parsons, Tittle-Tattle. 93* 

want of knowledge ? l . . . Shall the Lorde crie woe vppon woe, wrath 
vpon wrath, vengeance vppon vengeance, to the carelesse shepheardes 
that feede themselues, and not the flocke ; and shall he so quietly passe 
them ouer, that put in, and place such dume dogges, and vnable drones 
to doe anie duetie for their owne lucre ? Is it a token of loue to feede 
his sheepe, to feede his lambes ; and is it not a want of loue both to God 
and his lambes, to put in, for my gaine, such a drie nurse as can giue no 
milke nor feede at all, except it be with follie, and a fowle example of 
drinking, swearing, carding, tabling, bowling, sleeping, and such like ? " 

Prittle-prattle and Tittle-tattle, the Evils of em. 

p. 481-2. "For the seconde which was telling of tales, wee haue 
heard it before shewed, and our owne knowledge both assure vs it is a 
branch of the breach of this commandement, which shall burne both 
bodie and soule in the fire of hell. And yet see, do we feare it, or flie 
it ? Alas we knowe I am sure of it, we haue beene too too secure in this 
point, and our securitie not seeing and weighing the wickednesse of the 
vice hath stayned both heart and tongue horriblie. Looke about the 
worlde and veiwe the generall course of all. Feareth anie man to 
discredite his neighbour priuily, and to whisper vpon hearesay or his 
owne imagination what tendeth to the blemish of his name whom he 
speaketh of? Feareth any woman when shee hath mette with her 
gossippe to tittle tattle, to the slander of an other, this thing and that 
thing, which yet hath no certaintie, and which full loth she would haue 
saide of her selfe vpon like coniectures ? No no we see too much the 
cursed course of lawlesse tongues in euerie place, though the Lorde in 
mercie giueth some consciences, and a thousande times I begge that we 
woulde see our sinne, confesse our sinne, and rippe vp our guilt in this 
respect. Why shoulde wee be so dull and without feeling ? If it be a 
vertue thus to prittle and prattle of euerie bodie, vncertaine tales, but 
most certaine discredites, then prooue it so, and vse it : but if it bee a 
branch of false witnesse, that doth truly witnesse gods wrath to hang 
ouer vs for it, good Lorde, shall we still be polluted with it ? " 

{Tea Gowns in 1878. See TJie World article, reprinted in The Royal 
Exchange, Nov. 9, 1878, a number sent out as an advertisement. (I, of 
course, see nothing of the set of folk referrd to in it.) 

" It is not so very long ago that the appearance in the drawing room 
or in any other place where she was visible to the naked eye of the male 
sex, of a lady loosely wrapped in her dressing gown, would have been an 
impossibility. But the world moves rapidly in this last quarter of the 
nineteenth century ; and ladies, who a few years ago would have con 
sidered the idea appalling, calmly array themselves in the glorified 
dressing robe known as a ' tea gown,' and proceed to display themselves 
to the eyes of their admirers. ... It is absolutely useless and utterly 
ridiculous ; but this is not the worst that may be said about it. It is, to 

1 See Harrison, Part I., p. 21, 26-27. 

94* Tea Gowns in 1878. Rose in a Fop's Ear. 

all intents and purposes, a dhhabilU ; and so great is the force of asso 
ciation, that the conversation is exceedingly apt, nay almost certain, to 
become deshabille as well. The gentlemen, in houses where tea gowns 
prevail, relieve themselves of their shooting attire, and reappear very 
frequently in gorgeous smoking suits ; there is an ease and sans facon 
about the whole proceeding that favours laxity of discourse, and advan 
tage is generally taken of the latitude afforded. It is easier to take three 
strides forward than half a step backwards ; consequently, when the 
company reassembles at dinner, the point of departure for the conversa 
tion is several degrees nearer to the doubtful borderland of hasardt 
allusions and double entendres than it would have been without the ante 
cedent symposium en ne'glige'. . . . Old-fashioned prudery has long been 
thrown aside in the eager desire for more admirers of such becoming 
raiment ; the tea gowns have descended to the drawing-room and the 
hall, and have become more marvellous and more voyant in the transit. 
With the graceful ndglige" toilet there has come in a habit of lounging, 
which is certainly of most doubtful grace. Hands are not unfrequently 
to be seen clasped above or behind the head, thus often liberally exhibit 
ing the arm by the falling back of the loose sleeve ; feet and ankles are 
lavishly displayed as dainty slippers are rested on the fender; more 
ardent spirits recline in ostentatious repose on various sofas. It is con 
sidered the thing to suit the action to the attire, and exhibit in it the 
supremacy of ease. Any quiet spirits in the party generally disappear j 
they feel themselves as out of place among the stray remarks and 
hasarde stories, as their quiet morning dresses are among the pink and 
blue and other rainbow-hued tea gowns, with their lavish cascades of 
lace, and bewitching caps to match. They disappear ; and when they 
again meet their friends at dinner-time, are apt to be somewhat aston 
ished to find how much ceremony has been thrown to the winds in their 
brief absence, and on how much more familiar a footing their friends 
are than when they parted from them two or three hours before. 

" . . . It will be doubtless said, tea gowns are far less objectionable 
than the extremely de'collete' dresses of which such grievous complaint 
has been made during the last two seasons. But two wrongs do not make 
a right ; and besides, objectionable as too decollete dresses may be, they 
are still, by a fiction of society that unwritten law which is of such 
infinitely greater force than all the statutes in the judicial archives 
considered to constitute the fullest toilette, the greatest possible pitch of 
grande tenue ; and owing to this belief they are by no manner of means 
so provocative of laxity of conversation as the moral dressing gown and 
slippers of the tea-gown."] 

For the loan of the following cut I have to thank Captain Harold 
Dillon. His uncle, at Ditchley, Oxfordshire, has a picture of one of the 
brothers of Sir Henry Lee, K.G., in the time of Elizabeth, with a Rose 
in his ear, like the fop on p. 78* note, above : the Rose is just stuck like a 
pen is, between the hair and the ear, showing the flower in front. The 
dandies must have carrid their heads very steadily, to have kept the 
flower from falling out. Perchance it had a woman' s hair-pin to hold 
it in. 

Irish Costumes. The 1584 edition of the Anatomic. 95= 

Irish Costumes in the Time of Queen Elizabeth, from MS. 


Citizen's wife 

Wilde Irische 
Wild Irish 

p. 60*. The 1584 edition of the Anatomie. Since I wrote the Fore 
words, Mr. Wallis has been kind enough to lend me his perfect copy of 
the 3rd (or 4th, or 3rd and 4th as Mr. Hazlitt and I now suppose) edition 
of the Anatomie, of '12 October 1584.' I have tested it in different 
places chosen at haphazard with the collations of the other editions 
given at the foot of the original text below, and have found that all of 
the few important changes there noted as due to E. 1 585, had been made 
before in this (C-D.) edition of 12 Oct., 1584. Out of 58 passages 
tested (counting the sidenotes singly, would make em full 70) only 4 
show small differences. It is clear, then, that Stubbes revisd the 1 584 
edition more largely than that of 1585, though not so largely as the 
second of 1583 (August i) and his last of 1595. The results of my 
testing follow : 

C-D. has all E.'s readings, p. iii. 2, 3-3, n-u. 
p. iv. 6-6, 7, 9, 12, 13. 

96* Collation of the 1584 edition of the Anatomic. 


viii/6. 2, 4, 6-6 differs, having both A. and B.'s reading, and E.'s : 
'a Lamp of light vnto the world, a mirrour of: has 7, 9, 14, 18, 19, 

20, 21-21, 22, 23, 24. 

ix. i-i not in (as not in E.) ; 6, u, 12, 13. 

x. Preface left out ; as in B., E., F. 

xiv.- 9. xvi Greek motto, xvii 3. xix 2. 

30. 8-8. 36. 13 differs, having both A. and B. and E. : ' peltes 
felles & skins ' (E. peltes & skins). 

38. 6. 39. 2, ' more ' not in C.-D. (as not in E.). 

40. 7. 41. 3, 4, lo-io not in C.-D. (as not in E.), 12-12. 68. 7. 

70, 71, 72. has E.'s sidenotes on Starche, A fearfull example, 
Women's lubricious mindes, and 2 on the Deuil ; as well as E.'s head 
line, 72 foot. But keeps A. and B.'s 'Eprautna/ p. 71, against E.'s 
' Antwarpe.' 
' 79 note. has the c Deuil's bellowes ' sidenote. 

82. 8. 87. has E.'s ' Handbaskets' headline, on back, and 'great 
paynes ' side-note, &c. 

96. 17. 97. 4 , 9 ' the ' not in (as not in E.). 

111-114. has all the side-notes and headlines markt E. F., and the 
top sidenote on 113 markt F. 

117, notes 1. 2. has, like E., ' Lawyers ruffling in.' 

129-136. has all the side-notes markt E. F., and all B.'s headlines. 

139. 6, 10 'very' not in (as not in E.). 152. 9-9. 

186-190. has the side-notes of E., F. ; but on p. 188 'A materiall 
Hell,' like F., against E.'s 'Materiall.' 191. 4, 5. 

Mr. Wallis, too, thinks "that the other edition of 1584 exists only 
in imagination." He adds: "It may interest you to know that my 
' Stubbes ' has never been ' in the market.' It came from the library at 
Brookfield Hall, in this county, at its dispersal on the death of my 
father's cousin, Miss Hannah Wright, some dozen or fifteen years ago. 
These Wrights were descended from the Dr. Wright, M.D., F.R.S., at 
the sale of whose books (in 1787) the ' first folio ' brought ^10.' He was 
a Derby man, and closely related to our family. 2 I was told of a quan 
tity (the word applies here) of such books Horresco referens /being 
taken from a loft over the stables, and used for fire-lighting and other 
base purposes by the grooms." 

The title and colophon are given on the opposite leaf. The cut at the 
back of the colophon i.s that of the stooping robed man of B. 

1 Lot 1960. Mr. William Shakespeare's Comedies, Histories and Tragedies, 
first folio edition, bound in Russia leather with gilt leaves, 1623. ;io. 

1390. The Anatomie of Abuses, made Dialogue-wise by Phillip Stubbes, 
bL letter. 1583. 

2 From the Derby Mercury, Oct. 26th, 1786 : "On Saturday the I4th inst. 
died at his house in Charles Street, Grosvenor Square, London, Richard Wright, 
M.D., F.R.S., late one of the physicians of St. George's Hospital; only son of 
the late Mr. Wright, surgeon, of this town (Derby). His remains were brought 
here yesterday, and interred in the family vault in St. Michael's Church." 

Title to Edition of 1584. 


The Anatomic 

of Abufes: 


A Difcouerie, or brief Sum- 
marie of fuch Notable Vices and Corrupti 
ons, as nowe raigne in many Chriftian Coun- 
treyes of the Worlde: but (efpecially) in the 
Countrey of AILGNA: Together, with moft 
fearefull Examples of Gods ludgementes, ex 
ecuted vpon the wicked for the fame, af- 
well in AILGNA of late, as in 
other places, elfe- 

Ferg gotilg, to fte reati of all true Cijti- 

Jiians, euery where: but moji chiefly, to be 
regarded in England 

Made Dialogue-wife by PHILLIP S T v B s . 

Jinfo nsto netols reui0eb rerojjni^eb, snb aug 
mented the thirb time bg the 0ame Author. 

MATH. 3. Ver. 2. 
Repent, for the kingdome of God is at hande. 

LVKE. 13. Ver. 5. 
I say vnto you, except you repent you shall all perifti. 

^[ |JrtntC)3 at London, ftg Richard 
lones 12. October. 1584. 

9 8* 

Colophon to the Anatomic of 1584. 

Perufed, au&horifed, and al- 

lowed, according to the order 

appoincted in the Quee- 

nes Maiesties 



At London 
Printed by Richard Jones: dwellyng 

at tlje .Stgne of tfje Eose 

and the Crowne, neere 







A.D. 1583. 

of Abufes. An example of God's wrath. 1 13 

[councelled them before, to go to 1 heare the Sermon, hauyng fome ^Thi* page not 
fparkes of faith in hym, was preferued from death, by the greate [The mercy of 

i , . f IT 11 / god in sailing of 

mercie of God, and greatly repented his former lire, yeldyng praiie Adam Gibiens. 

vnto God for his deliuerance. Thus haue I infempiternam rei me- 

2 moriam, faithfully recorded the Storie of thefe eight dronkardes, and [Meaf6 7 . B.*] 

of their fearfull ende, taken out of the 3 Dutche coppie printed at 

Amflerdam, and at Straesburche, 4 for a caueate to all Dronkardes, 

Gluttons, and Riotous perfones throughout the whole worlde, that 

thei offende not the Lorde in the like kinde of offence. 

An other like example of Gods Diuine Juftice, (lie wed vpon twoo 
blafphemous Dronkardes in Almaine, in the Tonne of Nekerfhofewe, and 

lustice executed 

chaunced the fourth daie of July 1580, the truth whereof is as fol- aJ?de S 2 in Drounk ~ 

loweth. Thefe twoo Dronken verlettes, traiueilyng by the waie, came Almaine. E, F.] 

into an Inne, and called for bread and wine : The Hofte with fpeede 

brought them verie good; but thei diflikyng the Wine, for the new- 

nefle thereof, comwaunded better Wine to bee brought ; fo in fine 

thei had bothe newe, and old, good ftore. Thus fatte thei fwillyng, 

and caroufyng one to an other, till thei were bothe as dronke as Rattes. 5 

Then one of them powryng forthe wine, caroufed to his fellowe, [Acaueatto 

the other pledging hym, afked to whom he mould drinke : quothe contenders of 

the maiestie of 

this verlet " drinke to GOD" : he hearyng that, poured forthe wyne God. E, F.J 

alfo, 6 and dranke to God. This dooen, he afked his companion of 

whiche wine God mould pledge hym, of the newe, or of the old. He 

anfwered " of whether thou wilte." Then he, takyng the newe wine in 

his hande, filled the Cuppe therewith, and reachyng forthe his arme, 

as high as he 7 could, as though God mould haue pledged hym in deede, V leaf 67, back. 

faied thefe wordes : " God, I would faine knowe, what wine thou loueft 

befle: this newe wine is good inough, and too good for thee; if thou 

haddefl 8 fent better, thou fhouldeft haue had better -, but fuche as it is, FBehoide the 

. blasphemie of 

take it, pledge me quickly, and caroufe it ot euery lope, as I haue this deuiii, and 
doen to thee, if not, thou doeft me wrong." Hauyng thus ftretched 
forthe his arme with the Cup of wine, and withall hauyng vttered 
(brthe thefe wordes, the Lorde proceadeth in Judgemente againfte 

1 to not in F. 

* leaf 67. No head-line. B. E, F have An example of God's wrath. 
8 a in E, F. 4 Straesburcht P'. 6 Swine F. 

also not in E, F. f leaf 67, back. No head-line. B. 8 hadst. F. 

Couetoufnes in Ailgna. 

The Anatomic 

\_Thispage, to I. 
23, not in A.] 
[The Lord 
strikes the 

[Oh fearefull 
iudgement of 
God, yet most 
iust punish- 
mente. E, F.] 

[5 leaf 68. B.f] 

[7 sign. I 7- A.] 

Ailgna a fa 
mous Yland. 10 

[hym : caufyng his arme to flande ftedfaft and vnmoueable, fo as he 
was not able to pull it to hym, nor to ftere his bodie out of the 
place. And in this agonie he remained, 1 his countenaunce not changed, 
but roulyng his eyes to and fro, fearfull to beholde. And as for 
breathe, there was none perceiued to corne forthe of hym, nor yet to 
fpeake one worde he was 2 able : and yet for all that, feemed to every 
one to be a Hue. After this the people aflaied to remoue hym from 
that place, but 3 could not by any ftrength. In the ende thei tyed 
Horfes to hym, to drawe hym thence, but thei could not once ftere 
hym. Then thei aflaied to burne the houfe, and hym withall, but no 
fire would once take holde of the houfe : wherefore, when thei fawe 
all their waies and deuifes to be fruftrate, perfwadyng themfelues, 
that God had made hym a fpectacle to all dronkards, thei furceafed 
* their attemptes, 4 and wifliedthe wil of the s Lorde to bee doen. And 
in this place, and in the fame pitifull cafe you haue heard, 
ftandeth this blafphemous villain to this daie, vnremoueable till it 
pleafe the Lorde, in the bowels of his mercie, to releafe hym. Whofe 
bleffyd will bee fulfilled for euer. The other Dronken beaft his com 
panion, thei hanged vppon a Gibbette, before the dore of the fame 
houfe, as he well deferued ! Thus hath the Lorde in all ages, and at 
all tymes, punifhed this horrible vice of Dronkenneffe, which God 
graunte euery true Chriftian 6 maie auoide, for feare of Gods ven 
geance. Added in B, E, F.] 

7 Spud. 8 Shew mee I pray, 9 the ftate of that Cuntrey a litle 
further : is it a welthie Countrey with-in it-felfe, or otherwyfe poore 
and bare ? 

Philo. It is a moft famous Yland, a 11 fertile Cuntrey, & 12 abound 
ing with all maner of ftore, both 13 of riches, treafure, & 14 all things els 
whatfoeuerj but as 15 it is a 15 welthie and riche Countrey, 16 fo are the 
inhabitaunts, from the higheft to the loweft, from the prieft to the 
populare 17 forte, euen all in generall, wonderfully inclyned to couet- 

1 a long time after B, E, F. 2 was not F. 3 but they F. 

4 4 their enterprises any further F. f leaf 68. No head-line. B. 

6 man added in E, F. 

8 In B, E, and F this begins afresh chapter, headed: Couetousnesse in Ailgna. 
9 pray you B, E, F. 10 This side-note not in B, E, F. 

and E ; and a F. 12 & not in E, F. 13 as well F. " as of F. 
is_i5 the countrey is E, F. 16 Countrey not in E, F. 17 inferiour F. 

ofAbufes. Moderate care alowable. 115 

oufnes and ambition ; which thing whileft they follow, they can neuer [Englishmen 

be fatifried, for, crefctt amor nummi, quantum ipfa pecunia crefcit: The 

loue of mony doth by fo much the more increafe, by how much more 

the monie it 1 felfe doth increafe ; and the nature of a couetous man The nature of 

a couetous 

is fuch that tarn dee/I quod habet, quam quod non halet : as well that an - 

thing which he hath, as that which he hath not, is wanting vnto him. B.*J 

A 2 couetoufe man may 3 wel be compared to Hell, which euer gapeth 

and yawneth for more, and is neuer content with inough : For right 

as Hell euer hunteth after more, fo a couetous man, drowned in the The insaciabie 

desire of a 

4 quagmire or plafhof auarice and 4 ambition, hauing hisfummam 5 vo- couetouse 

luptatem repofed in momentaine 6 riches, is neuer content with inough, 

but ftill thirfleth for more, much like to a man ficke of the ague, who, 

the more he drinketh, the more he thurf 7 teth j 8 the more he thurfteth, t 7 T 7. back] 

the more he drinketh 8 ; the 9 more he drinketh, the more his difeafe 

increafeth. Therfore I hould it true which is writ, lurfa auari os ejl 

dialoli ; the powch of a rich couetous Man is the mouth of the deuill, T h p jj[ s j; of a 

which euer is open to receiue, but alway (hut to giue. 

Spud. But they will eafily wipe away this blot, 10 namely in faying, 10 
are we not bourcd to prouyde for our felues, 11 our wyues, our children, 
& famelie ? Doth not the Apoille hold him for an infidell and 12 a dene- 
ger of the faith, who prouydeth not for his Wyfe and Family? 13 Is it 
not good to lay vp fomthing againft a ftormie day ? wherfore they 
wil rather deeme the/wfelues good hufba/zds, 13 than couetous or am- 
bicious perfons. 14 

l5 Philo. Euery Chriften Man is bound, 16 in co/zfcience before God, t 15 leaf ^ B -t 
to prouide for their 17 houfhould & Family, but yet fo as his immoderat How fan-e 

euery Man is 

care furpafTe not the bands, 18 nor yet 19 tranfcend 20 the limits, of true boud to pro 
uyde for his 

Godlynes. His chiefeft truft & care is to reft onely in the Lord, who Familie - 

* leaf 68, back. The nature of a couetous man. B. 

2 Therefore may a E, F. 3 may not in E, F. 

4 4 quauemire of auarice and plashe of B, E, F ; after and F adds plunged in the. 

6 summum F. 6 momentary F. 8 8 not in E, F. 

9 and the E, F. 10 10 for B, E, F. (saie thei) added in B, E, F. 12 or F. 
13 13 And therefore herein we shew ourselues rather good housbandes, care 
ful, and obedient Christians, B, E, F. 

14 This I haue heard them pretend for themselues added in B, E, F ; E has 
This exception have I ; F has haue I, and alleadgey^r pretend. 

f leaf 69. Moderate care alowable. B. 16 bound indeed B, E. 

17 his B, E, F. 18 boundes F. 19 yet not in B, E, F. 20 not the B, E. 


Inclofures in Align a. 

The Anatomic 

care for riches 

[3 sign. I 8. A.] 


racke their 


[8 leaf 69, back. 


Inclosing of 
from the 

[ I2 I 8, back] 

[Take heed you 
Rich, who poll 
and pill the 
Poor !] 

giueth liberally to euery one that afketh of him in verity & truth, & 
reprocheth no man j & withall he is to vfe fuch ordinarie meanes as 
God hath appointed A to the performaunce 1 of the fame. But fo farre 
from couetoufnes, & from immoderate care, wold the Lord haue vs, 2 
that we ought not this day to 'care for to morow, for (faith he) fuf- 
ficient to the day is the trauail of the fame. After all thefe 3 things 
(with a diftruftfull & inordinat care) do the heathen feek, who know 
not God/ faith our Sauiour chriftj 'but be you not like to them.' And 
yet I fay ; as we are not to diftrufl the prouidence of God, or defpaire 
for any thing, fo are we not to prefume, nor yet to tempt the Lord 
our God, but to vfe fuch 4 fecundary 5 and inftrumental 4 meanes as he 
hath commaunded and appointed, to that end & purpofe to get our 
owne lyuing & maintenance withall. But this people, leauing thefe 
Godly meanes, do all runne headlong to couetoufnes & ambition, at 
tempting all waies, & atfaying al meanes, poflible to 6 exaggerat & 6 heap 
vp riches, Q that 7 thick clay of damnation, to therafelues for euer. 6 So 
(likwife) La??d 8 lords make marchandife of their pore tenants, racking 
their rents, railing their fines & incorames, & fetting them fo ftraitely 9 
vppon the tester hookes, as no man can lyue on them. Befides that, 
as though this pillage & pollage were not rapacious enough, they take 
in and inclofe commons, moores, heaths, and other common paflures, 
wher-outthe poore commonaltie were wont to haue all their forrage 10 
and feeding for their cattell, & (which is more) corne for them felues 
to lyue vppon : all which are now in moft places taken from them by 
thefe greedye Putt.ockes, to the great impoueriming and vtter begger- 
ing of 11 whole townes and parifhes, whole tragicall cries and inceffant 
12 clamors haue long mice pearced the Skyes, and prefented them-felues 
before the Maiefly of God, faying, 13 how long, Lord, how long wilt 
thou deferre to reuenge this villanie of 14 thy poore Sain&ts and vn- 
worthie 15 members vppon the earth? Take heed, therfore, you riche 
men, that poll and pill the poore, for the bloud of as manye as mifcarie 
any maner of way thorow your iniurious exactions, finifter 16 oppref- 

1 l for the getting F. 2 to be added in F. 4 4 ordinary F. 

6 causes added in E. 6 6 not in F. 7 the B, E. 

t leaf 69, back. Inclosures in Ailgna. B. 

9 straight B, E, F. 10 prouision F. of many B, E, F. 

13 criyng B, E, F. u doen to B, E, F. 15 seelie E ; silly F. 

16 biting F. 

of Abufes. Fowling Lawiers, in Ailg[na]. 117 

lions, and indirect dealings, {hall be 1 powred vppon your heads 1 at the 

great daye of the Lord. Curfed is he (faith our Sauiour Chrifl) that 

offendeth one of thefe litle ones : it were better that a milftone were 

hawged about his neck, & he caft into the middeft of the fea. Chrift 

2 fo entierely loueth his poore members vppon earth, that he imputeth JJJH^? 

the contumely which is done to anie one of them, to be done to him- fy e t r s is 

felfe, and will reuenge it as done to himfelfe. wherfor GOD giue them ?** ^ 

grace to lay open their inclofures againe, to let fall their rents, fines, 

incommes, and other impofitions, wherby GOD is offended, their 8 

poore Brethren beggered, &, I feare mee, the whole realme will be 

brought to vtter mine & decay, if this mifchiefe be not met withall, inciosures 

and incouwtred with verie mortlie. For thefe inclofures be the caufes 

why rich men eat vp poore men, as beafts doo eat graffe : Thefe, I fay, 

are the 4 Caterpillers and deuouring locuftes that maflacre the 5 poore, [ s sign. K i. A.] 

& eat vp the whole realme to the deftru6tlon of the fame : The Lord 

remooue 6 them / 

Vpon the other fide, the Lawyers, they 7 goe rufling 7 in their filks, 

veluets, and chaines of Gold : they build gorgeous howfes, 8 fumptuous A.] poore Mens 

riches. [frufleF.] 

edefices, 8 and flately turrets : they keep a port like mightie pote/ztates ; 
theyhaue 9 bands andretinewes of men attendant vppon them daylie; 
they purchafe cartels & towers, Lands and Lordfhips, and what not ? 
And all vppon the polling and pilling of the poore commons. 

They haue fo good confciences that all is fifh that comes to the 
net -, thei refufe nothing that is offred ; and what they do for it in pre 
ferring their Poore clients caufe, 10 the Lorde kno n weth, and one day [ leaf 70, baoc. 
they fhall finde it. If you haue argent, or rather rubrum vnguentum, oyntment to 
I dare not fay Gold, but red oyntment to greafe them in the fift with- 

all, than your fute lhall want no furtherance -, but if this 12 be wanting, 
thaw farewel clyent ; he may go fhooe the goofe for any good fuccefle 
he is like to haue of his matter : without this, fheriffes & Officers wil 
returne writs with a tarde venit, or with a non ejl muentus, finally to 
the poore maws profit. 13 So long as any of this ointment is dropping, 

1 J required at your hands F. 
* leaf 70. Inciosures vndoe the Poore. B. E also has Lawyers ruffling in. 

3 the B, E, F. 4 the not in F. 6 amende B, E, F. 

7 7 ruffle it out B, E, F. 8 8 not in F. there bandes E ; (their F.) 

10 causes B, E, F. J leaf 70, back. Powlyng Lawyers, in Ailgna. B. 

12 this liquor B, E, F. 13 But so B, E, F. 

[ T K i, back] 
The pretewsed 
excuse of 
Lawers when 
their cliants 
haue loost 
their plees. 

The slaightie 
practises of 

[7 leaf 71. B.f] 

The fraudu 
lent dealing of 


P* sign. K 2. A.] 

Great dearth 
in plenty of all 

1 1 8 What maketh things deere. The Anatomic 

they wil beare him in hand his matter is good and iult; & all to keep 
him in vre, till all be gon ; and than will they tell him his matter is 
naught : and if one alke them l why they tould not their clients fo in 
the beginning? they will anfwere, I knew not fo much at the firft, 
the fault is in himfelfe j he tould me the beft, but not the worft ; he 
{hewed mee not this euidence & that euidence, this prelident & that 
prelident, 2 turning al the fault vpon the fuggefter j wheras the whole 
fault indeed is in himfelfe, as his own confcience can beare him witneffe. 
In prefence of their clients they will be fo earneft one with another, as 
one (that knew not their ilaightes wold thinke they would go together 
by the eares 3 ); this is 4 to draw on their clients withal 5 but immedi- 
atly after, their clients being 5 gon, they ^gh in their fleeues to fee 
how pretily they 6 fetch in fuch fom 7 mes of money; and that, vnder 
the pretence of equitie and iuftice. But though thei caw for a time 
(prejligiatorum in/tor 8 ), like cu/zning deceiuers, call a mill before the 
blind world, yet the Lord, who feeth ( 9 fuborned by none 9 ) the fecrets 
of all harts, mall make them manifeft to al the world, and reward 
them according to their doings. The 10 marchawt mew, by their mart- 
ing, chaffering and changing, by their counterfait balances & vntrue 
waights, and by their furprifing of their wares, heap vp infinit trea- 
fures. n The Artificer 11 & Occupyers, euen all in generall, will not fell 
their wares for no 12 reafonable price, but will 13 fweare & teare pittifully, 
that fuch a thing coll them fo much, & fuch a thing fo much, wher 14 as 
they fwear as falfe as the lyuing Lord is true. But one day let them 
be lure that the Lord (who faith f thou malt not fweare at all, nor 
deceiue thy Brother in bargaining') will reuenge this villanie done to 
his Maieftie. 

15 Into fuch a 15 ruinous eftat hath couetoufnes now brought that 
Land, that in plentie of all things there is great 16 fcarlitie and dearth of 
all thinges. So that that which might haue been bought heretofor, 
within this twentie or fourtie Yeers, for twentie millings, is now 

2 this Writing and that Writing added in F. * carers (sic] F. 

* instead of a shoyng home added in E, F. 6 bee B, E, F. 

6 they can E, F. f leaf 71. What maketh thynges deare. B. 

8 more for instar B, E, F. 9 9 not in F. 

10 Vpon the other side, for the F. " X1 Artificers B, E, F. 

12 any F. 13 will not in E, F. 15 15 Yea, into such F. 

16 great not in F. 

ofAbufes. Greedy Couetoufnes in Ailg[na]. 119 

worth twentie nobles, or xx pound. 1 That which thaw was worth 

twentie pound is now 2 worth a C. pound, and more : Wherby the [ 2 leaf 71, back. 

rich Men haue fo balaunced their chefts with Gold and filuer, as they 

cracke againe. And to fuch exceffe is this couetoufnes growne, as 

euery one that hath money will not ftick to take his neighbors houfe 

ouer his head, long before his yeers be expired : Wherthorow 3 many a Taking of 

, ., , -IIP i- r howses ouer 

poore man, with his wyre, children, & whole lamelie, are torced to Mens heads. 

begge their bread all 4 their dayes 4 after. Another forte, who flow in 

welth, if a poore man haue eyther houfe or Land, they will neuer reft 

vntill they haue purchafed it, giuing him not the thirde parte of that 

it is worth. Belides all this, fo defperately giuen are many, that for The desperat 

the acquiring 5 of filuer and Gold, they will not s[t]icke to imbrew to get money" 

their hands, and both 6 their armes, in the blood of their 7 owne Parents [7 K 2, back] 

and Freends moft vnnaturally. Other fome will not make any con- 

fcience to fweare and forfweare themfelues 8 for euer, 8 to lye, diflemble, 

and deceiue the deereft frends they haue in the world. Therfore the 

heathen Poet, Virgill, faid very well, Ofacra auri fames, quid non mor- 

talia pelora cogis : Oh curfed defire of gold, what mifchief is it but 

thou forceft Man to attempt it for the loue of thee ! This immoderat 

thirft of Gold & monie bringeth an infinit number to mamerall end ; Many brought 

9 fome as homicides 9 for murthering and 10 killing j fome n as latrones, 11 thorow 

for robbing &: 12 Healing : fome for one thing, fome for another j 13 So andsiiuer. 

that furely I think 14 maior ejl numerus Hominum^ quos dira aucLritiae 

pejlis alforpjit, quam quos gladius vel en/is perforauit : 15 the number 

of thofe 15 whom the peflilence of auarice hath fwallowed vp, 16 is 

greatter 16 than the number of thofe whom the fword hath deftroid. 

The Lord affwage the heat 17 hereof with the oyle of his grace, 18 if 

it be his good pleafure and wil ! 

Spud. If I might be fo bold, I wold requeft you to fhew me, out 
of the word of god, where this fo deteftable a vice is reproued. 

1 pounds F. * leaf 71, back. Greedie couetousnesse in Ailgna. B. 
3 Whereby E ; Wherby F. 4 4 the dayes of their Hues F. 5 getting F. 

6 bathe B, E, F. s_s no t i, t p. 

9 9 as we see dayly, some are hanged F. 10 some for instead 0/and F. 

11 11 no t i n F. some f or i ns t ea d f&Y. 

f leaf 72. Testimonies against Couetousnes. B. 

u 14 the number of men is greater B, E, F ; F has to be for is. 

I5_i 5 not i n B, E, F. 16 16 not in B, E, F. " raging heate F. 

18 gracious mercy for grace F. 


Punifhment of Vfurers. 

The Anatomic 

Math. 6. 


out of the 

word of God 

against coue- 


[ 2 sign. K 3. A.] 

Luc. 6. 
Math, ix.3 

[Bible bits 
against covet 

[5 leaf 72, back. 

Timo. vi. 

Psalm 39. 

Prouerb i. 
Proue. xxvii. 

K 3, back] 

Mat. 5. 
Luc. 6. 

Philo. Our Sauiour Chrift lefus, the * Arch-doctor * of all truth, in 
his Euangely, the lixt of Mathew, faith, ' Be not carefull for to morow 
day, for the morow fhall care for it felfe.' 

Againe, 'be not carfull for Apparell, what 2 you ihall put on, nor 
for meat what you fhall eat, but feeke you the Kingdome of Heauen, 
& the righteoufnes therof, and all thefe things fhal be giuen vnto you.' 
He charged his Difciples to be fo farre from couetoufnes, as not to 
cary two coates with them in their iorneys, nor yet any money in their 
purfes. He tould his Difciples another time, ftryuing which of them 
mould be the greatteft, that he who wold be the greatteft, muft con- 
defcend 4 to be ferua?zt of all. When the people wold haue aduauwced 
him to haue beene King, he refufed it, and hid him felf. He telleth 
vs, we ' cannot ferue two Maifters, God & Mammon' : he biddeth vs 
' not to fet our minds vppo?z couetoufnes ' ; inferring that ' wher 5 our 
riches be 6 , there will our harts be alfo. He faith, 'it is harder for a 
rich Man (that is, for a Man whofe truft is in 7 riches,) to enter into 
the Kingdome of God, than for a Camell to go thorow the eye of a 
needle.' The Apoftle biddeth vs, 'if we haue meat & 8 drinke and 
clothing, to be content, for they that will be rich (faith he) fall into 
diuerfe temptations and fnares of the Deuill, which drowne Men in 
perditiow.' Dauid faith, ' Man difquieteth him felfe in vaine heaping vp 
riches, & cannot tell who ihall polTelfe them.' Salom[pn\ corwpareth 
a couetous man to him that murthereth & fheadeth innocent bloud. 
Againe, ' Hell and deftruction are neuer ful, fo the eyes of Men can 
neuer be 9 fatiffied.' The Apoftle S. Paule faith, 'neither Whor- 
mo?zgers, Adulterers, nor couetous perfons, nor Extortioners fhal euer 
enter into the Kingdom of Heauen.' And faith further, Mat 'the loue 
of monie is the root of al euil.' Chrift biddeth vs ' be 10 liberal & lend to 
them that haue need, not looking for any reftitutiorc again - } & neuer 
to turn our face away irom any poore maw, & thaw the face of the 
Lord fhall not be turned away from vs.' By thefe few places it is 
manifeft how farre fro/w al couetoufnes the lord wold haue al chriftiarcs 1] 
to be. 

i i teacher F. 3 E has Math. 9 ; F has no figure. 

4 humble F. f leaf 72, back. Punishment of Couetousnesse. B. 

6 is B, F. 7 in his F. 8 & not in F. 10 to be F. 

11 his children F. 

of Abules. 

Plagues for couetoufnes. 


Spud. Be their any examples in 1 fcriptures 2 to 3 fhevv foorth the 
puniflimentes of the fame, in 4 ni6ted vpon the Offenders therin r 2 

Philo. The Scripture is full of fuch fearful examples of the iufl 
Judgements of God powred 5 vpon them that haue offended herein ; 
Wherof I will recite three or four, for the fatiffying of your Godly 6 
mind. Adam was caft out of Paradice for coueting that fruit which 
was inhibited him to eat. Giefe? the Seruant of Elizeus the Prophet, 
was fmitten with an incurable leprolie, for that he, to fatiffie his 
couetous defire, exacted gold, liluer, & 8 riche garments, of Naaman, 
the K. of Siria his feruant. Balaam was reproued of his afle for his 
couetoufnes in going to curfe the Children of Ifrael at the requeft of 
K. Balac, who promifed him aboundance of gold & liluer fo to doo. 
Achab, the K., for couetoufnes to haue pore Naloth his viniard, flew 
him, 9 and dyed after himfelfe, with all his progeny, a lhameful death. 
The SoTznes of Samuel were, for their infaciable couetoufnes, deteined 10 
from euer inioying their Fathers kingdome. ludas, for couetoufnes 
of mony, fould the Sauiour of the world, and betrayed him to the 
lewes, but afterward dyed a miferable death, his bellye burfting, & 
his bowels gufhing out. Ananias and Saphira his wife, for couetouf 
nes in co/zcealing part of the price of their ll lands from the apoftles, 
were both ilain, & died a fearful death. Achan was ftoned to death, 
by the lord his commandemeTzt, for his couetoufnes in flealing 12 gold, 
filuer, & lewels at the facking of lericho, & al his goods were burned 
prefently. Thus you fee how for couetoufnes of mony, in all ages, 
Men haue made ihipwrack of their confciences, and in the end, by the 
iuft iudgemerat of God, haue dyed fearful deaths ; whofe Judgments I 
leaue to the Lord. 

Spud. Seeing that couetoufnes is fo wicked a fin, & fo offenfiue 
both to God & Man, & pernicious to the foule, I marueile what 
raoueth Men to folio we the fame 13 as they doo. 

Ph. Two things 14 moue men to affect mony fo 15 much as they 

1 in the holie E, F. (holy F.) 

2 2 of the Justice of God, inflicted vpon them that haue offended herein F. 
3 that E. * leaf 73. Plagues for Couetousnesse. B. 

5 executed F. 6 Godly not in F. 

7 Gehesie F. 8 and other F. w restrained F. 

f leaf 73, back. Vaine titles of [maister and E] worship in Ailgna. B. 

12 for F. 13 so much added in F. 

14 in my iudgement, added in B, E, F ; (F adds doe.) 16 so so A. 

[ leaf 73. 

The punish 
ment of coue- 
tousnes shew 
ed by exam 

4 Reg. 5. 

Num. 22. 

[Bible examples 
of punishments 

P sign. K 4. A.] 
Sa. viii. 

Act. v. 

[" leaf 73, back 

[God's judg 
ments on covet 
ous men.] 


Vsurie in Ailgna. 

The Anatomic 

What make 
Men to affect 

j> K 4, back] 

Euery Begger 
almost is call 
ed Maister at 
euery word. 

[ leaf 74- B. 

[Titivillers, that 
is, flattering 
fellows. E, F.] 

Refusing of 
vaine Titles. 
\tiot in E, F.] 

[ sign. K S . A.] 

do : the one, for 1 feare leaft they {hold fal into pouertie & beggery, (oh, 
ridiculous 2 infidelitie!) the other, 3 to be aduanced &: promoted to high 
dignities & honors vpow earth. And thei fee the world is fuch, that he 
who hath moni enough flialbe rabbled & maiftered at euery word, and 
withal faluted with 4 5 the vaine title of 6 ' worfhipfull,' 7 and 'right 
worlhipfull,' 7 though notwithstanding he be a dunghill Gentleman, or 
a Gentleman of the firft head, as they vfe to terme them. And to fuch 
outrage 8 is it growne, that now adayes euery Butcher, Shooemaker, 
Tailer, Cobler, 9 Huf band-man, 10 and other 10 ; yea, euery Tinker, 
pedler, n and fwinherd, euery Artificer and other, gregarii ordinis, of 
the vileft forte of Men that be, mufl be called by the vain name of 
' Maiflers ' at euery word. But it is certen that no wyfe Man will intitle 
them with any of thefe names, 'worfhipfull ' and 'maifter,' (for they are 
names and titles of dignitie, proper to the Godly wyfe, for fome fpeciall 
vertue inherent 12 , either els 13 inrefpe6tof 13 their birth, or calling, due 
vnto them) but fuch Titiuillers, flattering Parafits, and glofing Gnatoes 
as flatter them, expecting fome pleafure or benefit at their hazels ; 
which thing, if they were not blowen vp with the bellowes of pride, 
and puffed vp with the wind of vainglori, they might eafily perceiue. 
For certen it is they do but mocke and flatter 14 them with thefe titles, 
knowing that 15 they deferue nothing 16 leife. 17 Wherfore, like good 18 
Recufants 19 of that thing which is euill 19 , 17 they fliould refufe thofe 
vainglorious Names, remembring the words of our fauiour Chrifl, 
faying, 20 'be not called Maifler,' in token there is but one onely true 
Maifler and Lord in Heauen ; 21 which only true Maifler & Lord, God 
graunt all other may follows, lothe in life and name, vntil they come 
to 22 perfect men in lefus Chrift. 

Spud. The people beeing fo fet vpon couetoufnes, as I gather by 
your fpeeches they be, is it poilible that they wil lend morcey without 

1 9. for for F. * distnistfull B, E, F. 

3 other for desire B, E, F ; (F has &for for) 4 by for with E, F. 

6 Gentleman and added in F. ? 7 not in B, E, F. 

8 extreme madnesse B, E, F. 9 cobler and B, E, F. 

io_io not in B> E) F 

f leaf 74. Vsurie in Ailgna. B. 12 in them added in F. 

13_13 f or B, E, F. u floute E, F. , 15 that not in E, F. 

16 no F. 17 n And therefore as wise men and fearing God F. 

18 wyse E. 19 ~ 19 not in B, E, F. 20 saying not in F. 

22 to be E, F. 

of Abufes. 

Lawes allowe no vfury. 


vfurie, or without fome hoftage, guage, or pawn? 1 for vfurie follow- 

eth couetouf 2 nes, as the lhadowe dooth the bodie. g Jf 74, back. 

Great Vfurie in Ailgna. 

IT is as impoflible for any to borrowe money there 3 (for the moll Vsury. 
part), without vfurie 4 & loane, or with-out fome good hoftage, guage, 5 
or pledge, as it is for a dead man to fpeak with audible voice. 

Sbud. I haue heard fay that the politiue and ftatute lawes there The possitiue 


doo permit them to take vfurye, limitting 6 them how much to 7 take 
for euery pound. 

Philo. Although the ciuile 8 lawes (for the auoiding of further in- 
conueniences) doo permit certain fommes of money to be giuen 9 ouer- 
plus, beyond or 10 abooue the principall, for the loane of mony lent, yet 
are the vfurers no more n difcharged from the gilt of vfurie before God [ K 5, Lack] 
therby, then the adulterous lewes were from whordome, becaufe Moyfes 
gaue them a permifliue law, for euery man 12 to put away 13 their 
wiues 13 that would, for 14 euery light trifle. 14 And yet the 15 lawes there The lawes of 
giue no libertie to commit vfurie -, but feeing how much 16 it rageth, novsurie. 
left it Ihould exceed, rage further, and ouer-flowe the banks of all 
reafon and godlynes, As couetoufnes is a raging lea and a bottowlelfe 
pit, and 17 neuer fati[f]fied nor contented, they haue limited them 18 
with 19 in certain meeres and banks 20 (to bridle the infadable delires of t 19 leaf 75. B.tJ 
couetous men), beyond the which it is not lawful for any to go. but 
this permiflioTz of Me lawes argueth not that it is lawful to take vfury 
no more (I fay) then the permiHion of Moyfes argued that whor 
dome & adulterie is 21 lawf ull & good, becaufe Moyfes permitted them 
to put away their wiues for the auoiding of greater euil ** : for, as chrift 
faid to the lewes, 'from Me beginning it was not fo,' fo fay I to thefe 
vfurers, from the beginning it was not fo, nor yet ought 23 fo to be. 23 

3 in England F. 
appointing F. 

1 I thinke not, added in B, E, F. 
* leaf 74, back. Lawes allowe no Vsurie. B. 
4 interest added in E, F. 5 pawne added in F. 

7 they shall E, F. 8 Statute F. & taken added in F. 

10 and E, F. 12 one F. "_i3 his wife E, F. 

14 u any light offence E, F. 15 positive lawes E, F. 16 farre F. 

17 and not in E, F. " it E, F. f leaf 75. Vsurie vnlawfull. B. 

20 boundes F. 21 was then E, F. 22 euils F. 23 23 to be so F. 


Vfury vnlawful. 

The Anatomic 

[4 sigu. K 6. A.] 

The lawes 
permit some 
ouerplus, but 
commaund it 
[not]. 6 

[8 leaf 75, back. 

Forbidding to 
outrage in 
mischeef is 
not I permission 
to comit 
[ mircheef A. 
{ no F.] 

K 6, back] 

Spud. If no intereft were permitted, then 1 no man would lend, & 
then how mould the poor doo ? wherfore the lawes, that permit fome 
fmall ouer-plus therin, doo very wel. 2 

Philo. 3 Non faciendum eft malum, vt inde veniat lonum : we mufl 
not doo euil, that good may come of it. yet the lawes, in permitting 
4 certain reafonable gain to be receiued for the loane of money lent, left 
otherwife the poore mould quaile 5 (for without fome commoditie the 
rich would not lend,) haue not doone much amifle -, but if they had 
quite cut it of, and not yeelded at all to any fuch permiffion, they 
had doon better. But heerin the intent of the lawe is to be per 
pended, 7 which was to impale within the Forreft, or park, of reafon 
able and confcionable gain, men who cared not how much they could 
extorte out of poore-mens hands for 8 the loane of their money lent, 
and not to authorife any man to commit vfurie, as though it were 
lawful becaufe it is permitted. 

Therfore thofe that fay that the lawes there doo allow of vfury, & 
licence men to commit it freely, doo flaunder the lawes, & are woorthy 
of reprehenfion ; for though the lawes fay, ' thou malt not take abooue 
ij.s. in the pound, in a hundred,' 9 and fofo 10 foorth, 9 Dooth this 
prooue that it is lawful to take fo much, or rather that thou malt not take 
more then that ? If I n fay to a man, 11 ' thou malt not giue him abooue 
one or two blowes,' 12 dooth this prooue that I licence him to giue him 
one or two blowes, or rather that he fhal not giue him any at al, or if he 
doo, 13 he fhal not exceed or paife the bands 14 of refonable mefure ? 
fo this law dooth but mitigate the penalty, for it faith that the party 
that taketh but 15, for the vie of an, lofeth bat the, not 
his principal. 

16 Spud. Then I perceiue, if Vfurie be not lawful by the lawes of 
the Realm, then is it not lawful by the lawes of God. 

1 then not in E, F. 

2 in my opinion added mlL, F ; (F has mine for' my) 

3 The Apostle teacheth vs added in B ; The Apostle sayth, E, F. 

5 vtterly be distressed F. 6 not added in B, E, F. 7 .considered P\ 

\ leaf 75, back. Vsurie vnlawfull by Gods lawe. B. 
9 9 &c. F. 10 so for so so B, E. 

11 u see a man will needes fight with another, a (sic) I hauing authority 
ouer him, say vnto him F. 

12 at the most added in F. 1S that added in E, F. 

14 bounds F. l5 aboue B, E, F. 

of Abufes. Vfury equall with Murder. 1 25 

Philo. You may be lure of that : For our Sauiour Chrifte willeth Math. 5 , 5. 

Luc. 6. 

vs to be fo far from couetoufnes and vfury, as he faith, " giue to him 
that afketh thee, and from him that would borrow turn not thy face 
away." Againe, 1 " Lend of thy goods to them who are not able to 
pay thee again, and thy reward fhalbe great in heauen." 2 If wee The word of 

K J God against 

inuft lend our goods, then, to them who are not able to pay vs again, vsurie. 

no, not fo much as the bare thing lent, where is the intereft, the vfurie, 

the gaine, and ouer-plus which we fifti for fo much ? Therfore our 

Sauiour Chrifte faith, leatlus eft dare, potius 3 quarn accipere : It is 

more blefled to giue, then to receiue. In Me 22. of Exodus, Deut. 4 Exodus 20. 

24, 23, Leiiit. 25, Nehe. 5, Eze. 22, 18, & many other places, we are Leuit. 25. 

forbidden to vfe any kinde of vfury, or intereft, or to receiue again Ezech. 22, 18.4 

any ouer-pluss befides the principall, either in money, come, wine, 

oyle, beafts, cattel, meat, drink, cloth, or any thing els what foeuer. 

Dauid afketh a queftion of the Lord, faying, Lord, whojhall dwell in 

thy Tabernacle, and 5 whojfmll rejl in thy holy hil ? wherto he 6 giueth Psalm is. 7 

the folution him felf, 8 faying, ' euen he that leadeth an incorrupt life, & 

hath not giuen his mony vnto vfurie, 9 nor taken reward againft the p sign. K 7 . A.] 

innocent : who fo dooth thefe things mail neuer fall.' In the 15 of 

Deut. the Lord willeth vs not to craue again the thing we haue lent 

to our neighbor, for it is the Lords free yeer. If it be not lawful when it is not 

(then) to a(ke again that which is lent (for it is not the law of good ag^in ou? ab 

confcience for thee to exact it, if thou be abler to beare 10 it then the 

other 11 to pay it,) much leffe is it lawful 12 to demaund any vfury or 

ouer-plus. And for this caufe the Lord faith, ' let there be no begger 

amowgft you, nor poore perfon 13 amongft the Tribes of Ifrael.' Thus, ps leaf 7 6, back. 

you fee, the woord of God abandowneth vfurie euen to helj and all 

writers, bothe diuine and prophane, yea, the very heathen people, 

moued onely by the inftin6t of nature and rules of reafon, haue 

alwaies abhord it. Therfore Cato, beeing demaunded what vfurie was, 

ifked againe, ' what it was to kill a man?' making: vfurie equiualent Het . neni "n 

against vsury 

with murther: And good reafon, for he that killeth a 14 man, riddeth 

1 And againe F. * leaf 76. The word of God against Vsurie. B. 

3 potius not in F. 4 4 not in F. 5 or B, E, F. 

6 or rather the holy Ghost in him added in F. 7 Psalm 25 in A ; 16 in F. 
8 him-self not in F. 10 forbear F. " other is E, F. 

12 for thee added in F. 
t leaf 76, back. Vsurie equall with Murther. B* w a a (sic) A. 

126 Imprifoning for debt cruell. The Anatomic 

vsury equall 
with murther. 

[4 K 7, back] 

Sute com 
against him 
that is not 
able to pay 
aswel the 
Vsury as the 
[8 leaf 77. B.t] 

To prison with 
him that can 
not pay the 

No mercy in 
imprisoning of 
poor-men for 

[ I0 sign. K 8. A.] 

No crueltie to 
be shewed, but 
mercy and 
ought to be 

him out of his paines at oncej but he that taketh vfury, is long in 
butchering his patient, fuffering 1 him by little & little to languifh, and 
fucking out his hart 2 blood, neuer leaueth him fo long as he feeleth 
any 3 vitall blood (that is lucre and gaine) comming foorth of 3 him. 
The Vfurer killeth not one but many, bothe Hufband, Wife, Child 
ren, feruants, famelie, and all, not fparing any. 4 And if the poore 
man haue not wherewith to pay, as wel the intereft as the principall, 
when foeuer this greedy cormorant dooth demaund it, then fute 
malbe 5 commenced againft himj out go butter-flies and writs, as 
thick as haile j fo the poore man is apprehended and brought coram 
nobis, 6 and beeing once conuented, Judgement condemnatorie and 6 
diffinitiue fentence proceedeth againft him, compelling him to pay, 
aswel the vfury & the 7 loane of the money, as the money lent. But if 
he haue not to fatifrie aswei the one as th' other, 8 then to Bocardo 
goeth he as round as a ball, where he fhalbe fure to lye vntil he rotte, 
one peece from an other, without fatiffaction bee made. Oh, curfed 
Caitiue ! no man, but a deuil j no Chriftian, but a cruel Tartarian and 
mercilefle Turck ! dareft thou look vp toward heauen, or canft thou 
hope to be faued by the death of Chrifte, that fuffereft thine owne 
flefh and blood, thine owne bretheren & lifters in the Lord, and, 
which is more, the flefh and blood of Chrift lefus, veflels of faluation, 
coheirs with him of his fuperiall 9 kingdom, adoptiue fonnes of his 
grace, & finally faints in heauen, to lye and rot in prifon for want of 
payment of a little droife, which at the day of dome fhall beare wit- 
nelfe againft thee, gnaw thy flelh like a canker, and condemn thee 
for euer ? The very ftones of the prifon 10 walles mall rife vp againft 
thee, and condemne thee for thy crueltie. Is this loue ? Is this 
charitie ? is this to doo to others as thou wouldeft wifh others to n doe 
to thee ? or rather, as thou woz/ldeft wilh the Lord to doe vnto thee ? 
Art thou a good member of the bodie, which not onely cutteft of thy 
felfe from the vine, as a rotten braunch and void lop, but alfo heweft 
off other members from the fame true vine, Chrifte lefus ? No, no ; 

1 causing F. * vitall F. 

3 3 life in him or any more gaines comming from F. 

5 is B, E, F. 

6 6 then presently E, F. 7 the not in F. 

t leaf 77. Imprisonyng for debt cruell. B. ' supernall B, E, F. 

11 to not in F. 

of Abufes. The tyranny of Vfurers. 127 

thou art a member of the Deuil, a limme of Sathan, and a Childe of 

Wee ought not to handle our bretheren 1 in fuch forte for any 
worldly matter whatibeuer. Wee 2 ought to mew mercie and not g leaf 77 , back, 
crueltie to our bretheren, to remit trefpaffes and offences, rather then 
to exact puniflimentj referring all reuenge to him who faith, Mihi 
vindiffiam, et ego retribuam : Vengeance is mine, and I wil rewarde 
(faith the LORD). 

Beleeuemee, it greeueth mee to heare (walking 3 in the ftreats) the 
pitiful cryes, and miferable complaints of poore prifoners in durawce Thepetieful 
for debt, and like fo to continue all their life, deftitute of libertie, Prisoners in 

prison for 

meat, drink (though of the meaneft forte), and clothing to their dept. 

backs, lying in filthie ftrawe, and Mothfome dung, 4 wurfle then anie 

Dogge, voide of all charitable confolation and brotherly comfort 5 in L 5 K 8, back] 

this World, wifhing and thyrfting after death to fet them at libertie, 

and loofe them from their {hackles, giues, and yron bands. 

Notwithftanding, fome 6 mercileffe tygers are growen to fuch bar- A tygeriicke 
barous crueltie that they blufh not to fay, "turn ! he mail either paye saying, 
mee the whole, or els 7 lye there till his heels rot frorw his buttocks j 
and before I will releafe him, I will make dice of his bones." But Math, xviii. 
take heed, thou Deuill (for I dare not call thee a Man 8 ), left the 
Lord fay to thee, as he faid 9 to that wicked Seruant (who hauing 
great fommes forgiuen him, wold not forgiue his Brother his fmall 
debte, but, catching him by the throte, faid, 'pay that thou oweft'), 
bind him hands and feet, and caft him into vtter Darknes, wher mall 
10 be weeping and gnalhing of teeth. [ I0 leaf 78. B.f] 

An Vfurer is worfe than a Thief, for the one ftealeth but for need, An Vsurer 
the other for coueitoufnes and exceffe 11 : the one ftealeth but in the Thief. [***.] 
night commonly ; the other daylie and hourely, night and daye, at all 
limes indifferently. 

An Vfurer is worfe than a lew, for they, to this daye, will not An Vsurer 
take anye vfurie of their Brethren, according to the lawe of GOD. iew? er [t 

They are worfe than ludas, for he betraied Chrift but once, made An Vsurer 

worser than 
1 brethen (sic) F. * leaf 77, back. The tyranny of Vsurers. B. ludas. [ worse 

3 as I walk F. 4 4 stinking litter F. B ' E ' J 

6 these B, E, F. 7 he shal added in F. 8 Christian B, E, F. 

9 did F. t leaf 78. Vsurers worse then the Deuill. B. 

lucre F. 

[ 2 sign. L i. A.] 

Vsurers wursse 
then Hel. 

An Vsurer 
wursse then 

An vsurer 
vvurse then the 

The sayings of 
Godly Fathers 
and Writers 
against vsury. 
[4 leaf 78, back. 

Vsurers pun 
ished 6 with 
sundry tor 

Scriuiners the 

Diuels agents 

to set forward 


[7 L i, back] 

128 Scriueners, Inftrumercts of vfurie. The Anatomie 

reftitution, and repented 1 for it 1 (though his repentance fprang not of 
faith, but of defpaire), but thefe Vfurers betray Chrift in his members 
daylie and hourly, 2 without any remorfe or reftitution at all. 

They are wurfle then hel it felf, for it punifheth but only the 
wicked and reprobate, but the Vfurer maketh no difference of any, 
but puni(heth all alike. They are crueller then death, for it deftroy- 
eth but the body and goeth no further, but the vfurer deftroyeth both 
body & foule for euer. And, to be breef, the Vfurer is wurfle then 
the Deuil himfelf, for the Deuill plagueth but onely thofe that are in 
his hands, or els thofe who me God permitteth him ; the Vfurer 
plagueth not onely thofe that are within his iurifdiction alredy, but 
euen all other, without permiffion 3 of any. Therfore, faith Amlrofc, 
if any man commit vfurie, it is extortion, rauin, & pillage, 4 and he 
ought to dye. Alpkonfus called vfury nothing els then a life of death. 
Lycurgus banimed all kind of vfury out of his lands. Cato did the 
fajne. AgeJJilaus, Generall of the Lacedemonians, burned the Vfurers 
bookes in the open market places. Claudius Vafpatiannus, and after 
him Alexander Seuerus made lharpe lawes againft vfury, and vtterly 
extirped the fame. 5 Arijlotle, Plato, Pythagoras, and generally, all 
writers, bothe holy and prophane, haue fharply inueighed againft this 
deuouring canker of vfury ; & yet cannot we, that fain would be 
called chriftians, auoid it. And if it be true that I heare 7 fay, there 
be no men fo great doers in this noble facultie and famous fcience as 
the Scriueners be : For it is fayd (and I feare me too true) that there 
are fome to whome is committed 8 a hundred or two ot poundes, 8 of 9 
fome more, of 9 fome lefle, they puttinge in good fureties to the 
owners for the repayment 10 of the fame againe, with certaine allow 
ance for the loane thereof ; then come there poore men to them, 
11 defiring them 11 to lende them fuche a fom of money, and they wil 
recompence them at their owne defires, who making refufall at the 
nrfte, as though they had it not (to acuate 12 the minds of the poore 
petitioners withall 13 ), at laft they lend them how much they deiire, 

i i no t i n E, F. 3 compassion B, E, F. 

+ leaf 78, back. Scriueners instruments of Vsurie. B. 

5 out of their dominions added in F. 6 6 sundry wayes F. 

e - 8 an hundred poundes or two F . 9 to in B, E, F. 

10 payment F. n n with request F. 

12 whette F. 13 you must vnderstande added in B, E, F. 

of Abufes. Great fwearyng in Ailgna. 129 

receiuing of the poore men what interefl & 1 aflura/zce they luft 2 

themfelues, and 3 binding them, their lands, 4 Goodes, and all, with [* leaf 79 . B.] 

forfaiture thereof if they fayle of payment : where note, by the way, 

the Scriuener is the Inftrament wherbythe Diuell worketh 5 the frame 6 

of this 7 wicked woorke of Vfurie, hee beeing rewarded 7 5 with a good 

fleece for his labour. For firfte, he hath a certaine allowance of the The Scriuiners 

fleece or pit- 

Archdiuel 8 who owes the money, for helping him to Inch 9 vent for his taunce for his 


coyne: Secondly, he hath a greate deale 10 more vfurie to himfelfe, of 

him who boroweth the money, n than he alloweth the owner of the 

mony 11 : And, thirdly, he hath not the leaft part for making the 

writings betwene them. 12 And thus the poore man is fo implicate 13 [ I3 sign. L a. A. 1 

and wrapped in on euerie fide, as it is impoflible for him euer 14 to get 

out of the briers 15 without lolTe of all that euer hee hath, to the very 

ikin. Thus the riche are inriched, 16 the poore beggered, and Chrift 

lefus dishonored euerie way, God be mercifull vnto us ! 17 De his 

hactenus 17 . 

[ l8 Greate S weary ng in Ailgna. JT* **// 


What is the 19 qualitie, 20 and 19 naturall difpofition 21 of this people ? 
Are thei not a verie godlie, religious, and faithfull kind of people : For 
the faiynff is, that the woorde of God, and good Religion, florisheth in [Gods word 

nonsheth in 

that lande, better then in the greateft parte of the worlde befides. England, bat the 

people are 

And I am f ullie perfwaded, that where the woorde of God is truely J'jked still. E, 
prached and his Sacramentes duely miniftered (all whiche thei 22 haue) C 32 leaf 79, back, 
there muft all thynges needes profper, and goe forwarde ; wherefore I 
defire to knowe your Judgement, whether all thefe thinges be fo, or 

1 and also E, F. 2 list B, E, F. 3 both E, F. 

* leaf 79. Great swearyng in Ailgna. B. 

6 6 this laudable worke, rewarding his Vassall F. 6 effecte E. 

7 7 laudable woorke, rewarding his vassall, B, E. 8 master deuil F. 

* such not in B, E, F. 10 deale not in F. " not in B, E, F. 

13 intangled F. u hardly F. 16 againe added in F. 

16 inrinched (sic) F. " " not in B, E, F. 

13 This chapter, not in A, is added in B, E, & F. 19 19 not in F. 

20 Inclination, added in E. 21 dispositistion (sic) F. 

t leaf 79, back. Hipocrisie vnder the cloke of Christianity. B. E has : 
The disposition of Englishmen. 


130 The libertie of Papifts in Ailgna. The Anatomic 

{This page not 
in A.] 

[The naturall 
disposition of 
E, F.] 

[Great wicked- 
nesse committed 
vnder the cloke 
of the gospell. 
E, F.] 
[S leaf 80. B.f] 

[Papistes suf 
fered in England 
with too much 
lenitie. E, F.] 

[Papists lining 
in prison lyke 
Princes. E, F.] 

[Philo. The worde of God is truely and fincerely preached there, 
and his Sacramentes duely 1 and purely adminiftred, as in any place in 
all the worlde 2 ; no man can deny it; and all thynges are pretelie 3 
reformed, accordyng to the prefcripte of Gods woorde, fauyng that a 
fewe remnantes of fuperftition doe remaine behinde vnremoued, 
which I hope in tyme will bee weeded out, by the ficcle of Gods 
woorde. And as concernyng the nature, propertie, and difpolition of 
the people, thei bee defirous of newfangles, praifyng thynges pafte, 
contemnyng thinges prefent, and couetyng after thynges to come. 
Ambicious, proude, light, and vnftable, ready to bee caried awaie with 
euery blafte of Winde. And whereas you afke me, whether thei bee 
religious : I anfwere. If Religion confift in wordes onely, then are 
thei verie religious - } but otherwife, plaine irreligious. Thei heare the 
woorde of God fereouflie, night & daie (a blefled exercife doubtlerTe) 
flockyng after fermons from place to place, euerie hower almofte : 
thei receiue the Sacramentes duely, and thei behaue themfelues 4 in all 
thinges verie orderly, to the worlde. But a greate forte plaie the 
Hipocrites herein egregiouflie j and vnder this cloke of Chriftianitie, 
and profeffion of the Gofpell, thei commit all kinde of De 5 uilrie, 
purchafing to themfelues the greater damnation, in that thei make the 
worde of God, a vizard 6 to couer their abhominations withall. And 
as for Sectes, Schifmes, 7 and fundrie factions, thei want none amongeft 
them. But efpecially Papiftes, and profeffors of Papifme, are fuffred 
with too much lenitie amongeft them. Thefe fedicious Vipers, and 
pithonicall Hidraes, either lurke fecretely in corners, feducyng her 
Maiefties Subie6tes, and withdrawyng their hartes from their foue- 
raignes obedience, or els walk openly, obferuyng an outward decorum, 
and an order as others doe; and then maie no man faie ' blacke is their 
eye,' but thei are good Proteftarcts. And if the worft fall, that thei be 
efpied, & found rancke Traitours (as all Papiftes bee) yet mail thei be 
but committed to Prifon, where thei liue like yong Princes, fed with 
all delicate meates, clothed in fumpteous attire, and flowing in 8 gold 
and filuer. And no maruell, for euery one is fuffered to come to 

1 sincerely F. 2 besides added in E, F. 

8 well added in E, F. * themselued (sic) F. 

f leaf 80. The libertie of Papists in Ailgna. B. 

6 or cloak added in F. 7 Errors, added in E. 

8 aboundance of added in F. 

of Abufes. How a man ought to fweare. 131 

[them that will, and to bring them what 1 thei lift. Thei hane their [T&is page ttot 

libertie at all tymes, to walke abroade, to fporte, and paftyme them- 

felues, to plaie at Gardes, Dice. Tables, Bowles, and what thei will : [Exercises of 

Papists in 

lb that it were better for them to be in prifon then forth. Alas, (hall Prisons in Eng 
land. E, F.] 

we fuffer thefe fworne enemies of Gods glorie, of Chriftes Gofpell, 

and holy Religion, to haue this freedome amongeft vs ? This maketh 

them obftinate, and incorrigible 2 : this hardeneth their 3 hartes; and g Jjaf 80, back. 

this 4 maketh many a Papift moe then would be, if due correction 5 were 

executed. 6 But to returne againe to my former difcourfe. They are 

alfo inconftant, arrogant, vainglorious, hautie mynded, and aboue all 

thynp-es inclined to fwearyng, in fo muche, as if thei fpeake but three [Great swearing 

J in England. 

or fower wordes, yet muft thei needes be interlaced with a bloudie E > F -J 
othe or two, to the great dilhonour of God, and offence of the 

Spud. Why fir ? Is it fo greate a matter to fweare ? Doeth not 
the worde of God faie, thou malt honour me, and fweare by my name, 
& thofe that fweare by me mall bee commended ? Thefe places and 7 
the like, me thinke, dooe fufficiently proue, that it is lawfull to fweare 
at all tymes, doe thei not fo ? 

Philo. Nothyng lefle : For you muft vnderftand that there be two [Two kinds of 
maner of fwearinges 8 : the one Godly, the other vngodly: the one 
lawfull, and the other damnable. The Godly fwearyng, or lawfull 
othe, is when we be called by the Magiftrates, and thofe that be of 
authoritie, in any doubtfull matter, to depofe a truthe ; and is to be 
doen in this order. When any matter of controuerfie happeneth 
betwixt man and man, vpon any occafion whatfoeuer, and the truthe [When, and how 

it is lawful to 

thereof can not by any meanes poflible be fifted out, otherwife then sweare. E, F.] 

by an othe : then thou, beyng called by the lawful Magiftrate, and 

commaunded vppon thy allegeance to corcfefle what thou knoweft, 

9 thou maieft, and oughteft to depofe the truthe, by the inuocation and [ 9 leafSr. B.t] 

obteftation of the name of God. And in this doyng, thou honoureft 

God. But beware that thofe things which thou fweareft be true, or 

els thou makeft God a Her (whofe name thou calleft to witneffe) 

1 what maintenance F. * vnreclaimable F. 

* leaf 80, back. How a man ought to sweare. B. 

4 this not in E. 5 punishment F. 6 vppon them added in F. 

7 with E, F. 8 or othes added in E, F, and p. 140, 142, 144, 

f leaf 81. Swearyng forbidden by God. B. 

132 Swearing forbidden by God. The Anatomic 

[This page not in [thou defireft hym to powre his wrath vpon thee, thou periureft thy- 
[The daunger of ^ e1 ^ an d purchafeft etemall damnation. The other vngodly and 
|fah,e othe. damnable kinde of fwearyng, is, when wee take in vaine abufe, and 
blafpheme, the facred name of God in our ordenarie talke, for euery 
[A wicked kind light trifle. This kinde of fwearyng: is neuer at any tyme vppon no 

of swearing. . . 

E.F.] occation to be vfed; but the counfell of our Sauiour Chrift is herein 

to be obeyed, who faieth : " Sweare not at all, neither by heauen, 
for it is his Seate : neither by the earth, for it is his Footeftoole : 
neither by Jerufalem, for it is the Citie of the great King : neither 
{halt thou fweare by an heire of thy l head, becaufe thou canft not 
make one heire white or blacke : But let your communication be 
yea, yea : nay, nay," that is : yea in harte, and yea in mouthe : nay 
in harte, and nay in mouthe : " for whatfoeuer is more then this 
cowzmeth of euill." That is, of the Deuill, faieth our Sauiour Chrift, 
Spud. I perceiue by your reafons, that fwearyng is a thyng more 
daungerous then it is taken to bee : and therefore not to bee fuffered in 
a Chriftian Commonwealth. 

Bti af 8l ' back> Phito. A true othe is daungerous, a falfe othe 2 is damnable, and no 

[Sundry kinds of othe is fure. To fweare before a lawfull Judge, or otherwife priuately, 

othes, with their 

tffectes. E, F.] f or the appealing of coratrouerfies, callyng the name of God to witnefle 
in truthe and veritie, is an honour, and a true feruice doen to the 
Lorde : for in thete caufes the Apoftle biddeth that an oth may make 
an ende of all controuerfies and troubles. But the other kinde of 
fwearyng in priuate and familiar talke, is moft damnable ; and there 
fore faieth Salomon : " A man that is giuen to muche fwearyng mall 
bee filled with iniquitie, and the plague of God (hall neuer goe from 
his houfe." And yet notwithftandyng this, it is vfed and taken there 
[Swearing taken for a vertue. So that he that can lafhe out the bloudieft othes, is 
England E? if] coumpted the braueft fellowe: For (faie thei) it is a figne of a 
coragious harte, of a valiaunt ftomacke, & of a generofeous, heroicall, 
and puiflant mynde. And who, either for feare of Gods ludgementes 
will not, or for want of practice cannot, rappe out othes at euery 
word, he is counted a Daftard, a Cowarde, an Afle, a Pefant, a 
Clowne, a Patche, an effeminate perfon, and what not that is euill. 
By continuall vfe whereof, it is growne to this perfection, that at 
euery other worde, you fhal heare either woundes, bloud, fides, harte., 
1 thine F. t leaf 81, back. The horrible vice of swering in Ailg. B. 

of Abufes. Horrible fwearing in Ailgna. 133 

[nailes, foote, or fome other parte of Chriftes blefied bodie, 1 yea, \This page not 
ibmetymes no parte thereof ihalbe left vntorne of thefe bloudie 
Villaines. And to fweare by God at euery worde, by the World, by 

S. Jhon, 2 by S. Marie, S. Anne, by Bread and Salte, by the Fire, or [ a leaf 82. B.] 

by any other Creature, thei thinke it nothyng blame worthie. But I sweare by any 

J J creature. E, F.] 

giue all bloudie Swearers (who crucifie the Lorde of life afrem, as the 
Apoftle faieth, as muche as is in their power, and are as giltie of his 
Death, Paffion, and Bloud-fheddyng, as euer was ludas that betrayed 
hym, or the curfed lewes that crucified hym) to vnderftande, that to 
fweare by God at euery woorde, is the greateft othe that can bee. 
For in fwearyng by God, thou fweareft by God the Father, by God 
the Sonne, and by God the holie Ghoft, and by all the whole diuine 
Nature, Power, dieitie, 3 and eflence. When thou fweareft by Gods 
harte, thou fweareft by his mifticall wifedome. When thou fweareft 
by his bloud, thou fweareft by his life. When thou fweareft by his [How dangerous 

J ^ ^ it is to sweare by 

feete, thou fweareft by his humanitie. When thou fweareft by his anything. E, F.] 

armes, thou fweareft by his power. When thou fweareft by his 

finger, or tung, thou fweareft by the holie Spirite. When thou 

fweareft by his nofethrells, thou fweareft by his infpirations. When 

thou fweareft by his eyes, thou fweareft by his prouidewce. Therfore, 

learne this, and beware of fwearyng, you bloudie Butchers, leaft God 

deftroye you in his wrathe. And if you fweare by the Worlde, by S. t T( > sweare by 

any creature is 

Ihon, Marie, Anne, Bread, Salt, Fire, or any other Creature that euer idoiatrie. E ] 

God made, whatfoeuer it be, little or muche, it is horrible Idoiatrie, 

and damnable 4 in it felf. For if it were lawfull to fweare at euery 5 t 4 leaf 82, back. 


woorde for euery trifle, yet it were better to fweare by GOD in a 
true matter, then by any Creature whatfoeuer. Becaufe, that, that 6 a 
man fweareth by, he maketh (as it were) his God of it, callyng hym 7 
to witnefle, that, that thyng which he fpeaketh is true. All which 
thinges duely corcfidered, I am fully perfwaded, that it were better 
for one to kill a man (not that Murther is lawful, God forbid !) the/z 
to fweare an othe. And yet fwearyng is of fuche fmall moment in 
Ailgna, as I heare fay (and I feare me too true), there are many that [False swearers 

8 in England for 

1 sworne by, added in E, F. money* E, F.J 

* leaf 82. Horrible swearing in Ailgna. B. 

a Deity F. f leaf 82, back. False Swearers for money in Ailg. B. 

each E, F. 6 which in E, F. 1 it E, F. 

8 8 for money in England F. 


Punifhment of Swearers. 

The Anatomic 

[ This page not 
in A.] 

[Swearers are 
very Devils.] 

[A lawe for 
swearers. E, F.] 
[6 leaf 83. B.f] 

due for 
swearers. E, F.] 

[for money will not fticke to fweare any thing, though neuer fo falfe, 
and are wel enough knowne, and difcerned from others by the name 
of Jurers : thei maie be called Libertines, or Atheiftes, naie, plaine 
Menegers of 1 the faithe, and very Deuilles incarnate. Was 2 there euer 
any Deuilles that would abdicate 3 themfelues to eternall damnation 
for money, as thefe villaines dooe fell their bodies and foules to 
eternall deflru6tion for filthy drofle and muck of the world ? Shall 
wee fuffer this villanie to bee doen to our God, and not 4 punifhe it ? 
God graunt there maie fome Lawe be enacted for the fuppreflion of the 
fame. For now no man by any lawe in force may rebuke any 5 
man for fwearyng, though he teare the Lordes bodie, and blafpheme 
bothe Heauen and Earth neuer fo much. The Magiftrates can not 
compell them to keepe filence, for if thei doe, 6 thei will be readie to 
laie their Daggers vppon 7 their faces. So that by this impunitie, this 
horrible vice of fwearing is fuffered ftill to remaine without al con- 
trolement, to the great difhonour of God, and nourimyng of vice. 

Spud. What kinde of punimment would you haue appointed for 
thefe notorious bloudy fwearers. 

Philo. I would wifhe (if it pleafed God) that it were made death : 
For wee reade in the Lawe of God, that whofoeuer blafphemed the 
Lord, was prefently (toned to deathe, without all remorce, which law 
iudiciall llandeth in force to the worldes ende. And ought not we 
to be as zealous for the glorie of God, as the people were then ? Or if 
this bee iudged too feuere, I would wifhe they might haue a peece of 
their tongues cut of, or loofe fome ioynt : If that bee too extreeme, 
to be feared in the fore head or cheeke with a hot Iron, ingrauen 
with fome pretie 8 pozie, that thei might be knowne and auoyded. Or 
if this be too ftrict, that thei might bee banimed their natiue Countrie, 
committed to perpetuall prifon, or els to bee whipped, or at leaft, for- 
faite for euery othe, a certaine fomme of money, and to bee com 
mitted to Warde, till the money be paied. If any of thefe Godly 
Inflitutions were executed feuerely, I doubt not, but all curled fwear 
ing would vanifh away like 9 fmoke. Then mould God be 10 glorified, 

1 l reprobates concerning F. 2 Were F. 

3 and abandone added in E, F. * not to E, F. 

6 a in E, F. f leaf 83. Punishment of Swearers. B. 

7 on E, F. 8 pretie not in F. 9 like a F. 

10 to be F. 

of Abufes. Two Swearers in Ailgna. 135 

[and our Conferences made 1 cleane againft the 2 greate 3 fearfull dale of lufag* not 
the Lorde appeare. g leaf 83, back. 

Spud. If fwearing and blafpheming of God's name be fo 
hainous a fmne, it is likely, that God hath plagued the vfers therof 
with fome notable punifhment, 4 whereof I praie you Ihew me fome 

Philo. I could fhewe mod ftraunge and fearfull iudgementes of [ ^| w s e j a u r d e g r ^ ents 
God, executed vppon thefe curfed kinde of Swearers in all ages : but 
for breuite fake, one or two mall fuffice. There was a certaine yong 
man dwellynp- in Enlocnillhire 5 in Ailgna, (whofe tragicall difcourfe [Lincolnshire in 

. f England.] 

I my felf penned about two yeares agoe, 6 referring you to the faid 
booke for the further declaration therof) who was alwaies a filthie 
Swearer: His common othe was by ' God's bloud.' The Lorde will- [A most fearefuii 

example of God t 

ynp- his conuerfion, chaftifed him with fickneife many times to leaue wrath s ^f^ ed 

* o vpon a filthy 

the fame, and moued others euer to admonilh him of his wickedneife : g"^? j [jTodYiv* 

but all chaftifementes and louyng corrections of the Lorde, al freendly F>1 

admonitions, and exhortations 7 of others, he vtterly contemned, ftil per- 

feuering in his bloudie kinde of fwearyng. Then the Lord, feing that 

nothing would preuaile to winne him, arefted hym with his Sargeant 

Death : Who, with fpeede laied holde on hym, and caft hym vppon 

his Death bed, where he languifhed a great while, in extreeme [Death, the 

. . Lords exe- 

mifene, not forgettyng to fpewe out his olde vomite of Swearyng. cutioner. B, FJ 
At the laft, the people perceiuing his ende to approach, 8 caufed the [ 8 leaf 84. B.t] 
Bell to toll. Who, hearyng the Bell toll for him, rumed vp in his bed f^ 1 J t o f r | ad " 
very vehemently, faiyng : " Gods bloud, he mall not haue me yet: " swcarer - E > F -l 
with that, his bloud gufhed out, fome at his toes endes, fome at his 
fingers endes, fome at his wriftes, fome at his nofe and mouth, fome 
at one ioint of his body, fome at an other, neuer ceafing till all the 
bloud of 9 his bodie was stremed forthe : and thus ended this bloudie 
Swearer his mortall 10 life, whofe Judgement I leaue to the Lord. 

There was alfo an other, whom I knewe my felf for a dozen or 
fixteene yeres together, dwellyng in Erichffehcmire, 11 in a Towne 

1 kepte E ; kept F. * leaf 83, back. Examples against swearyng. B. 

8 and added in E, F. * in all ages added in F. 5 Lincolneshire F. 

6 in verse added in F. 1 exhortation F. 

I leaf 84. Two Swearers in Ailgna. B. E has: A most dreadfull end of a 

9 in F. 10 cursed F. u Cheshire E, F. 

136 The vfe of the Sabaoth in Ailgna. The Anatomic 

\_Thispage, to i. called Notelgnoc, 1 whofe vfuall and common oth was euerto fweare, 

[Congieton in by Gods Armes : But in the ende, his arme being hurte by a knife, 

could neuer be healed by no kinde of meanes, but ftill wranckled 2 and 

fettered from daie to daie, and at the laft fo rotted, as it fell awaie by 

[The fearefuii peecemeale, and he himfelf through anguifti and paine thereof dyed 

swearer. E, F.] iliortly after. Thus the Lord God plagued both the one and the 

other, in the fame thinges wherein thei had offended, that the pun- 

ifhment might be like to the offence. For as the one offended 

through fwearyng by his bloud, fo the Lorde puniihed hym with 

bloud. And as the other offended in fwearyng by his armes, fo the 

Lorde plagued hym in his arme alfo. As he punifhed 3 the riche Glutton 

in Hell by the tongue, for that he had offended in the fame by taftyng 

[* leaf 84, back. o f delicate 4 meates. There was alfo a woman in the Citie of 

13. tj 

[London.] Munidnol 5 in Ailgna, who, commyng into a fhoppe to buye certaine 

of a woman for- Marchaundize, forfware her felfj and the excrementes whiche 

seife. E, F.] naturally mould evacuate 6 downewarde, came forthe at her mouthe, 

and fhe dyed miferablie. With infinite 7 like exampled 8 of God's 

wrath and heauie iudgementes, executed vppon this wicked broode 

of Swearers, whiche if I had tyme and leafure, I could rehearfe. 

But contentyng my felf to haue faied thus muche, I will proceede to 

other matters no leffe needefull to be handled.] 

Spud. Hauing (by the grace of Chrifle) hytherto fpoken of fundrie 
Abufes of that countrie, let vs proceed a little further, howe doe they 
fan&ifie 9 and keepe the Sabbaoth day? In godly Chriftian exercifes, 
or els in prophane paftimes and pleafures ? 

The Maner of fanctifiyng the Sabaoth 
in Ailgna. 


THE Sabaoth day, of fome is well fanftified, 10 namely in hearing 
"the 11 Word of GOD read, preached, and interpreted in priuat and pub- 
lique Prayers) in finging of Godly Pfalmes, in celebrating the facra- 

1 Congieton F. 2 ranckled F. 3 puninished (sic) F. 

f leaf 84, back. The vse of the Sabaoth in Ailgna. B. 
5 London F. 6 hawe discended F. 7 the added in E, F. 

8 examples in F. 9 sanctisie A. 

10 santified A j obserued E ; obserued, as F. n the blessed B, E, F. 

of Abufes. The prophanation of the Saboth. 137 

mewts, & in colle&ing for the poore & indigent j 1 which are the true [ x L 2, back. A.] 

vfes and ends wherto the Sabaoth was ordained. But other fome 

fpend 2 the Sabaoth day (for the moft part) in frequenting of baudie [ 2 leaf 85. B.t] 

Stage-playes and enterludes, in maintaining Lords of mif-rule (for fo 

they call a certaine kinde of play which they vfe), 3 May-games, 

Church-ales, feaits. and wakeefles : in pyping, dauncing, dicing, card 

exercises vpon 

ing, bowling, tenniiTe playing j in Beare-bayting, cock-fighting, hawk- the Sabaoth 
ing, hunting, and fuch like; In keeping of Faires and markets on the [Fairs, footbaii- 

. playing and 

fabaoth : In keeping 4 Courts and Leets : In foot-ball playing, and fuch other profanities 

on the Sabbath- 

Other deuiliih paftimes; 5 reading of laciuious and wanton bookes, day-1 
and an infinit number of fuch like pradifes and prophane exercifes 
vfed vppon that day, wherby the Lord God is dishonoured, his Sabaoth 
violated, his woord neglected, his facraments contemned, and his 
People merueloufly corrupted and caryed away from true vertue and 
godlynes. 6 Lord, remooue thefe exercifes from thy Sabaoth / 6 

Spud. You wil be deemed too too Sioicall, if you mould reftrain 
men from thefe exercifes vpon the Sabaoth ; for they fuppofe that 
that day 7 was ordained and confecrate to that end and pwrpofe, only to 
vfe what kinde of exercifes they think good thewfelues : & was it not 

Phi. After that the Lord our God had created the world, and all 
things therin contained, in 8 fix dayes, in the feuenth day he refted C 8 L 3- A -3 
from all his woorks (that is, from creating them, not from 9 gouerning when the 
them) and therefore hee commaunded thai the feuenth day mould be ordained. 
kept holy in all ages to the end of the world : then, after that in effecl: B t! 5> 
2000 yeeres, he iterated this Commandement, when he gaue the law 
in mount Horeb to Moyfes, & in him to all 10 the Children of Ifrael, 
faying, remember (forget it not) that thou keep holy the feuenth day, 
&c. If we mull keep it holy, then muft we not fpend it in fuch vain 
exercifes as pleafe ourfelues, but in fuch godly exercifes as he in his 
holy woord hath commaunded. And (in my Judgement) the Lord 
our God ordained the feuenth day to be kept holy for foure caufes 

* leaf 85. The prophanation of the Saboth. B. 8 hi added in E. 

* keepyng of B, E, F. in added in B, E, F. 

6 6 not in B, E, F. 
7 is a day of liberty, and added in F. 

t leaf 85, back. The Institution of the Sabaoth. B. (Sadaoth. A.) 
10 call E, F. 

Wherfore the 
Sabaoth was 

[4 L 3, back. A.] 
[6 leaf 86. B.f] 

[The 4th cause 
for the Sabbath.] 

for violating 
the sabaoth. 

Violaters of 
the saboth. 

['5 L 4. A.] 

138 Violaters of the Sab[oth] punifhed. The Anatomic- 

efpecially. Firft, to put vs in minde of his wunderful woorkmanfhip 
& creation of the world and 1 creatures betides. Secondly, thai his 
woord (the Church afle/rcbling togither) might be preached, inter 
preted, & expounded ; his facraments miniftred finceerly, according to 
the prefcript of his woord, & that fuffrages 2 & praiers, bothe priuat & 
publique, might be offered to his excellent Maieftie. Thirdly, for that 
euery chriftiara man might repofe himfelf from corporall labour, to 
the end they might the better fuftain the trauailes of the week to en- 
fue 3 ; and alfo to the end that all beafts & cattel, which the Lord 
hath made for mans vfe, as helps & 4 adiuments 5 vnto him in his daylie 
affaires & bulinefle, might reft and refrefh them felues, the better to 
6 go thorow in their traueiles afterward. For, as the hethen Man 
Knew very we\,Jine alter na requie non eft duralile qidcquam : Without 
fome reft or repofe, there is not any thing durable, or able to continue 
long. Fourthly, to thend it might be a typical figure or fignitor 7 to 
point 8 (as it were) with the finger, and to cypher 9 f oorth 10 and fhadowe 10 
vnto vs that bleffed reft & thryfe happie ioye which the faithfull fhaU 
poflelfe after the day of iudgement in the Kingdome of Heauen. 
Wherfore, feeing the Sabaoth was inftituted for thefe caufes, 11 it is 
manifeft that it was not appointed for the maintenance of wicked 
and vngodly paftymes, and vaine pleafures of the flefli ; which GOD 
abhorreth, and all good men from their hartes do loth and detefte. 

The Man, of whome we read in the law, for gathering of a few 
fmall ftickes vpo/z the Sabaoth, was ftoned to death by the com- 
maundement of God from 12 the Theater of Heauen. 

Than, if he were ftoned for gathering a few fticks vppon the 
Sabaoth day, which in fome cafes might be 13 for neceflities fake, and 14 
did it but once, what mail they be, who all the Sabaoth dayes of their 
lyfe giue them-felues to nothing els but to wallow in all kind of 
wickedneffe and finne, to the great contempt both 15 of the Lord and 
his Sabaoth ? And though they haue played the lazie lurdens al the 

1 and all other his B, E, F. 2 orisons added in E, F. 

3 following (for to ensue) E, F. 5 support es F. 

f leaf 86. Violaters of the Sabaoth punished. B. 

7 vnto vs added in F. 8 poynt out F. 

9 discipher F. 10 10 not in B, E, F. 

11 and to these endes added in B, E, F. 12 soundyng from B, E, F. 

w lawfull added in F. l4 and yet E, F. 

of Abufes. Strict obferuatiorc of the Saboth. 139 

weke before, yet that day of fet purpofe they wil toile 1 and labour, in [' leaf 86, back, 
contempt of the Lord and his Sabaoth. But let them be fare, as he 
that gathered ftickes vpon the Sabaoth was ftoned for his contempt of 
the fame, fo mall they be ftoned, yea, grinded to peeces, for their con 
tempt of the Lord in his Sabaoth. 

The lewes are verye ftricl: in keeping their Sabaoths ; in fo muche The lewes 

very precise in 

as they will not dreffe their meats and drinks vppon the fame day, but keeping 8 

let it on the tables the day befor. They go not aboue ij. miles vpow 

the fabaoth day ; they 3 fuffer not the body of any 4 Malefactor to hang 

vppon the gallowes vppon the Sabaoth day, with legions of fuch like 

fuperfticioTZS. [ 5 And whiche is moft ftraunge, if any of them fall 

into any daunger, thei will not fuffer any to labour for their deliuerie 

vpon that daie, for violatyng their Sabbaoth. So it chaunced that a [The English 

M R i T / i r 11 T. J ew w h died 

certame lewe beyng in Ailgna," by greate ' caiualtie tell into a rnuie m a privy, rather 
vppon one of their Sabbaoth daies, and the people endeuouryng to helpe out on the 


him forthe, he forbad them to labour about hym vpon the Sabbaoth 

daie, chofing rather to dye in that filthie ftincking place, (as by the 

other morning he was dead indeed) then to breake or violate the 

Lordes Sabbaoth. 5 ] Wherin, as I do acknowledge, they are but 

too fcrupelous, 8 and ouermoot the marke, fo we are therin plaine con- 

tempteous and negligent, mooting fhort of the marke altogether. 

Yet I am not fo ftrait laced, that 9 1 would haue no kinde of worke p leaf 87. B.t] 

done vppon that daye, if prefent neceffitie of the thing require it (for No work to be 

Chrifte hath taught vs the Sabaoth was made for Man, not Man for sabaoth ex- 

the Sabaoth,) but not for euery light trifle, which may as well be inform it. 

done other dayes as vpon that day. And although the day it felf, in 

refpedt of the very 10 nature and originall n therof, be no better than 

another 12 day, for there is no difference of dayes, except we 13 become ["L 4, back. A.] 

temporizers, all 14 beeing alike good ; yet becaufe the Lord our God 

hath commaunded it to be fan&ified & kept holy to him felf, let vs 

(like obedient & obfequious Children) fubmit our felues to fo loouing 

a Father ; for els we fpit againft heauen, we ftriue againft the ftream, 

* leaf 86, back. Strict observation of the Sabaoth. B. 

2 keepyng of B, E ; keeping the F. 3 the F. 

* any felone or B, E, F. 65 g^gj i n B> E> F> 

6 England E, F. 7 greate not in F. 8 supersticious F. 

t leaf 87. The true vse of the Sabaoth. B. 10 very not in E, F. 

11 originall not in F. 13 we wil B, E, F. " all times B, E, F. 

140 Stage-play es and Enterludes. The Anatomic 

Wherin the 
true vse of the 
Sabaoth con- 

T leaf 87. back. 

and we contemn him in his ordinances. But (perchance) you wil 
afke me, whither the true vfe of the Sabaoth confift in outward ab- 
ftaining from bodilye labour and trauaile ? I anfwere, no : the true 
vfe of the Sabaoth (for Chriftians are not bound onely to the Cere- 
monie of the day,) confifteth, as I haue faid, in hearing the woord of 
God truely preached, therby to learn and to doo his wil, in receiuing 
the facraments (as feales of his grace towards vs), rightly adminiftred, 
in vfing publique and priuate prayer, in thankfgiuing to God for all 
his benefits, in finging of godly Pfalmes, and other fpirituall exercifes 
Mid meditations, in collecting for the poore, in dooing of good 
woorkes, 1 and breefly, in the true obedience of the inward man. And 
yet, notwithftanding, wee muft abftain from the one to attend vpon 
the other : that is, wee muft refrain 2 all bodily labours, to the end that 
wee may the better be reliant at 3 thefe fpirituall exercifes vppon the 
Sabaoth day. 

4 This is the true vfe and end of the Lord his Saboth, who graurct 
that we may reft in him for euer ! 

Spud. Hauing fhewed the true vfe of the Saboth, let vs go for 
ward to fpeke of thofe Abufes particularlye, wherby the Saboth of the 
Lord is prophaned. And firft to begin with ftage playes and enter- 
luds : What is your opinion of them ? Are they not good examples to 
youth to fray them from finne ? 

Of* Stage-play es, and Enterluds, with their 

[Plays on ALL Stage-playes, Enterluds, and Commedies are either of diuyne 

religious subjects . . 

are sacrilegious.] or prophane matter : If they be of diume matter, than are they moft 
intollerable, or rather Sacrilegious ; for that the bleffed word of GOD 
is to be handled reuerently, grauely, and fagely, with veneration to the 
glorious Maieftie of God, which fhineth therin, and not fcoffingly, 
flowtingly, & iybingly, as it is vpon ftages in Playes & Enterluds, with- 

p leaf 83. B.t] out any reuerence, 6 wormip, or veneration 7 to 8 the fame. 9 the word of 

* leaf 87, back. Stage plaies and Enterludes. B. z refrain from B, E. 

3 aboute B, E, F. 6 Of not in E, F. 

f leaf 88. Warnynges to Players. B. 7 honour F. 

8 at all doen to B, E, F. 9 For it is most certaine added in B, E, F. 

[* L 5. A 

[The abuses 
whereby the 
Sabbath is 

of Abufes. Warnings to Players. 141 

our Saluation, the price of Chrift his bloud, &: the merits of his paflion, 

were not giuen to l be derided and iefted at, 2 as they be in thefe filthie [ r L 5, back. A.] 

playes and enterluds on flakes & fcaffolds, 2 or to be mixt and inter- of the word of 

God in stage 

laced with bawdry, 3 wanton fhewes, & vncomely geftures, as is vfed playes. 

(euery Man knoweth) in thefe playes and enterludes. 4 In the firft 

of Ikon we are taught that the word is GOD, and God is the 

word : Wherfore, who fo euer abufeth this word of our God on ftages 

in playes and enterluds, abufeth the Maiefty of GOD in the fame, 

maketh a mocking flock of him, & purchafeth to himfelfe eternal 

damnation. And no mameil ; for the facred word of GOD, and God 

himfelfe, is neuer to be thought of, or once 5 named, but with great Reuerenceto 

feare, reuerence, and obedience to the fame. All the holy companie God due. 

of Heauen, Angels, Archangels, Cherubins, Seraphins, and all other 6 

powers whatfoeuer, yea, the Deuills themfelues (as 7 lames faith) doo 

tremble & quake at the naming of God, and at the prefence of his 

wrath : and doo thefe Mockers and Flowters of his Maiefty, thefe dif T 

fembling Hipocrites, and flattering Gnatoes, think to efcape vnpun- 

ifhed ? beware, therfore, you mafldng Players, you painted fepulchres, A warnings to 

you doble dealing ambodexters, be warned betymes, and, lik good 

computiftes, caft your accompts 9 before, what wil be the reward therof P 1 af 88, back. 

in the end, leaft God deftroy you in his wrath : abufe God no more, 

corrupt his 10 people no longer with your dregges, and intermingle not [ xo L6. A.] 

his bleffed word with fuch prophane vanities. For at no 11 hand it is Notlawfullto 

not lawfull to mixt fcurrilitie with diuinitie, nor diuinitie with fcur- diuynitie with 

. icurrilitie. 


Theopompus mingled Moyfes law with his writinges, and therfore 
the LORD ftroke him madd. Theodiies began the fame practife, but 
the Lorde ftroke him blind for it ; With many others, who, attempt 
ing 12 the like deuyfes, were al ouerthrowne, and died miferably : befids, 
what is their iudgeme/zt in the other World, the Lord onely knoweth. 
Vpon the other fide, if their playes be of prophane matters, than tend What if playes 
they to the difhonor of God, and norifhing of vice, both which matter. r P 

2_2 no t i n B, E, F. 3 scurrility added in F. 

4 vpon stages and scaffoldes made for that purpose, added in B, E, F. 

6 to be added in F. 6 other Ceraphicall B, E, F. 

7 as Sainct B, E, F. 8 warming A. 

t leaf 88, back. Plaies and Enterludes vnlawfull. B. 

11 any F. 12 attemptimg A. 

[4 leafSg. B.*] 
[5 L 6, back. A.] 

The word of 
God, al Writ 
ers, counsels 
and Fathers 
haue writ 7 
against playes 
and cnterluds. 

playes were 

Concilium 3. 
Cartha. Cap. 
II. Synode 
Cap. 54. 

[" leaf 89, back. 

[' 2 L 7. A.] 

142 Playes and Enterluds vnlawfull. The Anatomic 

are damnable. So that whither they be the one or the other, they 
are quite contrarie to the Word of grace, and fucked out of the 
Deuills teates to nourifh vs in ydolatrie, hethenrie, and finne. And 
therfore they, cariyng the note, or 1 brand, of 2 GOD his 2 curfe vppon 
their backs, which way foeuer they goe, are to be hiffed out of all 
Chriftian Kingdomes, if they wil haue Chrift to dwell amongft 

Spud. Are you able to fhewe, that euer any good Men, from the 
beginning, haue refilled 3 Playes and Enterluds ? 

*Philo. Not onely the word of GOD doth ouerthrow them, addiudg- 
ing them & the main 5 tainers 6 of them to Hell, but alib all holie 
cou/zfels, and finodes, both generall, nationall, and prouinciall, to 
gether with all Writers, both diuyne and prophane, euer fince the 
beginning, haue difalowed them, and writ (almofl) whole volumes 
againfl them. 

The learned Father Tertullian, in his booke de Speculo, faith that 
playes were confecrat to that falfe ydoll Bacchus, for that he is faid to 
haue found out and inuented ftroTzg drinke. 

Auguftinus, de emit. Dei, faith that plaies were ordeined by the 
Deuill, and confecrat to heathen Gods, to draw vs from Chriftianitie to 
ydolatrie, and gentilifme. And in an other place, Pecunias Hiftrioni- 
lus dare vitium eft innane, 8 non virtus : To giue money to Players is a 
greeuous fin. 9 

Chrifoftome calleth thofe playes fefta Sathani, feafts of the Deuill. 
LacJantius, an ancient learned Father, faith, Hiftrionum impudiffimi 
geftus, nihil aliud nijl Lilidinem mouent : The fhamelefle geftures of 
Plaiers feme to nothing fo much as to moue the flefh to luft and vn- 
clennefle. And therfore in the .30. Counfell of Carthage & 10 Synode 
of Laodicea, it was decreed that no Chriflen Man or Woman mould 
reforte to playes and enterludes, where is nothing but blafphemie, 
11 fcurrilitie, and whordome maintained. Scipio, feeing the Romanies 
bente 12 to erect Theaters & places for plaies, dehorted them from it 

1 and E, F. 22 Gods F. 3 disliked F. 

* leaf 89. Stage playes condemned. B. 

6 practisers E, F. 
7 haue writ not in E, F. 

8 immane B, E, F. 9 and no vertue added in B, E, F. 

10 in the added in B, E, F. t leaf 89, back. The effectes of Places. B. 

ofAbufes. Theaters, Venus Pallaces. 143 

with the 1 nioft prudent reafons and forcible arguments. Valerius Writers 3 both 

diuyne and 

Maximus faith, playes were neuer brought vpjine regni rubore, with- JJJ^J 1 *^ es 
out fhame to the Cuntrey. Arijl. debarreth youth accefle to Playes and Enteriuds. 
& Enteriuds, leaft they, feeking to quench the thirft of Venus, doo 
quench it with a potle of fire. Augujlus baniihed Quid for making 
Bookes of loue, Enteriuds, and fuch other amorous trumperie. 

Conjlantius ordeined that no Player (hold be admitted to the 
table of the Lord. ' Than, feeing that Playes were firft 3 inuented 1 e e c s n J; d of 
by the Deuil, pra&ifed by the heathen gentiles, and dedicat 4 to their Enteriuds. 
falfe ydols, Goddes and Goddefles, as the howfe, ftage, and apparell to 
Venus t the muficke to Appollo, the penning to Minerua and the Mufes, 
the action and pronuntiation to Mercurle and the reft, it is more than 
manifeft that they are no fit exercyfes for a 5 Chriften 6 Man to follow. 
But if there were no euill in them faue this, namely, that the argu 
ments of tragedies is 7 anger, wrath, immunitie, crueltie, iniurie, inceft, The argu 
ments of 
murther, & fuch like, the Perfons or Actors are Goddes, Goddefles, tragedies. 

Furies, Fyends, Hagges, Kings, Quee 8 nes, or Potentates. Of Com- t 8 leaf 90. B.t] 
medies the matter and ground is loue, bavvdrie, cofenage, flattery, The g ro " nd of 
whordorne, adulterie j the Per 9 fons, or ageTzts^whores, queanes, bawdes, t 9 L 7, back. A.] 
fcullions, Knaues, Curtezans, lecherous old men, amorous yong men, 
with fuch like of infinit varietie. If, I fay, there were nothing els 
but this, it were fufficierct to withdraw a good chriftian from the 
vfing of them -, For fo often as they goe to thofe howfes where Players Theaters and 
frequent, thei go to Venus pallace, & fathans fynagogue, to worfhip nuspaiiaces. 
deuils, & betray Chrift lefus.^ 

Spud. But, notwithftanding, I haue hard 10 fome hold opinion that 
they be as good as fermons, and that many a good Example may be 
learned out of them. 

Philo. Oh blafphemie intolerable ! Are filthie playes & bawdy ^PjjJ^ to 

the word of 

1 the not in B, E, F. 2 Waiters F. God. 

3 first not in E, F. 4 dedicated F. 3 a not in B, E, F. 

6 men B, E, F. 7 is not in E. 

t leaf 90. Theaters, Venus Pallaces. B. 10 heard F. 

$ 'The Theatre' (where Shakspere probably first acted) was built by James 
Burbage in 1576 in the then fields near the site of the present Standard Theatre 
in Shoreditch, and was pulld down in 1598, and rebuilt as ' The Globe* on Bank- 
side, Southwark, in 1599. ' The Curtain ' theatre was close by The Theatre, near 
Curtain Court, now Gloucester St. Shoreditch, and was built by 1577. F. J. F. 


The fruictes of Playes. 

The Anatomic 

He is cursed 

that saith 

playts and 

enterluds are 

comparable to 


[ 2 leaf 90, back. 

[3 L 8. A.] 

Wherfore so 
many flock to 
see playes and 

The fruits of 
theathers 6 & 

The Godly 7 
vsed at playes 
& enterluds. 
[8 leaf 91. B.f] 
[9 L 8, back. A.] 

enterluds comparable to the word of God, the foode of life, and life 
it felfe? It is all one, as if they had faid, bawdrie, hethenrie, pagaflrie, 
fcurrilitie, and diuelrie it felf, is equall with the word of God Or that 
the Deuill is equipolent 1 with the Lord. 

The Lord our God hath ordeined his bleffed word, and made it 
the ordenarie mean of our Saluation ; the Deuill hath inferred the 
other, as the ordenarie meane of our definition ; and will they yet 
compare the one with the other ? If he be accurfed t/iat calleth light 
darknes, & darknes light, truth faliehood, & falfhood 2 truth, fweet 
fowre, and fowr fweete, than, a fortiori, is he accurfed that faith that 
playes & enterluds be equiualent with Sermons. *~~Be 3 fides this, 
there is no mifchief which thefe plaies 4 maintain not. For do they 
not norim ydlenes? and otia dantvitia, ydlenes 5 is the Mother of 5 vice. 
Doo they not draw the people from hering the word of God, from 
godly Lectures and fermons? for you mall haue them flocke thither, 
.thick & threefold d, whew the church of God fhalbe bare & emptiej 
And thofe that will neuer come at fermons wil flow thither apace. 
The reafon is, for that the number of Chrift his ele& is but few, and 
the number of the reprobat is many 5 the way that leadeth to life is 
narow, and few tread that path ; the way that leadeth to death is brod, 
& many find it. This fheweth they are not of God, who refufe to 
here his word (for he that is of God hereth God his word, faith our 
Sauiour Chrift) but of the deuill, whole exercyfes they go to vifite.{ 
Do they not maintaine bawdrie, infinuat folery, & renue the remem 
brance of hethen ydolatrie ? Do they not induce whordom & vnclen- 
nes ? nay, are they not rather plaine deuourers of maydenly virginitie 
and chaftitie ? For proofe wherof, but marke the flocking and running 
to Theaters & curtens, daylie and hourely, night and daye, tyme and 
tyde, to fee Playes and Enterludes ; where fuch wanton geftures, fuch 
8 bawdie fpeaches, fuch laughing and fleering, fuch killing and 
buffing, fuch clipping and culling, Suche winckinge and glancinge 
of wanton eyes, 9 and the like, is vfed, as is wonderfull to behold. 
Than, thefe goodly pageants being done, 10 euery mate forts to his 

1 equiualent F. * leaf 90, back. The fruictes of Playes. B. 

4 Playes B, E, F. 5 5 doth minister F. 

6 Theaters F. 7 goodly F. 

t leaf 91. What to be learned at Playes. B. 10 ended E, F. 

ofAbufes. Theaters, Schooles of mifcheef. 145 

mate, euery one bringes another homeward of their way verye 

freendly, and in their fecret conclaues (couertly) they play the Sodom- 

its, or worfe. And thefe be the fruits of Playes and Enterluds for the 

moft part. And wheras you fay there are good Examples to be 

learned in them, Trulie fo there are : if you will learne falmood j if The goodly 

you will learn cofenasre: if you will learn to deceiuej if you will Piayesand 


learn to play the Hipocrit, to cogge, lye, 1 and falfifie ; if you will learn 

to ieft, laugh, and fleer, to grin, to nodd, and mow ; if you will learn 

to playe the vice, to fwear, teare, and blafpheme 2 both Heauen and [ 2 blasplemeA.] 

Earth : If you will learn to become a bawde, vncleane, and to deuer- What things 

ginat Mayds, to deflour honeft Wyues : if you will learne to murther, lemedat 


ilaie, 3 kill, picke, fleal, robbe, and roue : If you will learn to rebel 

againft Princes, to commit treafons, 4 to confume 5 treafurs, to pradife 

ydlenes, to ling and talke of bawdie loue and venery : if you will 

lerne to deride, fcoffe, mock, & flowt, to flatter & fmooth : If you will 

learn to play the whore-maiiler, the glutton, Drunkard, or incefluous 

perfon : if you will learn to become proude, haw 6 tie, & arrogant ; and, Theaters 

finally, if you will learne to contemne 7 GOD and al his lawes, to care Seminaries of 

8 neither for heauen nor hel, and to commit al kinde of finne and mif- 

cheef, you need to goe to no other fchoole, for all thefe good Ex- B.t? a 9Xf a 

amples may you fee painted before your eyes in enterludes and playes : t 8 M * A -^ 

wherfore that man who giueth money for the maintenance of them 

muft needs incurre the 9 damage 10 of 11 premunire,that is, 9 eternall dam- A dyuine 


nation, except they 12 repewt. For the Apoftle biddeth vs beware, leaft 
wee communicat with other mens finnes ; & this their dooing is not 
only to communicat with other mens finnes, & 13 maintain euil to the what it is to 


diltruction of them femes & many others, but alfo a maintaining 14 of a with other 

mens sinnes. 

great iorte of idle lubbers, and 15 buzzing dronets, to 15 fuck vp and de- 
uoure the good honie, wherupon the poor bees mould Hue. 

Therfore I befeech all players 16 & Founders 16 of plaies and enter- An exhorta- 

tion to plaiers. 

ludes, in the bowels of lefus Chrifte, as they tender the faluation of their 

i to lye B, E, F. * flay F. * Treason F. comsume A. 

f leaf 91, back. Theaters, schooles of mischeefe. B. 

7 comtemne A. 9 9 ineuitable sentence of F. 

10 daunger B, E. of a B ; of the deuine E. 

12 he E, F. 13 and to B, E, F. " supporting B, E, F. 

is is l a i z ie Lurdens, who F, buzzing dronets who E. 

16 _ie founders and maintainers B, E, F. 

146 Lords of mifrule in Ailg[na], The Anatomic 

The ignomy 
due to Players. 
[' leaf 92. B.*] 
[ 2 M i, bade. A.] 

Players Hue 
vpon begging. 

Players count 
ed Rogues by 
the lawes of 
the Realm. 

foules, and others, to leaue of that curfed kind of life, and giue them 
felues to fuch honeft exercifes and godly mifteries as God hath com- 
maunded them in his woord to get their liuings wztAall : for who wil 
call him a wifeman, that plaieth the part of a foole and a vice ? who 
can call him a Chriftian, who playeth the part of a deuil, the fworne 
enemie of Chrifte ? who can call him a iuft man, that playeth the 
1 part of a diflembling hipocrite ? And, to be breef, 2 who can call him 
a ftraight deling man, who playeth a Cofoners trick 3 ? And fo of all 
the reft. Away therfore with this fo infamous an art ! for goe they 
neuer fo braue, yet are they counted and taken but for beggers. And 
is it not true ? liue they not vpon begging of euery one that comes ? 
Are 4 they not taken by the lawes of the Realm for roagues and vaca- 
bounds ? I fpeak of fuch as trauaile the Cun tries with playes & enter- 
ludes, making an occupation of it, and ought fo to be punifhed, if they 
had their deferts. But hoping that they will be warned now at the 
laft, I wil fay no more of them, befeeching them to conlider what a 
fearful thing it is to fall into the hands of God, & to prouoke his wrath 
and heauie difpleafure againft them felues and others ; which the Lord 
of his mercie turn from vs f 

Spud. Of what forte be the other kinde of playes, which you call 
Lords of Mis-rule ? for mee thinke the very name it felf 5 caryeth a 
of 5 fome notorious 6 euil. 

Lords of Mif-rule in Ailgna. 

Lords of 
Mis-rule in 
[7 M 2. A.] 


THE name, indeed, is odious both to God and good men, & fuch 
as the very heathen people would haue blufhed at once to 7 haue 
named amongft them. And if the name importeth fome euil, 8 then, 
[9 leaf 92, back, what may the thing 9 it felf be, iudge you ? But becaufe you defire to 
know the manner of them, I wil fhowe you as I haue feen them 

* leaf 92. Lordes of Misrule in Ailgna. B. 

3 part F. 4 And are F. 

5 6 importeth B, E, F. 6 notorious not in B, E, F. 

8 as you say added in F. 
t leaf 92, back. The order of the Lord of Misrule. B. 

of Abufes. 

The order of the L. of mifrule. 


pra6tifed my felf. Firft, all the wilde-heds of the Parifli, commenting 1 
togither,chufe them a Graund 2 -Captain (of all 3 mifcheefe) whome they 
innoble with the title of ' my Lord of Mis-rule', and him they crowne 
with great folemnitie, and adopt for their king. This king anointed 
chufeth forth twentie, fortie, threefcore or a hundred luftie Guttes, 
like to him felf, to waighte vppon his lordly Maieftie, and to guarde 
his noble perfon. Then, euerie one of thefe his men, he inuefteth with 
his liueries of green, yellow, or fome other light wanton colour j And 
as though that were not (baudie) gaudie enough, I mould fay, they 
bedecke them felues with fcarfs, ribons & laces hanged all ouer with 
golde rings, precious Hones, & other iewels : this doon, they tye about 
either leg xx. or xl. bels, with rich handkercheifs 4 in their hands, and 
fometimes laid a crofle ouer their moulders & necks, borrowed for the 
mofl parte of their pretie Moplies & loouing Befles 5 , for burling them 
in the dark. Thus al things fet in order, then haue they their Hobby- 
horfes, 6 dragons & other Antiques, togither with their baudie Pipers 
and thundering Drummers to ftrike 7 vp the deuils daunce withall. 
then, marc he thefe 8 heathen company towards the Church 9 and 
Church-yard, their pipers pipeing, their drummers thundring, their 
flumps dauwcing, their bels iyngling, their handkerchefs fwinging 10 
about their heds like madmen, their hobbie horfes and other monitors 
fkirmiming amongft the route 11 : & in this forte they go to the 
Church 12 (I fay) & into the Church, 12 (though the Minifter be at praier 
or preaching), dancing & fwinging [t]heir ha/zdkercheifs 13 ouer their 
heds in the Church, like deuils incarnate, with fuch a corcfufe 14 noife, 
that no man can hear his own voice. Then, the foolifh people they 
looke, they flare, they laugh, they fleer, & mount vpon fourmes and 
pewes to fee thefe goodly pageants folem[ni]zed in this fort. Then, 
after this, about the Church they goe againe and again, & fo foorth 
into the church-yard, where they haue corwmonly their Sommer-haules, 
their bowers, arbors, & banqueting houfes let vp, wherin they feaft, 
banquet & daunce al that day & (peraduenture) all the 15 night too. And 
thus thefe terreftriall furies fpend the Sabaoth dayj 

1 flocking F. 2 Ground E. 3 all not in F. 

4 handkerchiefe F. 5 Bessies F. their added in F. 

8 this F. f leaf 93. The order of the Lord of Misrule. B. 

10 fluttering F. n throng B, E, F. not in B, E, F. 

13 handkechiefes F. u confused B, E, F. that F. 

The manner 
how Lords of 
Mis-rule are 
vsed to be 

The monster- 
ous attyring of 
my Lord of 
Misrules Men. 

The rablement 

of the deuils 


[7 M 2, back. A.] 

[9 leaf 93. 

The behauiour 
of the Deuills 
band in the 
temple of God. 

Receptacles in 
the Cemiteries 
or church 
yards for the 
deuils agents. 

148 The L. of mifrules cognifance. The Anatomic 

My Lord of 



[5 M 3. A.] 
[6 leaf 93, back 

Wearing my 
Lord of mis 
rules badges. 

brought to 
this filthie 
Ydol, my L. 
of mis-rule. 

[ 21 leaf 94. B.f] 
[ 2 3 M 3 , back. A.] 

1 They haue alfo certain papers, wherin is painted fome babblerie 
or other of Imagery woork, & thefe they call 'my Lord of mif-rules 
badges 2 ' : thefe they giue to euery one that wil giue 3 money for them 
to maintairie them in 4 their hethenrie, diuelrie, whordome, drunken- 
5 nes, pride, and 6 what not. 7 And who will not be 8 buxom to them, 
and giue them 9 money for thefe 10 their deuil [i](h 10 cognizances, they 
are 11 mocked & flouted at 12 13 not a little. 13 14 And fo aflbted 15 are fome, 
that they not only giue them monie to maintain their abhomination 
withall, but alfo weare their badges & cognizances in their hats or caps 
openly. But let them take heede; for thefe are 16 badges, feales, 
brands, & cognizances of the deuil, whereby he knoweth his Ser- 
uants and Clyents 17 from the Children of God - } And fo long as they 
weare them, Sub vexillo diaboli militant contra Dominum et legemfuam : 
they fight vnder the banner and ftanderd of the deuil againft Chrift 
lefus, and all his lawes. Another forte of fantaflicall fooles bring to 
thefe hel-hounds (the Lord of mif-rule and his complices) fome bread, 
fome good-ale, fome new-cheefe, fome olde, 18 fome cuftards, 19 & fine 
cakes 19 ; fome one thing, fome another ; but if they knew that as 
often as they bring any thing 20 to the maintenance of thefe execrable 
paftimes, they offer facrifice to the deuil and fathanas, they would 
repent and withdraw their hands ; which God graunt they may ! 

Spud. This is a horrible prophanation of the fabaoth (the Lord 
knoweth), & more peftilent then peftilence it felf. but what ? be 
there any 21 abufes in their May-games like vnto thefe? 

22 23 Philo. As many as in the other. The order of them is thus : 

1 Then for the further innobling of this honorable Lurdane (Lorde I should 
saie) added in B, E, F. 2 or Cognizances added in F. 

3 giue thew F. * in this B, E, F. 

* leaf 93, back. The Lord of Misrules cognizance. B. 
7 els added in F. 8 shewe hym self B, E, F. 9 them not in F. 

io__io the deuilles B, E, F. " shall be B, E, F. at not in F. 

i3_is shamefully B, E, F. 

14 Yea, and many times carried vpon a Cowlstaffe, and diued ouer head and 
eares in water, or otherwise most horriblie abused added in.F. 15 assotted F. 

16 are the B, E, F. 17 vassals F. 18 olde cheese B, E, F. 

19 19 S ome cakes, some flaunes, some Tartes, some Creame, some meate B, 
E, F (but F begins with some Cracknels.) 20 thing not in B, E, F. 

f leaf 94. The order of Maie games. B. 

22 B, E, F make a fresh chapter here, with the heading : The maner of Maie- 
games in England. 

ofAbufes. The fruits of may-games. 149 

Againft May 1 , Whitfonday, or 2 other time, 3 all the yung men and 

maides, olde men and wiues, run gadding ouer night to the woods, The order of 

groues, 3 nils, & mountains, 4 where they fpend all the night in plefant games. 

paflimes; & in the morning they return, bringing with them birch 5 

& branches of trees, to deck their airemblies withall. and no mer- 

uaile, for there is a great Lord prefent amongft them, as fuper- 

intendent and Lord ouer their paflimes and fportes, namely, Sathan, [* side-note here 

in !$] 

prince of hel. But the 6 cheifeft iewel they bring from thence is 
their 7 May-pole, which they bring home with great veneration, as 
thus. They haue twentie or fortie yoke of Oxen, euery Oxe hauing * A great Lord 

present in May 8 

a fweet nofe-gay of flouers placed 9 on the tip of his homes : and thefe games as 


Oxen drawe home this May-pole (this {linking Ydol, rather) which is therof. 
couered all ouer with floures and hearbs, 10 bound round about with C 10 leaf 94, back. 


firings from the top to the bottome, and fometime 11 painted with vari 
able colours, with two or three hundred men, women and children, The manner 
following it with great deuotion. And thus beeing reared vp with homTtheir 
handkercheefs and flags houering 12 on the top, they ftraw the ground 
rounde 13 about, binde green boughes about it, fet vp fommer haules, 
bowers, and arbors hard by it -, And then fall they to 14 daunce about 
it, like 15 as the 16 heathen people did at the dedication of the 17 Idols, p M 4. A.] 
wherof this is a perfect pattern, or rather the thing it felf. I haue May-poles a 
heard it credibly reported (and that viua voce) by men of great grauitie 18 hethen Ydois. 
and reputation, that of fortie, threefcore, or a hundred maides going 
to the wood ouer night, there haue fcarefly the third part of them 
returned home againe vndenled. Thefe be the frutes which thefe The frute of 
curfed paflimes bring foorth. 19 Neither the 20 lewes, the 21 Turcks, 

1 day added in F. * or some B, E, F. 

3 3 of the yeare, euery Parishe, Towne, and Village assemble themselues to 
gether, bothe men, women, and children, olde and yong, euen all indifferently : 
and either goyng all together, or deuidyng themselues into companies, they goe 
some to the Woodes and Groues, some to the B, E, F. 

4 some to one place, some to another, added in B, E, F. 

6 bowes added in B, E, F. their B, E, F. 1 the F. 

8 May not in F. 9 tyed E, F. 

t leaf 94, back. The fruictes of Male games. B. 
11 sometimes F. 12 streaming B, E, F. round not in B, E. 

14 banquet and feast, to leape and added in B, E, F. 

like not in B, E, F. * 7 their B, E, F. " credite added in F. 

19 Assuredly I thinke added in B, E, F. *> the not in B, E, F. 

21 nor B, E, F. 

Church-ales in Ailgna. 

The Anatomic 

Sara/ins, nor Pagans, nor any other nations, 1 how wicked or barbarous 
foeuer, haue euer vfed fuch deuililh exercifes as thefe ; nay, they 
would haue been afhamed once to haue named them, much lelfe haue 2 
vfed them. Yet wee, that would be Chriftians, think them not amifle. 
The Lord for giue vs, and remooue them^ from vs ! 

Spud. What is the manner of their church ales, which you lay 
leaf 95. B.*] they vfe ; for they feem vn 4 couth and ftraunge to mine eares ? 

The Manner of Church-ales in Ailgna. 

[5 M 4, back. A.] 

The manner 
of Church -ales 
in Ailg[na]. 

5 Philoponus. 

THE manner of them is thus : In certaine Townes where drunken 
Backus beares all 6 the fway, againft a 7 Chrijlmas, an 8 Eajler, Whit- 
fonday, or fome other time, the Church-wardens (for fo they call them) 
of euery parifh, with the confent of the whole Pariih, prouide half a 
fcore or twenty quarters of mault, wherof fome they buy of the 
Church-Hock, and fome is giuen them of the Parifhioners them felues, 
euery one conferring fomewhat, according to his abilitie; which 
mault, beeing made into very ftrong ale or beere, it 9 is fet to fale, 
either in the Church, or 10 fome other place affigned to that purpofe. 

Then, when the 11 Nippitatum, this Huf-cap (as they call it) and 
this neiar of lyfe, is fet abroche, wel is he that can get the fooneft to 
it, and fpend the molt at it ; for he that litteth the clofeft to it, and 
fpends the mofte at it, he is counted the godlielt man of all the reft 12 ; 
but who either 13 cannot, 14 for pinching pouertie, 14 or otherwife, 15 wil 
not ftick to it, he is cou/zted onedeftitute bothe of vertue and godlynes. 
In fo much as you mail haue many poor men make hard fhift for 
leaf 95, back, money to fpend ther 16 at, 17 for it 18 beeing put into this Corlan, they are 
perfwaded it is meritorious, & a good feruice to God. In this kinde of 

1 people B, E, F. 2 to haue B, E. 3 them farre F. 

* leaf 95. Church-ales in Ailgna. B. 

6 all not in B ; all the not in E, F. 7 a not in B, E, F. 

8 and B, E, F. it not in B, E, F. 10 or in F. " this B, E, F. 

12 and most in Gods fauour, because it is spent vpon his Church forsoth added 
in B, E, F. 13 either for want B, E, F. u u not in B, E, F. 

15 for feare of God's wrath added in E, F. 

f leaf 95, back. Churchale money bestowed. B. 

17 and good reason added in B, E, F. 18 it not in B, E, F. 

The filthiest 
beast, the 
godlyest man. 

of Abufes. Churchale money beftowed. 151 

practife they continue fix weeks, a quarter of a yeer, yea, half a yeer 
togither, fwiPling and gulling, night and day, till they be as drunke L x M 5 . A.] 
as Apes, 2 and as 3 blockifh as beafts. 3 

Spud. Seeing they haue fo good vtterance, it mould feeme they 
haue good gaines. But, I pray you, how doe they beflowe that money 
which is got therby ? 

Philo. Oh ! well, I warent you, if all be true which they fay : For 
they repaire their Churches and Chappels with it ; they buy bookes 
for feruice, cuppes for the celebration of the Sacrament, furplefTes 
for Sir Ihon, and fuch other neceffaries : And they maintaine other How the 

money is spent 

extraordinarie charges in the 4 parifhes befydes. Thefe be their 5 ex- which is got by 


ceptions, thefe be their 5 excufes, and thefe be their pretended 6 allega 
tions, wherby they blind the world, and conueigh themfelues away in 
uifibly in a clowd. But if they daunce thus in a net, no doubt they 
will be efpied. 

For if it wer fo that they beftowed it as they fay, do they think 
that the Lord will haue his howfe build 7 with drunkennefle, gluttony, 
and fuch like abhominatiorc ? Muft we do euill that good may come 
of it ? muft we build this houfe of lyme and flone with the defola 8 tion wa the Lord 

haue his house 

and v.tter ouerthrow of his fpirituall howfe, 9 clenfed and wafhed in 9 bmid with 


the precioufe blood of our Sauiour lefus Chrift? But who feeth not ofeuiii? 
that they beftow this money vpon nothing leffe than in building and [ 8 ieaf 9 6. B.t] 
repayring of Churches 10 and Oratories ? For in moft places lye they I 10 M s , back. 

A. J 

not like fwyn coates ? their windowes rent, their dores broken, their 

walles fall n downe, the 12 roofe all bare, and what not out of order ? 

Who feeth not the booke of GOD, rent, ragged, and all betorn, 13 Jhf.rchS 7 f 

couered in duft, fo as this Epitaphe may be writ with ones finger J^* 1 ^ 06 * 

vppon it, ecce nunc in puluere dormio ? (Alas !) behold I fleep in duft torn - 

and oblyuion, not once fcarfe looked vppon, much leife red vpon, 14 

and the 15 leaft of all preached vppon. And, on the other fide, who 

feeth not (for 16 this I fpeak but 17 in way of par en the/is 17 ) in the meane Suwpteousnes 

of their own 

3 Rattes B, E ; Swine F. > mad as March Hares F. 

* their B, E, F. 3 6 go lden reasons, these bee their faire B, E, F. 

6 pretensed B, E. 7 builded F. 

t leaf 96. The decay of Churches in Ailgna. B. 9 purchased with F. 

11 fallen B. " their B, E, F. yea added in F. " on B, E, F. 

15 the not in F. is for not in B, E. F. 

IT n to a friend, I pray you say nothing F. 

[ 2 the A.] 
[Meaf 9 6, back. 

[7 M 6. A.] 

Churches 8 are to 
be maintained 
by mutuall 
contribution of 
euery one 
after his 
power. 10 

Our zeal 
waxen cold 
and frosen 
in respect of 
the zeal of the 
former world. 

[ leaf 97. B.f] 

L 13 M 6, back. 

i$2 Keeping of wakfes in Ailg[na]. The Anatomic 

tyme, their owne howfes and manfion places are curioufly build, and 
fumpteoufly adorned : which plainly argueth that they rather beftow 
this drunken got-money vppon prophane vfes and their own priuat 
affaires, than vpon the howfe of prayer, or the temple of God. And 
yet this their doing is wel liked of, and no man may fay 1 black is 
their eye 1 : For why ? Thei do all things well, and according to good 
order, as they 2 fay j And when time commeth, like good accoumpt- 
antes, they make their accoumptes as pleafe themfelues. 

Sp. Were it not better, & more confonant 3 to the truth, that 
euery one contributed 4 fomewha.t, according to his abilitie, to the 
maintenance of 5 templaries & 6 oratories, 5 thara thus to maintaine them 
by drunke/z churchales, as you fay thei do ? 

7 Philo. It weare muche better. And fo we read, the Fathers of 
the old Teftament, euery one after his abilitie, did impart fome-what 
to the building 9 and reftauration 9 of the Tabernacle which Moyfes 
erected to the Lord j So as in the end there was fuch aboundance of 
all things, as the Artificers, confulting with Moyfes, were glad to re- 
queft the People to flay their liberalitie, for they had more than they 
knew what to do withall. Thefe People made no drunken Church- 
ales to build their edefice 11 withal, notwithstanding their importable 
charges and intolerable cofles. But as their zeel was feruerct, and very 
commendable in bringing to the Church, fo our zeal is more than 
frofen & blame-worthie in detracting from the Church, and beftowing 
it vpon whordom, drunkenneffe, gluttony, pride, and fuch like abhomi- 
nations : God amend it ! 

Spud. How do they folemnife their feaftes and wakefles there j 
and what order do they obferue in them ? 

The maner of keeping of Wakefles, and feafts 
in Ailgna. 

12 Philoponus. 
THis is their order therein : euery towne, parifhe, and Village, 

fome at one tyme of the Yeere, fome at another (but 13 fo that euery 

1 l Domine, cur ita facis ? F. 
* leaf 96, back. Keepyng of Wakesses in Ailgna. B. 4 contribute B. 

5 5 Temples and Churches F. 6 or B, E. 

8 Churges A. 9 9 and instauration E ; not in F. 10 this side-note not in F. 

11 house of Prayer F. f leaf 97. Keepyng of Wakes in Ailgna. B. 

of Abufes. The fruicts of wakefTes. 153 

J towne, parifh, & village 1 keep 2 his proper day afligned and appropriat 
to it felf, (which they call their Wak day) vfe 3 to make great prepara 
tion and ordenaunce 4 for good cheer. To the which all their Freends 
and kyns-folks, farre and neer, are inuited, wher is fuch gluttony, fuch Saturitie in 
drunkenneffe, fuch faturitie 5 and impletion vfed, as the like was neuer wakoncs. 
feen : In fo muche as the poore men that beare the charges of thefe 
feafts and wakeffes, are the poorer, and keep the Worfer howfes a long 
tyme 6 after. And no marueil, for manie fpend more at one of thefe 
wakeffes than in all the whole yeer befides. This makes many a one The great 

charges of 

to thripple & pinch, to runne into debte and daunger, and finallie Wakesses. 
brings many a one to vtter ruine and decay. 

Spud. Wold you not haue one freend to vilite another at certen 
tymes of the yeer ? 

Philo. I difalowe it not, but much commewd it. But why at one 
determinat 7 day more than at another (except bufines vrged it) j why 
mould one and the lame day continue for euer, or be diflinct from Against wakes 
other dayes by the name of a wake day ? why mould there be more 
exceffe of meats and drinks at that day than at another 8 ? why mould 
they abftaine from bodely labor 9 .ij. or three dayes after, peraduenture [ 9 leaf 97 , back, 
the whole week, fpending it in drunkenneffe, whordome, gluttony, 
and other filthie Sodo 10 miticall exercyfes. [ I0 M 7 ] 

Spud. Seeing you allowe of one Freend to vilite another, would 
you not haue them to congratulat their comming with fome good 
cheer ? 

Philo. Yes, truely ; but I allowe not of fuch exceffe of ryot & 
fuperfluitie as is there vfed. I thinke it conuenient for one Freend to 
vilite another (at fometimes) as oportunitie & occalion {hall n offer it Wherto 
felfe n : but wherfore fhuld the whole towne, parilh, village, and feasts do very 

aptly tend. 

cuntreykeepe one and the fame day, and make fuch gluttonous feafts 
as they doo ? Andtherfore, 12 to conclude, 12 they are to no end, except 
it be to draw a great 13 frequencie of whores, drabbes, 14 theiues, and 
verlets together, to maintaine whordome, bawdrie, gluttony, drunken- 

* one B, E, F. 2 keeps F. 3 vseth F. * prouision E, F. 

6 fulnesse F. 6 yeare F. 7 prefixed F. 8 any other E, F. 

t leaf 97, back. The fruictes of Wakesses. B. 

ii_u bee offered F. 12 12 in my opinion B, E, F. 

18 a great not in E, F ; frequencie of not in F. u drabbes not in B, E, F. 


Dauncing in Ailg[na]. 

The Anatomic 

From whence 
these annuall 
feasts and 
wakesses had 
their begin 

[3 leaf 98. B.t] 
[7 M 7, back] 

Scholes of 



nefle, thiefte, murther, fwearing, and all kind of mifchief and abhom- 
ination ; For thefe be the ends wherto thefe feaftes and wakeffes doo 
tende. 1 

Spud. From whence fprang thefe feafts and wakefles firft of all j 
can you tell 1 

Philo. I cannot tell, except from the Paganes and heathen People, 
who, whan they were aflembled together, and had offred Sacrifices to 
their wodden 2 Goddes, and blockifh ydols, made feafts and banquets 
together before them, in ho 3 nour and reuerence of them, fo 4 appointed 
the fame yeerly to be obferued in 5 memoriall of the fame 6 for euer. 
But whence 7 foeuer they had their exordium, 8 certera it is the deuill 
was the Father of them, to 9 drown vs in perdition, and deftruction of 
body and foule : which GOD forefend 10 ! 

Sp. As I remember, you fpoke 11 of dauncing before, inferring that 
the fabaoth is 12 greatly prophaned therby: whereof, I pray you, mew 
mee your iudgement. 

The horrible Vice of peftiferous dauncing, vfed 13 
in Ailgna. 


DAuncing, as it is vfed (or rather abufed) in thefe daies, is an in 
troduction to 14 whordom, a preparatiue to wantonnes, aprouocatiue to 
vncleanes, & an introite 15 to al kind of lewdenes, rather than a pleafant 
exercyfe to the mind, or a holfome practife for the body 16 : yet 17 , not- 
withftanding, in ^4ilg[na\ both men, wemen, & children, are fo fkilful in 
this laudable fciercce, as they maye be thought nothing inferiour to 
Cynoedus, the 18 proftitut ribauld, nor yet to Sardanapalus, that effemi- 
nat varlet. Yea, thei are not amamed to erect fcholes of dau/zcing, 

1 as farre as euer I could iudge added in B, E, F, but E, F, have lea.i-n.efor 
iudge : F then adds . & the best fruits that they bring foorth. 

2 false F. f leaf 98. Dauncyng in Ailgna. B. 

4 and so B, E, F. 5 in a F. 

6 ttizmfor the same B, E, F. 8 original F. 

9 seeking thereby to F. 
i remoue farre from vs F. " spake B, E, F. 12 was B, E, F. 

13 not in F. u all kind of added in F. 15 entrance F. 

16 (as some list to cal it) added in B, E ; (as some would haue it). And F. 

" And yet, E. 18 that B, E, F. 

of Abufes. Dauncing, an allurement to fin. 155 

thinking it an ornament to their children to be expert in this noble 

fcience of heathen diuelrie : and yet this people 1 glory of their chrif- 

tianitie & integritie of 2 life. Indead, verlo tenus Chriftiani loni voci- [ 2 leaf 98, back. 

tentur, But vita et moribus Ethnicis et paganis pe lores' 3 reperientur* : 

From b the mouth outward they may be faid to be good Chriftians, but [ s sign. M 8. A.] 

in life & maners farre worfer than the heathen or Paganes. Wherof 

if they repent not & amend, it fhalbe eaiier for that 6 Land of Sodoma 

and Gomorra, at the day of Judgement, then for them. 

Spud. I haue heard it faid, tha\ dauncing is both a recreation for 
the minde, & alfo an exercyfe for the body, very holfomej and not 
only that, but alfo a meane wherby loue is acquired. 

Ph. I will not much denie but being vfed in a meane, in tyme and Dauncing a 
place conueniente. it is a certerc folace 7 to the minds of fuch as take them that 

delight in 

pleafure in fuch vanities ; but it is no good reafon to fay, fome me/z vanities. 

take pleafur in a thing, ergo, it is good, but the co/ztrarie 8 is true 

rather 8 : For this is 9 (bafis w veritatis) a ground of 11 truth, 9 that whatfo- 

euer a carnall man, with vncircumcifed heart, either defireth or taketh 

pleafure in, is moft abhominable & wicked before god. As, on the 

other fide, what the fpirituall man regenerat, & borne anew in Chrift, 

by the direction of God his fpirit, defireth or taketh delight in, is good, 

and according to the will of God : And feeing ma/js nature is too pro- What ailure- 

cliue 12 of it felfe to finne, it hath no need of allurements & allections 13 be in daunc- 

to 14 fin (as dauncing is) but rather of reftraints & inhibitions 15 fro/n the [ l * leaf 99. B.t] 

fame, which are not there to be found. For what clipping, what 

culling, what kiffing and buffing, what 16 fmouching & flabbering one [^Ms.back. A.] 

of another, what filthie groping and vncleane handling is not practifed 

euery wher in thefe dauncings? yea, the very deed and action it 

felfe, which I will not name for offending chafl eares, fhall be pur- 

trayed and (hewed 17 foorth in their bawdye geftures of one to another. 

All which, whither they blow vp Venus cole or not, who is fo blind 

1 forsooth added in F. 

* leaf 98, back. Dauncyng, an allurement to sinne. B. 

8 deteriores F. * inueniantur B, inuenientur E. the B, E, F. 

7 or recreation added in B, E, F. 8 8 is rather true B, E, F. 

9 9 a maxime F. I0 basis et fundamentum B, E. 

11 or foundation of B, E ; E has and for or. *2 prone F. 

13 enticementes F. t leaf 99. Dauncyng, a corrosiue. B. 

18 to stay him added in F. 17 shadowed F. 

Dauncing no 
recreation, but] 
a corrosiue to 
a good Chris 

The onely 
thing wherin 
a good Chris 
tian doth 

[4 leaf 99, back. 
B.f] ' 

[6 sign. N x. A.] 

Dancing no 
holsom exer 
cise for the 

What looue 
dancing pro- 

156 Dancing vnholfome for the body. The Anatomic 

that feeth not ? wherfore, let them not think that it is any recreation 
(which word is abufiuely vfed to exprefle the ioyes or delightes of the 
mind, which fignifieth a making againe of that which before was 
made,) to the mind of a good Chriftian, but rather a corroliue 1 moll 
{harp and nipping. For feing that it is euill in it felf, it is not a thing 
wherin a Chriftiaw Mans heart may take any 2 comfort. The onely 3 
fummum lonum, wherin a true Chriftians heart is recreated and com 
forted, is the meditation of the paffion of lefus Chrift, the effufion of 
his blood, the remiflion of .fins, and the contemplation of the ineffable 
ioyes and beatituds after this life, prepared for the faithfull in the 
blood of lefus Chrift. This is the only thing wherin a Chriftian maw 
ought to reioyfe and take delight in, all other pleafures & delights of 
this lyfe fet a parte as amarulent 4 and bitter, bringing foorth fruit to 
eternall deftrucYion, but the other to eternall lyfe. And wheras they 
conclude it 5 is a hole 6 fome exercife for the bodie, the contrary is mofte 
true; for I haue knowen diuers, by 7 the immoderate vfe therof, haue 
in fhort time become decrepit and lame, fo remaining to their dying 
day. Some haue broke their legs with flapping, leaping, turning, and 
vawting, and fome haue come by one hurt, fome by another, but 
neuer any came from thence without fome parte of his minde broken 
and lame j fuch a wholfome exercife it is ! But, fay they, it induceth 
looue : fo I fay alfo j but what looue ? Truely, a luftful loue, a 
venereous looue, a concupifcencious, baudie, & beaftiall looue, fuch as 
proceedeth from the ftinking pump and lothfome fink of carnall 
affection and flefhly appetite, and not fuch as diftilleth from the 
bowels of the hart ingenerat by the fpirit of God. 

Wherfore I exhort them, in the bowels of lefus Chrift, to efchue 
not only from euil, but alfo from all apperance of euil, as the Apoftle 
willeth them, proceeding from one vertue to another; vntil they 
growe to 8 perfect men in Chrifte lefus, knowing that we muft giue 
accounts at the day of 9 Judgment of euery minut and iote of time, 10 
from the day 11 of our birth to the time 12 of our death : for there is 
nothing more precious then time, which is giuen vs to glorifie God in 13 

1 corrasiue F. a any pleasure or F. 3 enely A. 

f leaf 99, back. Dauncyng vnholsome for the body. B. 

s that it E, F. 7 that by B, E, F. 

8 to bee F. 9 of of F. 10 that is lent us in this life added in E, F. 

" first day B, E, F. 12 last houre B, E, F. 13 by B ; in, by E, F. 

of Abufes. Teftimonies in the behalf of dancing. 157 

good-woorks, and not to fpend in luxurious exercifes l after our owne * w e must ren 
der accounts 

fantanes and delights. for time heer 

lent vs 

Spud. But I haue heard them affirme that dau/zcing is prouable 3 [i i ea f 100. B.] 
by the woord of God j for (fay they) did not the women come foorth [ N *' backl 
of all the Cities of Ifrael to meet king Saule ? and 4 Dauid, returning [Bible examples 

of dancing.] 

from the Slaughter of Goliath, with pfalteries, flutes, tabrets, Cymbals, z Sa. 18. 
and other muficall Inftruments, dauncing & leaping before them ? Exo. 15. 
Did not the Ifraelites, hauing 'pafled ouer the red fea, bring foorth 
their Inftruments, and danced for ioy of their deliuerance ? Exo. 32. 

Againe, did they not daunce before the golden Calf, which they 
had made in Horel or Sinai ? Did not king Dauid daunce before the 
Ark of the Lord ? Did not the Daughter of lephtah daunce with * Sa. 6. 
tabret and harp at the return of her Father from the Feeld ? Did not 
the women of the Ifraelits dance comming to vifit good Iitdith ? ludic. n. 
Did not the Damfel dance before King Herod ? Did not Chrift Iudic ' I5 ' 
blame the people for their not dancing when he faid, wee haue pyped Mat. 14. 
vnto you, but you haue not daunced ? Luc * 7 ' 

Saith not Salomon, t there is a time to weep, and a time to laughe, a Eccle. 3. 
time to mourne, and a time to daunce ? ' 

And dooth not the Prophet Dauid, in many places of his Pfalmes, 
commend and commaund dauncing, and playing vpon Inftruments of 
Mufick ? 

5 Wherfore (for thus 6 they conclude) feeing thefe holy Fathers P sign. N 2. A.] 
(wherof fome were guided by the inftinction 7 of 8 God his 8 Spi 9 rit) [ 9 leaf too, back, 
haue not only taught it in doctrine, but alfo exprefled it by 10 their 
Examples of life, who may open his mouth once to fpeake againft it ? 

Philo. The Fathers, as they were men, had their errors, and erred 
as men, for Hominis eft errare, decipi et lali : it is naturall for man to No ma with- 
erre, to be deceiued & to Hide from the trueth. Therfore the Apoftle both e fnT y S fe 
faith, follow mee? in all things as I follow Chrift ; but to the intent 
that they, who perpend 11 the Examples of the Fathers and 12 Scripture 
falfly 12 wrefted to maintaine their deuilifh dauncings withall, may fee 
their owne impietie & grofle 13 ignorance difcouered, I wil compendi- 

* leaf 100. Testimonies in the behalf of dancing. B. 
3 probable E, F. * and also king E, F. 

6 this E, F. 7 instinct F. s_s Gods F. 

"t leaf loo, back. None withoute errours. B. lo in B, E, F. 

11 pretende E, F. 12 13 Scriptures fasly (sic) F. " not in F. 

i Sa. 18, 

The first 
pillare of 

[ 2 N 2, back. A.] 

No good cox- 
sequent to say 
others did so, 
ergo it is 
good, or wee 
may doo the 
[3 leafioi. B.*] 

The differewce 
between the 
dances of our 
and ours. 

[8 sign. N 3. A.] 

Their second 
Pillar shaken. 

leaf 101, 
:k. B.f] 

158 Euil examples not to be followed. The Anato[mie] 

oufly fet down the true fence and meaning of euery place, as they haue 
cyted them perticulerly. For the firft, wheras they fay that the 
Women came foorth in daunces with timbrels and Inftruments of loy 
to meet Dauid and Saitle, I afke them for what caufe they did fo ? 
Was it for wantonnes, or for very ioye of hart for their Victorie gotten 
ouer 1 the Philijlines, their fworne Enemies ? Was it in prayfe of GOD, 
or to ftirre vp filthie lufl in them felues, or for nicenes onely, as our 
daunces bee? 2 Did men and women daunce togither, as is now vied 
to be doon ? or rather was it not doon amongft women only ? for fo 
faith the text, the women came foorth, &c. But admit it were neither 
fo, nor fo, wil they conclude a general 1 rule of a particuler example ? it 
is no good reafon to fay, fuch and 3 fuch did fo, therfore it is good, or 
we may doo fo ; but all things are to be poyfed in th& balance of 
holy fcripture, and therby to be allowed or.difalowed, according to the 
meaning of the holy Ghoft, who is only to be heard and obeyed in 
his woord. 

The Ifraeliti/h women, hearing of the fame of Dauid, and how he 
had killed their deadly enemie Goliath, came foorth to meet him, 
playing vpon inftrumewts, dancing, & tinging fongs of ioye and 
thanks-giuing to the Lord, 4 who had giuen them vi6torie, and de 
li uered them from the deadly hoftilitie of him who fought their 
diftruclion euery way. Now, what maketh this for our leud, wanton, 
nice and vbiquitarie dauncings, for fo I may call them becaufe 
they be vfed euery where, let the godly iudge. who feeth not 
rather that this example (let Cerberus 5 the dog of hel alatrate what 
he 5 lift to the contrary) clean ouerthroweth them. Theirs was a 
godly kind of dancing in praife of God; ours, a luftful, baudie kinde 
of deamenour 6 in praife of our felues : theirs, to mew their inward 
ioy of minde for thejblemngs 7 of 8 God beftowed vpon them; ours, to 
{how our actiuitie, agilitie and curious nicitie, and to procure luftful 
looue and fuch like wickednes infinit. But to their fecond allegation : 
the Children (fay they 9 ) of Ifrael danced, being deliuered out of the 
feruitude of Pharo, and hauing paf 10 fed ouer the red lea. I graunt 

1 against F. * leaf 101. Euil examples not to be followed. B. 

4 their God added in F. 

5 5 and all other hel-houndes barke what thei B, E, F. 

* dauncing F. 7 blessing F. 9 they say F. 

t leaf 101, back. The Israelites Daunces. B. 

of Abufes. The Ifraelits dances. 159 

they did fo, and good caufe they had fo to doo j For were they not 
emancipate 1 and let free from three great calamities and 2 extreame [Why the 


miferies 2 ? Firft, frow the feruile bondage of Egipt ; from the fwoord danced.] 
of Pharo, who purfued the rereward of their hofte j and from the 
danger 3 of the red fea, their enemies beeing ouer-w helmed in the 

For thefe great and ineftimable benefits and bleflings, receiued at 
the hands of God, they played vpon Inftruments of mufick, leaped, 
daunced, and fung 4 godly fongs vnto the Lord, mewing by thefe out 
ward geftures the inward ioy of their harts and mindes. Now, what 
conduceth this for 5 the allowance of our luxurious dauncings ? Is it 
not dire6tly againft them? They danced for ioy in thanks 6 to god, HOW the 
wee for vainglorie : they for looue to God, wee for looue of our danced, 
felues : they to Ihew the interior ioy of the minde for 7 God his bleff- 
ing heaped 7 vpon them j we to mew our concinitie, dexteritie and 
vain curiolitie in the fame ; they to ftir vp and to 8 make them felues 
the apter to praife God 5 we to ftir vp carnall appetites 9 and fleflilie p N 3, back. A.] 
motions : they to mewe their humilitie before God ; and we to 
mew our pride both before God and the world. But how fo euer it 
be, fure I am, their dauncing was not like oures, coTzfifting in mea- 
fures, capers, quauers, & I cannot tel what, for thei had no fuch 
leafure in E 10 gipt n to learne fuch vaine curiolity in that luftfull 12 [< leaf 102. B.t] 
bawdie fchoole, for making of brick and tyles. And notwithftand- The dancing 

. -.n of our Forfa- 

ing it is ambiguous whether this 13 may be called a dau/zcing or not, thersmainot 
at left not like oures, but rather a certew kind of modeft leaping, daucing, but 

. - rather a Godly 

ikippmg or moouing of the body to exprelle the loye of the mind in triumphing & 

reioycing in 

prayfe of God ; as the Man did, who, being healed by the power of heart for ioy. 
our Sauiour Chrifte, walked in the Temple, leapping, (kipping & 
prailing God. 

We neuer read that they euer daunced but at 14 fome wonderfull 
15 portent or ftraungeiudgment 15 of God 16 ; and therfore made 17 not a 
common pra&ife of it, or a daylie occupation, as it were j much lefie 

1 deliuered F. 2 2 extram (sic) miseries at once F. 3 daungers E, F. 

4 sang F. 6 to E, F. 6 thanks-geuing E, F. 

7 7 G O( J S blessings bestowed F. 8 to not in B, E, F. 

f leaf 1 02. A confutation of dauncing. B. 12 lustfull not in B, E, F. 

13 they E, F. " when E, F. " great blessing F. 

16 was shewed added in E ; was bestowed vpon them F. 17 they made F. 

160 Mens actions vnlawful. The Anatomic 

fet vp fchools of it, and frequenting 1 nothing els night and 2 day, 
Their 3 . Reason Sabaoth day and 3 other, as we do. But to their 4 third Reafon : The 


Ifraelits daurcced before the Calf in Horel. And what than ? They 
made a Golden Calf and adored it : maye we therfore do the like ? 
They committed ydolatrie there j therfore is ydolatrie good becaufe 
they committed it ? 

[s sign. N 4 . A.] * Adam difob[e]yed GOD, and obeyed the deuil : is obedience ther 
fore to the deuil good, becaufe hee did fo ? 

Therfore wee muft not take heede what man hath doon heertofore, 
but what God hath commaunded in his woord to be doon, and that 
followe, euen to the death. But, to be fhort, as it is a friuilous thing 6 

[ 7 leaf 102, back, to fay, becaufe they committed 7 Idolatrie, therfore may wee doo the 
like, fo it is no lefle ridiculous to fay, becaufe they daunced, therfore 
wee may doo the fame ; for as it is not lawful to commit Idolatrie 
becaufe they did fo, fo is it not lawfull to daunce becaufe they 

So that if this place inferre 8 any thing for dauncing, it inferreth 
that wee muft neuer daunce but before a golden Calf, as they did : 
but, I think, by this time they are afhamed of their dances, therfore 
of this place I need to fay no more, giuing them to note that this their 
dauncing, in refpect of the end therof, was farre diffonant 9 from ours; 
for they daunced in honour of their Idol, wee clean contrary, though 
neither the one nor the other be at any hand tollerable. 10 

Their. 4. Reason. Their fourth reafon : Did not Dauid daunce before the Ark ? fay 
they, very true ; and this place (as the reft before) refelleth their 
cuftomarie dauncings of men and women togither mofte excellentlie j 

f" N 4, back. A.] For n Dauid danced him felfe alone, without either woman or mulicall 
Inftrument to effeminate the minde. And this dauncing of Dauid 
was no vfuall thing, nor frequented euery day, but that one time, and 
that in prayfe of God for the deliuerie 12 of the Ark of God his tefta- 
ment out of the hands of the Infidels and hethen people: the ioy ot 
this holy Prophet was fo vehement for this great bleffing of GOD (fuch 

['4 leaf 103. B.t] a ferue?zt zeale he bore 13 to 14 the trueth), that it 15 burft foorth into 

1 frequented E, F. 2 nor F. 3 nor F. 4 the B, E. 

6 reason E, F. * leaf 102, back. Dauncyng reproued. B. 

8 conferre E, F. 9 different F. 

10 lawfull F. 12 deliuerance B, E, F. 13 did beare F. 

t leaf 103. Why Dauid daunced. B. 15 he B, E, F. 

ofAbufes. lephtha his daughters daunce. 161 

1 exterior action, 1 the more to induce others to prayfe God alfo. Would 
God we would dance, as Dauid daunced, heer for the deliuerie of his 
alfauing woord out of the hands of that Italian Philijlin & archenemy 
of all trueth, the Pope of Roome ! for in this refpect I would make 
one 2 to daunce, to leap, to fkip, to triumph, and reioyce as Dauid did why Dauid 

daunced be- 

before the Ark. By this, I truft, any indifferent man feeth, that by fore the Ark. 
this place they gain as much for the maintenance of their leude 3 
dancings and baudie chorufles, as they did by citing 4 the former 
places j that is, iuft nothing at all, which they may put in their eies 
and fee neuer the wurfle. 

Their fift reafon: Did not leptath his daughter meet her Father, Their fift Re- 

son examined* 

when he came from war, dancing before him, and playing vppon In- 

ftruments of loy 5 ? leptath, going foorth to warre againft the Amon- 

ites, promifed the 6 Lord (making a rafhe vowe) that if it would pleafe p sign. N 5. A.] 

his Maieftie to giue him victorie ouer his Ennemies, he wold facrifice 

the firfl lyuing thing that fhuld meet him from his houfe. It pleafed 

GOD that his fole daughter and heire, hearing of her Fathers pref- 

perous return (as the maner of the Cuntrey was), ran foorth to meete 

her Father, playing vppon inftruments in praife of GOD, and daunc- 

ing before him for ioye. Now, what prooueth this for their daunces? t 7 leaf 103, back. 

Truely, it ouerthroweth them, 7 if it be well confidered : for firft we Wherfore& 

read that me did this but once, we daylie : She in prayfe of God, we Daughters of 

in prayfes of our felues : me for ioy of her Fathers good fuccefle, we 

to Here vp filthie and vncleane motions: She with a virginall granitic, 

we with a babifh 8 leuitie : me in comly maner, we in bawdie gefture. 

And, moreouer, this fheweth that women are to daunce by themfelues [Each sex must 

(if they wil needs daunce), and men by themfelues j for fo importeth 

the Text, making no mention of any other her collegues or Com 

panions dancing with her. 

Their 9 .vi. Reafon : Did not the Ifraeliti/h wemen daunce before Ther .6. Reason. 
ludith, comming to vifit her ? I graunt they did fo : the ftorie is [ludith Ca. 
thus: =!' 

Holofernes, oppofmg himfelfe againft the Ifraelits, the chofen 

1 1 outward shew of the same F. * my selfe added in E, F. 

3 lasciuious added in F. * citing not in E, F. musicke F. 

f leaf 103, back. Jeptha his daughters daunce. B. * wanton E F 

9 The E, F. 

1 62 How daunting is vnlawfull. The Anatomic 

people of GOD, and intending to ouerthrowe them, and to blot out 
L 1 N 5, back. A.] ! their remembrance for euer from vnder heauen, affembled a huge 

power, and befieged them on euery fide. 

The Ifraelits, feeing themfelues circumvalled? and in great 
ludith cutteth daunger on each fide, fuborned good ludith, a vertfulous, Godlye 

of the head of 

hoiofemes. Woman (for without fome ftratagem or polhcie wrought, it was vn- 

poflible for them in the eyes of the world to haue efcaped) to repaire 

to Holofernes, &, by fome meanes or other, to work his deftruction : 

who, guided by the hand of God, attempted the thing & brought it 

happely to paffe. For me cut of his head with his owne fauchine, 3 

[4 leaf 104. B.*] wrapping his body in the canopie wherin he lay, fleepingly 5 poffeft 

as he was with the fpirit of drunkenneffe : this done, the Women 

of Ifraell came together, and went to vifit this worthie Woman, and 

to co/zgratulat her profperous fucceffe with inftruments of mufick, 

finging of Godly fongs, and dauncing for ioye in honor and prayfe to 

God for this great vi&orie obtained. Now, who feeth not that thefe 

women fang, dauwced, and played vppon inftrumentes in prayfe of 

God, & not for any other lewdnes or wantonnes, as commonly the 

The vnlawfull- world doth now adaies ? This alfo ouerthroweth the dauncinges of 

?ng of men 10 Men and Women together in one companie j for though there was 

together. an infinite number of People by, yet the Text faith, there daunced 

[6 sign. N 6. A.] 6 none but onely Women, which plainly argueth the vnlawfulneffe of 

it in refpecte of Man. 7 And this being but. a particular fact, of a fort 

of imprudent 8 Women, lhall we draw it into example of lyfe, and 

thinke it lawfull or good becaufe they did practife it ? 

It was a cuftome in thofe dayes, when God had 9 powred foorth 9 

A custome to any notable bleffmg vpon his People, from his Heauenly Pallace, 10 the 

prayse of God. People, in honour, praife, and thankefgiuing to God for them, 11 would 

play vppon their inftruments, fing Godly Songs, daunce, leape, Ikip, 

and triumphe, mewing foorth the ioye of their mindes, with their 

thankefulneffe to GOD, by all exteriour geftures that they could deuyfe : 

C 12 leaf 104, back. * 2 Which kinde of thankefull dauncing, or fpirituall reioycing, wold 


2 about added in B, E ; compassed about F. 3 Faulchone F. 

* leaf 104. How dauncyng is vnlawfull. B. 6 sleepyng B, E, F. 

7 men & women together E, F. 8 simple F. 

9 9 bestowed F. 10 Consistorie B, E, F. " it E, F. 

t leaf 104, back. Dauncyng stirreth vp lust. B. 

ofAbufes. Wicked dauncing reprooued. 163 

God we did 1 follow, leauing all other wanton dancing to their Father 
the Deuill ! 

Their .vij. Reafon : Did not (quothe they) the Damofell daunce Ther . 7 . Reason, 
before Kinge Herode, when the head of lohn Baptift was cut of? She 
daunced, indeed ; And herein they maye fee the fruite of dauncing, 
what goodnefle it bringeth : For was not this the caufe of the behead 
ing of lohn the Baptift ? See whether dauncing ftyreth not vp luft, 
and infl ameth the mind j For if Herode with feeing her daunce was Dauncing 
fo inflamed in her loue, and rauifhed in her 2 behauiour, that he fust"."* 11 Vp 
promifed her to giue her whatfoeuer me wold defire, though it were ^ N 6 ' hack> ^ 
half of his Emperie 3 or Kingdome, what wold he haue beene if he 
had daunced with her ? and what are thofe that daunce with them 
hand in hand, cheek by cheek, with bufling and kiffing, flabbering 
and fmearing, moft beaftly to behold ? in fo much as I haue heard 
many impudently fay that they haue chofen their Wyues, and wyues 
their Hufbands, by dauncing j Which plainely proueth the wicked- 
nefle of it. 

Their .viij. reafon : Did not Chrift rebuke the People for not Their .8. Reason, 
dauncing, faying, 'we haue pyped vnto you, but you haue not daunced ' ? L UC 
They may as well conclude that Chrift in this place was a Pyper, or a 
Minftrell, as that he alowed 4 of dauncing, or reproued them for not [4 leaf 105. B.t] 
exercyfing the fame. This is a Metaphoricall 5 or Allegoricall 5 kinde 
of fpeach, wherin our Sauiour Chrift goeth about to reprooue and The more 
checke the ftyfneckednes, the rebellion and pertinacious contumacy of hanSnes ofthe 
the Scribes and Pharifeis, who were neither mooued to receiue the 
glad tydings of the Gofpell by the aufteritie of lohn the Baptifte, who 
came preaching vnto them the doctrine of repewtaunce in mourning 
fort, neither yet at the preaching of our Sauiour him felfe, breaking 
vnto them the 6 pure Amlrojia, the 6 Ccelejlial Manna, the word of life, 
in ioyTull and gladfome maner. p sign N ^ 

Ikon the Baptift he piped vnto them, that is, he preached vnto 
them aufteritie of life, to mourn for their finnes, to repent, to faft, 
pray, and fuch like. Our Sauiour Chrift he pyped (that is) preached 
vnto them the glad & comfortable tidyngs of the Gofpell, yet at 
neither of thefe 8 kinde 9 of concions 8 they were any whit mooued, 

1 would B, E, F. a Empire B, E, F. t leaf 105. The contumacie of the lewes. B. 
s5 not i n F. 6 that E, F. 8 kinds of preachings F. kindesE. 

164 Salomons fpiritual dauncing. The Anatomic 

either to imbrace Chrift or his gofpell : Wherfore he fharply rebuketh l 
them by a fimilitude of foolilhe Children, fitting in the market place 
and piping vnto them that wold not daunce. This is the true vn- 
doubted fence of this place, which, whether it ouerthrow not all kinde 
of lewd dauncing (at left maketh nothing for them) allowing a 

[ s leaf 105, back, certen kind of fpirituall dauncing, 2 and reioyling of the heart vnto 
God (that I may fufpend my owne Judgement), let wyfe men deter 

Eccie. 3. Their .ix. Reafon : Saith not Salomon, 'there is a time to weep, 

50n * & a time to laugh, a time to mourn, and a time to daunce ' ? This place 

is directly againft their vfuall kinde of dauncing j For faith not the 

Text, ' there is a time', meaning fomtime, now and than, as the Ifrael- 

ites did in prayfe to 3 GOD, when anie notable thing happened vnto 

Salomon them, and not euery daye and howre, as we do, making an occupation 

meaneth a . ... 

certen kind of of it, neuer leauing it, vntil it leaue vs. But what and if Salomon 

a spirituall 

dauwting or fpeaketh here 4 of a certen kind of fpiritual dauncinp- and reioyfinp- of 

reioy[s]ing of ^ r 

the heart. fj lQ heart in praife to 5 GOD ? This is eafily gathered by the circum- 

ftances of the place, but fpecially by the fentence precedent ; (vz. 
there is f a time to mourn & a time to dawce ', &c.) that is, a time to 
mourn for our mines, & a tyme to daurace or reioyfe for the vnfpeak- 
able treafures purchafed vnto vs by the death & paffion of lefus chrift. 
How much this place maketh for defence of their nocturnall, diuturn- 
all, wanton, lewde, and lafcivious dauncings (if it be cenfured in the 
imparciall ballance of true iudgement) all the world may fee and 6 

Their vltimu; And now, to draw to an end, I will come vnto their vltimum re- 

fugium : That is, Doth not Dauid both commend, and alfo com- 

[7 leaf 106. B.f] maunde, dauncing and playing vpon inftruments in 7 diuerfe of his 
Pfal. ? In all thofe places the Prophet fpeaketh of a certew kind of 
fpirituall dauncing and reioyfing of the heart to 8 the Lord, for his 
graces & benefits in mercie beftowed vpon vs. This is the true kinde 
of dauncing, which the word of God doth allow of in any place, and 
not that we fhould trippe like rammes, 9 ikip like goats, 10 & leap like 

1 rebuked F. * leaf 105, back. Salomons spirituall dauncyng. B. 

3 of B, E, F. 6 of F. 6 and A. 

t leaf 1 06. Why our feete were giuen vs. B. 8 in B, E, F. 

Goates F. 10 Does F. 

of Abufes. What danncing is condemned. 1 65 

mad men: For to the end our feet were not giuen vs, but rather to why our feet 

were giuew vs. 

reprefent the image of God in vs, to keep Compame with the Angels, 
& to glorifie our heuenly Father thorow good works. 

Spud. Do you condemne al kinde of daunting 2 as wicked and pro- [* sign. N 8. A.] 
phane ? 

Ph. All lewde, wanton & lafciuious dauncing in publique aflem- 
blies & conuenticles, without refpect either of fex, kind, time, place, 
Perfon, or any thing els, I, 3 by the warrant of the word of God, do 
vtterly condemne : But that kind of dauncing which is vfed to praife 

and laud the name of God withall (as weare the dauwces of the people What daunc 
ing is con- 

of the former world) either priuatly or publiquely, is at no hand to demnedbythe 
be dyfallowed, but rather to be greatly commended. Or if it be vfed 
for mans comfort, recreation and Godly pleafure priuatly (euery fex 
diftincted 4 by themfelues), whether with mufick or otherwyfe, it can 
not be but a very tollerable exercife, being vfed moderatly and in the 
feare of God. And 5 thus, though I condewne all filthie, luxurious and rs leaf 106, back, 
vncleane dauncing, yet I condemne not al kind of dauncing gener 
ally ; For certen it is, the exercyfe it felf, in it own nature, 6 qualitie 
& proprietie, 6 though to fome it is lawfull, to otherfome vnlawfull in [Dauncing how 

lawful, how 

dyuerfe refpects, is both ancient & general, hauing been vfed euer in vnlawfull, E, F.] 
all ages, as wel of the Godly, as of the wicked, almoft from the begin 
ning. Wherfore, when I corcdemne the fame in fome, my meaning 
is in refpete of the manifold abufes therof. And in my iudgement, 
as it is vfed now a dayes, an occupation being made of it, and a con- 
tinuall exercyfe, 7 without any difference or refpect had either to time, p N 8, back. A.] 
Perfon, fex or place, in publique affemblies and 8 frequencies 8 of 
People, with fuche beaftlie flabberings, buffings 9 & fmouchings, and 10 
other filthie geftures & mifdeameanors therein accuftomed, it is as vn- 
poffible to be vfed without doing of infinit hurt, as it is for a naked 
Man to lye in the middefl of a hote burning 11 fire, and not to con- 
fume. 12 But thefe abufes, with other the like (as there be legions moe [Dauncing 

vnpossible to be 

in it) being cut of from the exercyfe it felfe, the thing 13 remayneth vsed without 
14 very commendable 14 in fome refpectes. Or els, if our daunces 

2 then added in F. 3 I comes after God in F. * distinct F. 

t leaf 106, back. What dauncyng is condemned. B. 6 6 and quality F. 

8 - 8 great meetings F. 9 kissinges B, E, F. w w j t h B, E, F. 

11 glowing F. l2 burne B, E, F. " t hi ng { t se lf B, E, F. 

m ore tollerable B, E, F. 

[4 leaf 107. B.*] 

Why men shold 
daunce by them- 
selfes and women 
by themselfs. 

[6 sign. O i. A.] 
7 Why men 
shold daunce 
by thewzselues 
and Women by 

["leaf 107, back. 

Testimonies of 
Fathers, coun 
cels and 
Writers against 

Eccle. 13. 
Mat. 4. 

1 66 Me>z & wom[en] to dance afurcder. The Anatomic 

tended, as I haue faid, to the fetting foorth of GOD his glorie (as the 
daunces vfed in T preter time 1 did) to draw others to pietie and fano 
titie of life, and to 2 praife and reioyce in 3 God, to recreat the minde 
opprefled with fome 4 great toyle or labor, taken in true virtue and 
godlynes, I would not (being don in the feare of GOD, men by them 
felues, and Wemen by them felues, for els it is not poffible to be with 
out finne) much gainftand it. But I fee the contrarie is euery where 
vfed, to the great difhonor of God and corruption of good maners, 
which God amend. 

Spud. And wherfore would you haue Men to daunce by them 
felues, and Women by them felues ? 

Philo. Becaufe 5 it is, without all doubte, a 6 prouocation to lufl 
and venery, 5 and the fire of luft once concerned (by fome irruption or 
other) burfteth foorthe into open a<5tion of whoredome and fornication. 
And therfore a certain godly Father faid wel, Omnis faltus in chorea, 
eft faltus in profundum inferni^ Euery leap, or flap in dance, is a leap 
toward hel. Yet, notwithstanding, in Ailgna it is counted a vertue 
and an ornament to a 9 man, yea, and the onely way to attaine to pro 
motion & aduancement, as experience teacheth. 

Spud. Notwithstanding, for my further inftru6tion, I pray you 
fhowe mee what Fathers and Councels haue iudged of it, and what 
they haue writ and decreed againft it. 

Philo. If I mould 10 goe foorth to 10 {hew all the inueftiues of 
Fathers, all the decrees of councels, and all the places of holy Scrip 
ture againft the fame, I mould neuer make an end : wher n fore of 
many I wil felect a few, hoping that they wil fuffice any reafonable 
man. Syrach faith, frequent not the company of a woman that is a 
finger or a dauncer, neither heare her, leaft thou be intrapped in her 
craftines. Chrifojlome, dylating vpon Mathew, faith, In euery dance 
the deuil daunceth by, for companie, though not vifible to the eye, yet 
palpable 12 to the minde. Theophilus, writing vpon Mark, the fixt 
Chapter, faith, Mira collufio faltat per puellam 13 Dialolus : This is 14 a 

1 * former ages F. 2 to the E, F. 3 rejoycying in B, E, F. 

* leaf 107. Mew & women to dance asunder. B. 

5 5 otherwise it prouoketh lust, and stirreth vp concupiscence F. 

7 This repeated side-note not in B, E, F. 8 Cloacae F. 9 a not in F. 

io._io not i n Y, f leaf 107, back. Testimonies against Dancing. B. 

sensible F. 13 illam E, F. " There is B. 

of Abufes. Dancing the cheef mifcheef. 167 

wunMerful deceit, for the deuil danceth amo/zgft them for company, t 1 o i, back. A.] 
Augujline, writing vpon the 32. Pfalme, faith, it is better to digge all Augustine. 
the Sabaoth day then to dance. Erafmus, in his Booke de contemptu Erasmus. 
Mundi, faith, Whofe minde is fo well difpofed, fo ftable, or wel fetled, 
which thefe wanton dances, with fwinging of armes, kicking of legs, 
playing vpon inftruments, and fuch like, would not 2 ouercome and 
corrupt ? Wherfore, faith hee, as thou defirefl thine owne credit and 
welfare, efchew thefe fcabbed and fcuruy companie of dauncers. 

Ludovicus Vines faith, amongft all pleafures, dauncing and volup- Lodouicus 
tuoufnes is the kingdome of Venus, and the empire of Cupid : wher- 
fore, faith hee, it were better for thee to ftay at 3 home, and to break L 3 leaf 108. B.*] 
either a leg or an arme of thy body, then to break the legges and 
armes of thy 4 minde & foule, as thou dooft in filthie fcuruy daunc- 
ings. And, as in all Feafts and paftimes, dauncing is the laft, fo it is 
the extream of all other vice. And again, there were (faith he) from Dauncers 

- . . .. thought to be 

far cuntnes, certain men brought into our parts of the world, who, mad-men. 

when they faw men daunce, ran away merueloufly afTraid, crying out, 

and thinking them to haue been mad. And no meruaile, for who, 

feing them 5 leap, fkip, 5 & trip like Goates 6 & hindes, 6 if hee neuer 

faw them 7 before, would 8 not think them either mad, or els poffeft p sign, o 2. A.] 

with fome furie? Bullinger, paraphrafting vpora Mathew 14, 'faith, Buliinger. 

After feafling, fwilling, and gulling, commeth dancing, the root of all 

filthynes and vncteannes. 

Maifter Caluin, writing vpon lob, Ser. 8, Cap. 12, calleth daunc- Caluin. 
ing the cheefe mifcheef of all mifcheefs, faying, there be fuch vnchaft 
geftures in it as are nothing els but inticements to whordome. 

Marlorate, vpon Mathew, faith, whofoeuer hath any care either of 
honeftie, fobrietie, or grauitie, haue long lince bad adieu to all filthie 

No man (faith a certaine heathen Writer) if hee be fober, daunceth, 
except hee be mad. 

9 SaluJlius, commending Sempronia, that renowmed whore, for Saiust 
many goodly gifts, condemneth her for her ouer great fkil in daunc- g J^ Io8 > **<* 
ing ; concluding, that dauncing is the Inftrument of lecherie. 

a not be B. * leaf 108. Dauncyng the cheefest mischeef. B. 

4 the E, F. 5 5 leap like Squirrilles, skippe like hindes B, E, F. 

- as thei doe B, E, F. 1 any B, E, F. 

f leaf 108, back. Dauncyng a world of sinne. B. 


[ x O 2, back. A.] 

All Writers, 
bothe holy and 

Dauncing a 
World of sin. 

[3 leaf 109. B.t] 

Who inuented 
dauncing, and 
from whome it 

[8 sign. O 3. A.] 

A Supposall 
who inuewted 

1 68 Who inuented dauncing. The Anatomic 

Cicero faith, a good man would not dance in open affembles, 
though hee might by it get infinite treafure. 

The Councel of Laodecea decreed that it mould not be lawful for 
any Chriftiara to dance at manages, or at any follemne feaft. 

In an other Councel it was enacted, that no man fhould daunce at 
any marriage, nor yet at any other time. 

x The Emperour luftinian decreed, that for no refpect in feafls or 
aflemblies there fhould be any dauncing, for feare of corrupting the 
Beholders, and inticing men to linne. 

Thus you may fee, bothe Scripture, councels, and Fathers, holy and 
prophane, heathen and other, euen all in generall, haue detefted and 
abhorred this filthie dauncing, as the 2 quauemire or plalli 2 of all ab- 
homination, and therfore it is no exercife for any Chriftians to followe ; 
for it llirreth vp the motions of the fleih, it induceth luft, it inferreth 
baudrie, arfoordeth ribaldrie, maintaineth wantonnes, & miniftreth 
oile to the {linking lamp of deceitful pride ; and, infujnma, nourifheth 
a world of wickednes and finne. 

3 Spud. Now that the wickednes of it is fo manifeflly mewed, that 
no man can denie it, I pray you, 4 who inuented this noble fcience, 
or from whence 5 fprang it 5 ? 

Philo. Heereof there be fundry and diuers opinions 3 for fome 
holde an opinion (and very likely) that it fprang from the heathen 
idolatrous Pagans and Infidels, who, hauing offered vp their facrifices, 
6 vitimats, 7 and holocaulles, 6 to their falfe Gods, in reuerence of them, 
and for ioy of their fo dooing vfed to daunce, leape, and ikip before 

And this may be prooued by the Ifraelits thewfelues, who, hau 
ing feen and learned the fame 8 pra6tife in Egipt, feared not to imi 
tate the like in the wildernes of Horeb. fome again fuppofe that 
Pyrrhus, one of Sibils Preifts, deuifed it in Greet. Others holde that 
the Priefts of 9 Mars, who in Roome were had in great eftimation for 
their dexteritie in dauracing, inuented it. Others think that one Hiero, 
a truculent 10 and bloody Tirant in Sicilia, who, to fet vp his tyrannic 
the more, inhibited the people to fpeake one to an other, for feare of 

2 2 quagmire or puddle F. 
4 shewe me, added in B, E, F. 
7 victimats not in B. 

f leaf 109. Who inuented Dauncyng. B. 

5 5 it sprang F. 6 6 and oblations F. 

9 of of F. 10 Turculent F. 

of Abufes. Dancing vnpoffible to be good. 1 69 

infurrections and commotions in his kingdome, was the occafio;z of the 

inuenting therof : for whew the Sicilians fawe that they might not, 

vnder pain of death, one fpeak to another, they inuewted dauncing to 

exprefTe the inward meaning and intentions of the minde by outward 

becks and exteriour geftures of the body -, which vfe afterward grew !*** I0 9 back 

1 into cuftome, and now into nature. But what foeuer men fay of it, Vnpossible 

that dancing 

or from whence foeuer it fprang, S. Chrifojlom faith plainly (to whom should be 

1 willingly fubfcribe), that it fprang from the teates of the Deuils 
breft, from whence all mifcheef els dooth flow. Therfore, to conclude, 
if of the egges of a Cokatrice may be made good meat for man to 
eat, and if of the web of a fpider can be made good cloth for mans 
body, 2 then may 3 it be prooued that 3 dancing is 4 good, and an exer- 
cife fitte for a chriftian man to followe, but not before. 5 Wherfore 

God of his mercy take it away 6 from vs ! [ 6 O 3, back. A ] 

Spud. What fay you of 7 Mufick ? is it not a laudable fcience ? 

Of Mufick in Ailgna, and how it allureth 
to vanitie. 


I Say of Mufick as Plato, Arijlotle, Galen, and many others haue faid 
of it ; that it is very il for yung heds, for a certaine kinde of nice, 8 fmoothe 
fweetnes in 9 alluring the auditorie 10 n to nicenes 12 , 11 effeminacie, 13 
pufillanimitie, u & lothfo;ranes of life, 14 15 fo as it may not improperly A compa 
be compared to a fweet eleluarie of honie, or rather to honie it-felf 15 j ano 
for as honie and fuch 17 like fweet things, 17 receiued into the. ftomack, 
dooth delight at the firft, but afterward they make 18 the ftomack fo 19 
quafie, 20 21 nice and weake, that it is not able to admit 21 meat of hard 
digefture : So fweet Mufick at the firft delighteth the eares, but after- 
22 ward corrupteth and depraueth the minde, making it weake and 23 [ leaf no. B.t] 

* leaf 109, back. Dauncyng vnpossible to be good. B. 

2 body to weare B, E, F. 3 3 not in E, F. * be for is in E, F. 

5 els E, F. 7 to F. s n i ce not f n B> E> F 

9 in it B, E, F. 10 hearers F. " to a certaine kind of F. 

12 niceness not in B, E, F. 13 and added in F. " " not in F. 

is is mu che like vnto Honey B, E, F. musicke B, E, F. 

17 17 other sweete Conserues B, E ; other sweete thinges F. 
18 maketh^r they make B, E, F. so not in B, E, F. 

20 queasie F. 21 21 and vnable to receiue B, E, F. 

f leaf no. Hurte by Musicke. B. 33 weake and not in B, E, F. 


How mufick is tollerable. 

The Anatomic 

Wits dulled 
by Musick. 
[ 3 sign. O 4. A.] 

Authors of the 
bringing in of 

Musick the 
good gift of 

[7 O 4, back. A.] 
[8 leaf no, back. 

Of musick in 

jlies and 

quafie, 1 and inclined to all licencioufnes of lyfe whatfoeuer. And 
right as good edges are not lharpned 2 (but 3 obtufed) by beeing 
whetted 3 vpon fofte ftones, fo good wits, by hearing of foft mufick, 
are rather dulled then fharpned, and made apt to all wantonnes and 
finne. 4 And therfore 4 Writers affirme Sappho to haue been expert in 
mufick, and therfore whorifh. 

Tyrus Maximius faith, the bringing in of mufick was a cup of 
poyfon to all the world. 

Clytomachus, if hee euer heard any talking of looue, or playing 
vpon 5 muficall Inftruments, would run his way, and bidde them 

Plutarchus complaineth of Mufick, and faith, that it dooth rather 
femenine the minde as pricks vnto vice, then conduce to godlines as 
fpurres vnto Vertue. 

Pythagoras condemnes them for fooles, and bequeathes them a 
cloke-bag, that meafure Mufick by found and eare. Thus you heare 
the iudgement of the wife concerning Mufick : now iudge therof as 
you lift your felf. 

Spud. I haue heard it faid (and I thought it very true) that 
Mufick dooth delight bothe man and beaft, reuiueth the fpirits, com- 
forteth the hart, and maketh it apter 6 to the feruice of GOD. 

Philo. I graunt Mufick is a good gift of GOD, and that it de 
light eth bothe man 7 and beaft, reuiueth the fpirits, comforteth the 
hart, and maketh 8 it "edyer 9 to feme GOD ; and therfore did Dauid 
bothe vfe mufick him felf, & alfo commend the vfe of it to his pof- 
teritie (and beeing vfed to that end, for mans priuat recreation, mufick 
is very laudable). 

But beeing vfed in publique affemblies and priuate conuenticles, 
10 as directories 10 to filthie dauncing, thorow the fweet harmonic & 
fmoothe melodie therof, it eftraungeth the mind, ftireth vp filthie luft, 
womannifheth the minde, rauifheth the hart, enflameth concupifence, 
and bringeth in vncleannes. But if mufick openly were vfed 11 (as I 
haue faid) to the praife 12 and glory of God, as our Fathers vfed it, and 

1 queasie F. 3 3 dulled by whetting F. * 4 And hereof is it that F. 

6 of B, E, F. 6 and readier added in F. 

f leaf no, back. How Musicke is tollerable. B. 9 apter F. 

10 10 as a Directorie B, E, F. n openly follows used in B, E, F, l2 prasie A. 

of Abufes. Good mufitions fcarce. 171 

as was intended by it at the firft, or priuatly in a mans fecret Chamber How musicke 

were tollerable 

or houfe, for his owne folace or l comfort to driuc away the fantafies & good. 
of idle thoughts, folicitude, 2 care, forrowe, and fuch other perturba 
tions and moleftations 3 of the minde, the only ends wherto true 
Mulick tends, it were very commendable and tollerable. 4 If Mufick 
were thus vfed it would comfort man wunderfully, and mooue his 
hart to ferue God the better ; but beeing vfed as it is, it corrupteth 
good minds, maketh them womannifh, and inclined t6 all kinde of 
whordome and mifcheef. 5 

Spud. What fay you, then, of Mufitions & Minftrels, who liue 
only vpon the fame art ? 

6 Philo. I thinke that all good minftrelles, fober and chaft muficions [ sign. 05. A.] 
(fpeking of fuche drun 7 ken fockets and bawdye paralits as range the gooV^sit^ns 
Cuntreyes, ryming and finging of vncleane, corrupt, and filthie fongs streiies. 
in Tauernes, Ale-houfes, Innes, and other publique afiemblies,) may 
daurcce the wild Moris thorow a needles eye. For how mould thei 
bere chafte minds, feeing that their exercyfe is the pathway to all vn- 
cleanes. 8 Their is no mip fo 9 balanced with maflie matter, 9 as their Themarcha- 
heads are fraught 10 with all kind of bawdie fongs, filthie ballads and streiies and 


fcuruie rymes, feruing for euery purpofe, and for euery Cumpame. 

11 Who be 12 more bawdie 12 than they ? who vncleaner than they ? 
who more licentious and loofe 13 minded 14 ? who more incontinent 
thaw they ? and, briefely, who more inclyned to all kind of infolencie 
and lewdnes than they ? wherfore, if you wold haue your fonne fofte, 
womanniih, vncleane, fmoth mouthed, affe&ed to bawdrie, fcurrilitie, The wickednes 

of musitions 

filthie rimes, and vnfemely talking j brifly, if you wold haue him, as and minstrels. 

it weare, tranfnatured into a womaw, or worfe, and inclyned to all 

kind of whordome and abhomination, fet him to dauncing fchool, 

and to learn muficke, and than mail you not faile of your purpofe. 

And if you would haue your daughter whoorifh, bawdie, and vncleane, 

and a filthie fpeaker, and fuch like, bring her vp in 15 mufick and How to haue 


dauncing, and, my life for youres, you haue wun the goale. lerned in all 

1 and B, E, F. 8 to mitigate F. s passions F. 

4 lawful F. 6 vncleannes F. 

f leaf in. Good Musitions scarce. B. 8 Baudry & filthines F. 

9 9 laden with merchandize F. 10 pestred F. 

11 As for example added in B ; For proofs whereof added in E, F. 

I2_i2 baudier F. " looser E, F. " then they added in F. 


Lycenfes for minftrels. 

The Anatomic 

[ l leaf 1 1 1, back. 


The scarcytie 

of dyuines. 

graunted to 
musitions & 
minstrels to 
exercyse their 
mistery or 
facultie of 

['5 sign. O 6. A.] 

No lycences to 
do hurte withall 
are to be 

['8 leaf 112. B.t] 

A Caue[a]t to 



& all others 

of that 20 stampe. 

1 And yet, notwithftanding, it weare better (in refpefte of 2 accept 
ation 3 ) to be a Pyper, or 4 bawdye minftrell, than a deuyne, for the 
one is looued for his ribauldrie, the other hated for his grauitie, wif- 
dome, and fobrietie. 

Euery towne, Citie, and Countrey, is full of thefe minftrelles to 
pype vp a dance to the Deuillj but of 5 dyuines, fo few there be 6 as 
they 7 maye hardly be feene. 6 

But fome of them will reply, and fay, what, Sir! we haue 
lycenfes from iultices of 8 peace to pype & vfe our minftralne to our 
bell commoditie. Curfed be thofe licences which lycenfe any man to 
get his lyuing with the de(lru6tion of many thoufands ! 

But haue you a lycence from the Arch-iuflice of peace, 9 Chrifle 
lefus ? If you haue fo, you may be glad ; if you haue not (for the 
Worde of GOD is againfl your vngodly exercyfes, and condemneth 
them to Hell,) than may you as rogues, extrauagantes, and ftraglers 
10 from the Heauenlye Country, 10 be arrefted of the high iuftice of 
peace, 11 Chrift lefus, 12 and be puniihed with eternall death, 12 notwith- 
flanding your pretenfed 13 licences of earthly men. Who 14 mail ftand 
betwixt you and the luftice of GOD at the daye of Judgement ? Who 
mall excufe you for draw 15 ing fo manye thoufandes to Hell ? mall the 
luflices of peace ? (hall their licenfes ? Oh, no : 16 For neither ought 
they to graunt an ye licences 17 to anie to doo hurt withall ; neither (if 
they would) ought any to take them. 

18 Giue ouer, therfore, your Occupations, you Pypers, you Fidlers, 
you minftrelles, and you mufitions, you Drummers, you Tabretters, you 
Fluters, and all other of that wicked broodej for the blood of all thofe 
whome you drawe to deftrudion, thorow your prouocations 19 and in- 
tyfing allurementes, fhalbe powred vppon your heads at the day of 

* leaf in, back. Licences for Minstrelles. B. 
2 of worldly B, E. 3 the accompt of the world F. 

* or a F. 5 of good F. 

6 6 that small skil in Arithmeticke will suffice to number them F. 

7 any B, E. 8 of the B, E, F. 

9 of peace not in B, E, F. 10 10 not in B, E, F. 

11 of peace not in B, E, F. 12 12 not in B, E, F. 

13 presented A, pretensed B, E, F. 14 Then who F. 

16 It wil not goe for payment at that day added in F. 17 licencens A. 

t leaf 112. A Caueat for Minstrelles. B. E has: Gardes, Dice, vnlawfull on 
the Sab. 19 example F. 20 twat A. 

of Abufes. Gardes and dice, flaighty theft. 1 73 

Judgement, but hereof enough, and, perchaunce, more than will 
like 1 their humour. 2 

Spud. Is it not lawfull vppon the Sabaoth daye to playe at Dice, 
Cardes, Tables, Bowles, Tenniffe, and fuche other pleafaunt exercyfes, 
wherein Man taketh pleafure and delight ? 

Cards, Dice, Tables, Tennifle, Bowles, and other 
exercyfes vfed vnlawfully in Ailgna. 

3 PhiloponUS. p O 6, back. A.] 

THefe be no Sabaothlike 4 exercyfes for any Chriftian man to fol 
low any day at all, much leffe vppon the Sabaoth daye, which the 
Lord wold haue to be confecrat to himfelfe, and to be fpent in holy Exercises vn- 

lawfull vpon 

and Godly exercyfes, according to his will. As for cards, dice, tables, the Sabaoth 

bowls, tenniffe, and fuch like, thei arefurta qfficiofa, a certen kind of Furta officiosa. 

fmooth, deceiptfull, and fleightie thefte, wherby many a one is fpoiled 

of all that euer he hath, fometimes of his life withall, yea, of body 

and foul for 5 euer. And yet (more is the pitie) thefe be the onely [s leaf a, back. 

exercyfes vfed in euery mans howfe, al the yeer thorow ; But fpecially 

in Chriftimas tyme, there is nothing els vfed but cards, dice, tables, 

mafking, mumming, bowling, & fuch like fooleries. And the reafon 

is, they 6 think they haue a commimon and prerogatiue that time to do All wicked 

what they lufl, 7 and to folow what vanitie they will. But (alas !) do Christmas 


they thinke that they are priuiledged at that tyme to doo euill ? the 

holier the time is (if one time were holier than another, as it is not) 

the holier ought their workes 8 to be. Can anie 9 time difpenfe with No tyme 

them, or giue them libertie to fin ? No, no : the foule which finneth San' to fmne. * 

mall dye, at what time fo euer it ofFewdeth. But what will thei fay ? 

Is it not Chriflmas ? muft we not be mery ? truth it is, we ought, 

both than and at u all tymes befides, to be merie in the Lord, but [" sign, o 7. A.] 

not otherwyfe; not to fwil and gull 12 more that time thaw at any other 

time, nor 1312 to lauifh foorth more at that time than w at another 14 

time. 15 

1 please E, F. 2 daintie humours F. * not in F. 

t leaf 112, back. Al wicked Games vsed in Christmas. B. 

6 for that they F. * list B, E, F. 8 exercises B, E, F. anie not in F. 

10 priuiledgeth E, F. 12 l2 in more then will suffice nature, nor F. 

13 not A. 1 *" at any other B, E, F. " times A, B, E, F. 

The true 
ceeping of 

!<5 leaf 1 13. B.*] 

Wickednes in 


one Christian 

to play with 

another to 

win his 


[" O 7, back. A.] 

[Gamyng worso 
then open theft 
E, F.] 

['5 leaf 113, back. 

174 Great wickednes in Chriftmas. The Anatomic 

But the true celebration of the Feaft of chriflmas is to meditat 
(and as it were to ruminat 1 ) vppon the incarnation and byrthe of 
lefus Chrift, 2 not onely 3 that time, but all the tymes and daies of 
our life, and to fhewe our felues thankeful to his 4 Maieftie for the 
fame. Notwithftanding, who 5 is ignorant 5 that more mifchiefe is that 
time committed than in all the yeere belides ? 6 what mafldng and 
mumming! wherby robberie, whordome, 7 murther, 8 and what not, 8 is 9 
committed ! what dicing & carding, what eating and drinking, what 
banqueting and feafting is than vfed more than in all the yeere be- 
fydes ! to the great diihonor of GOD, and impouerifhing of the 

Spud. Is it not lawfull for one Chriftian to play with another at 
anye kinde of game, or to whine his monie, if he can ? 

Philo. To play at tables, cards, dice, bowls, or the like (though a 
good Chriftian man will not fo ydely and vainely fpend his golden 
dayes) one Chriftian with another, for their priuat recreations, after 
fome oppreffion of ftudie, to driue awaye fantafies 10 and fuche like, I 
doubt not, but they may, vfing it moderatly, with interrmfiion and in 
the feare of n GOD ; But to play for lucre of gaine, and for delire onely 
of his Brothers fubftaunce (rather than for any other caufe) it is at no 12 
hand lawfull, or 13 to be fuffered. 

For as it is not lawful to robbe, fteale and purloine by deceit or 
flaight, fo is it not lawfull to get thy Brothers goods from him by 
carding, dicing, tabling, bowling, or any other kynd of thefte -, for 
thefe playes 14 are no better 5 nay, worfer than opera theft 5 for open 
theft euery Man can be ware of, but this being a craftie pollitick 
theft, and commonly don vnder pretence of Freendfhip, few or none 
at all can beware of 15 it. The commaundement faith, thou malt not 
couet nor defire any thing that belongeth to thy Neighbour : Now, it 
is manifeft that thofe that playe for monie, not onelye couet their 

1 in the secrete cogitations of our myndes added in B, E, F. 

* God and man added in B, E, F. 3 at added in E, F. 

* blessed added in F. 6 5 knoweth not E, F ; is so for is B. 

* leaf 113. Great wickenes in Christmas. B. 

* and sometimes added in B, E, F. 8 8 not in B, F. 
9 what no, tis A. 10 or melancholy passions added in F. 
12 not at any for at no F. 13 nor F. u games B, E, F. 

t leaf 1 13, back. Gamyng houses, B. 

ofAbufes. Infamy gotten by gaming. 175 

Brothers monie, but alfo vfe craft, falfhood and deceit to wyne the 

The Apojlle forbiddeth vs to vfe deceipt in bargaining, in buying 
or felling ; much leffe than ought we to vfe deceipt in gaming. 

Our Sauiour Chrift biddeth euery man do to an other as he would 
another fhould do vnto him. Which rule, if it weare dulie obferued, 
weare fufficient to with [d] raw men both from all kynd of gameing, 
and alfo from all kynd of Mndyrect and 1 vniuft dealing. For as thou A rule to 
woldeft not that another man mould winne thy money, fo thou vniawfuii 

gameing. 2 

oughteft not 3 to defire the winning of his, for thou muft do as thou p sign. O8. A.] 
wouldeft be done by. 

Spud. If gameing for money be fo vnlawfull, wherfore are there 
howfes 4 and places appointed for maintenance of the fame? 

Philo. That excufeth not the fault, but aggrauateth it rather. 
And truely great pitie it is, that thefe brothel howfes (for fo I call all 
garni ng howfes) are fuffred as they be : For are they not the very Gaming 

, . . . houses with 

feminaries and nurferies of all kynd of abhomination, whatfoeuer heart their wicked- 


can thinke, or tongue exprefie ? 

And therfore I marueile, that thofe who keep and maintaine 
thefe gaming howfes can euer 5 haue light hearts, or once to 6 looke 
T vp towards Heauen, that not onely fuffer this manifeft theft in their t 7 leaf 114. B.t] 
howfes (for gaming is no better) but alfo maintaine and nourilh 8 the 

The Apojlle faith, not onely they that doo euill dignifunt morte, 
are worthie of death, but alfo <jul confentiunt facientibus, thofe who 
confent to them that do it. 

Call to mind, than, what euills come of this wicked excercyfe, I 
befeeche you. 

For doth not fwearing, tearing, and blafpheminge of the Name 
of GOD j doth not ftinkinge Whordome, Thefte, Robberie, Deceipt, 
Fraude, Cofenage, fighting, Quareling, and fometymes Murder; 9 doth P O 8, back. A.] 
not pride, rapine, drunkn[e]s, beggerye, and, in fine, a mamefull end 
followe it, as the fhadowe doth follow the body ? wherfore I will not 
doubte to call thefe gaming howfes, the daughter howfes, the 

l 1 not in F. 2 gamening A. 

* gamyng houses B, E, F. 5 neuer F. to not in B, E, F. 

f leaf 114. Infamy gotten by gamyng. B. vphold F. 

Lawcs and 





[ 2 leaf 114, back. 

The infamy 
purchased by 

[3 sign. P i. A.] 

5 Laws against 

[ leaf 115. B.f] 


Lawes againft gaming. 

The Anatomic 

ftiambles, or blockhowfes of the Deuill, wherin he butchereth 
Chriften mews foules infinit waies, God knoweth : the Lord fupprefle 
them ! 

Spud. Weare there euer anie lawes made againft the inordinat 
abufe hereof? or haue the Godly in any age mifliked it ? 

Philo. In all ages and times both the godly fober Chriftians haue 
detefted it, and holfome lawes haue been promulgat 1 againft it. 

O&auius Augujlus was greatly reproched of the Writers of his 
time for his great delight in gaining, notwithftanding his manifold 
vertues betides. 

2 Cicero obie6ted to Marcus Antonius his often gaming, as a note of 
infamie vnto him. 

The noble Lacedemonians fent their AmbafTadours to Corinth to 
cowclud a peace, who coming thither, and finding the People playing 
at dice and cards and vnthriftie games, returned back again (infeia 
pace) their peace vnconcluded, faying it mould neuer be reported that 
they wold ioyne in league with Dice-players and gamefters. 

The fame Lacedemonians fent to Demetrius, in derifion of his 
diceplaying, a paire of 3 dice of gold. Sir Thomas Eliot (that worthie 
Knight) in his 'Book of gouernance ' afketh, who will not think him a 
light man of fmall credit, diflblut, remife, and vaine, that is a Dice- 
player 4 or gamefter ? 

Publius faith, Quanta peritior eft aleator infua arte, tanto nequior 
eft, & vita, &: morilus : How much cowninger a marc is in gaming and 
diceplaying, fo much corrupter he is both in life and maners. luftinian 
made a lawe that none ihould play at dice, nor cards, for no caufe, 
neither priuately nor openly. 

Alexander Seuerus banimed all gamefters out of his dominions ; 
And if anie were found playing, their goods were confifcat, and they 
counted as mad men euer after, neuer trufted nor efteemed of anie. 

6 Ludouicus ordeined that ai gamefters mold depart 7 his larcd, for 
feare of corrupting of others. 

K. Richard the fecond forbad all kynd of gaming, and namely 

1 published F. * leaf 1 14, back. Lawes against Gamyng. B. 

4 Dici-player A. 5 this side-note not in E, F. 

f leaf 115. Punishment for Gamyng. B. 7 out of added in F. 

of Abufes. Beare bayting. 177 

K. Henrie the fourth ordeined that euery Dice-player mould be Punishment 
imprifoned fix daies for euery feuerall time he offended in gaming. 

K. Edward the fourth ordeined, who fo kept gaming howfes 
mould furfer imprifonment three yeeres, and forfait xx. li. 1 & the 
Players to be imprifoned two yeers & forfait .x. pound. The penalty 

K. Henri the feuenth ordeined that euery Dice-player mould be keep gaming 
imprifoned all a day, and the 2 Keeper of the dicing howfe to forfait p p T , back. A.] 
for euery offence vi. (hil. viij.d., and to be bouwd by recognizance to 
good behauiour. 

K. Henrie the eight ordeined that euery one that kept dicing 
houfes mould forfait xl. (liil., and the Players to forfait vi. mil. viij.d., 
with many 3 good lawes and fanctiows 4 fet foorth againft this raging 
Abufe of gaming; which, 5 to auoid tedioufnes 6 I omit, befeching 
the Lord to root vp and fupplant thefe, and all other ftumbling blocks 
in his church 6 what fo euer. 6 

Sp. As I remember, in the Catalogue of abufes before, you faid, 
the fabaoth day was prophaned by bearbaiting, cockfighting, 7 hauk- p leaf n 5 , back, 
ing, hunting, keeping of faires, courts, & markets, vpon the faid day. 
Is it not lawful, thaw, to follow thefe exercifes vpon the fabaoth day 
neither ? 

Beare baiting and other exercyfes, vfed 
vnlawfully 8 in AILGNA. 


THefe Hethnicall 9 exercyfes vpon the Sabaoth day, which the [Bearbaitins 
Lord 10 hath cowfecrat 10 to n holy vfes, 11 for the glory of his Name, and n Sundays J 
our fpirituall comfort, are not in any refpect tollerable, or to be fuf- 
fered. For is not 12 the baiting of a Bear, befides that it is a filthie, 
(linking, 13 and lothfome game, a 14 daungerous & 15 perilous exercyfe ? r> sign. P 2. A.] 
wherein a man is in daunger of his life euery minut of an houre; 
which thing, though it weare not fo, yet what exercyfe is this meet 

1 pound B, E, F. 3 other added in F. * statutes F. 

5 s least I might seeme tedious F. 6 & common wealth F. 

f leaf 115, back. Beare bayting. B. * vpon the Sabboth day added in F. 

9 Heathnish F. 10 10 would haue consecrated B, E, F. 

ll u his seruice F. 12 is not not in B, E, F. 

14 is it not a B, E, F ; dangerous and not in F. 15 and a B, E. 


Keeping of maftyues. 

The Anatomic 

No Creature 
to be abused. 

leaf 1 16. B.*] 

God is abused 
when his 
Creatures are 

Keeping of 
mastyues and 

t 8 P 2, back. A.] 

[*< leaf 116, back. 

for any Chriftiarc ? what chriftera heart can take pleafure to fee one 
poore beaft to rent, teare, and kill another, and all for his foolifh 
pleafure ? And although they 1 be bloody 1 beafts to mankind, & feeke 
his deflru&iorc, yet we are not to abufe them, for his fake who made 
them, & whofe creatures they are. For, notwithstanding that they be 
euill to vs, & thirft after our blood, yet are thei good creatures in their 
own nature & kind, & made to fet foorth the glorie 2 & magnificence 
of 3 the great 3 God, & for our vfe ; & therfore for his fake 4 5 not to 
be abufed. 5 It is a [comjmon faying amongft all men, borowed from 
the fre/zch, Qui dime lean, dime fon chien ; 6 loue me, loue my dog : 
fo, loue God, loue his creatures. 

If any mould abufe but the dog of another mans, wold not he 
who oweth the dog think that the abufe therof 7 refulteth to himfelfe? 
And mall we abufe the creatures of God, yea, take pleafure in abufing 
them, & yet think that the contumely don to them redouwdeth not to 
him who made them ? but admit it weare graurcted that it weare law- 
full to abufe the good Creatures of God, yet is it not lawfull for vs 
to fpend our golden yeers in fuch ydle and vaine^exercyfes, daylie and 
hourelie as we do. 

8 And fome, who take themfelues for no fmall fooles, are fo farre 
allotted that they will not flick to keep a dofen or a fcore of great 
maftiues 9 and baradogs, 9 to their no fmall charges, for the maintenance 
of this goodly game (forfooth) j and will not make anie bones of. xx. 
xl. C. 10 pound at once to hazard at a bait, with " feight dog, feight 
beare (fay they n ), the deuill part all ! " And, to be plaine, I thinke the 
Deuill is the 12 Maifter of the game, beareward and all. A goodly 
paftyme, forfoth, worthie of commendation, and wel fitting 13 thefe 
Gentlemen of fuch reputation. But how muche the Lord is offended 
for the prophanation of his Sabaoth by fuch vnfauorie exercyfes, his 
Heauenly Maieftie of late hath reueiled, pouring foorth his 14 heauie 

i_i bloudy be F. 2 power added in B, E, F. 

s 3 our B, E, F. 

* leaf 116. Keepyng of Mastiues. B. 
e_5 we ought not to abuse them B, E, F. ' that is added in F. 

7 done to his dog F. 9 9 not in B, E, F. 

10 yea, an hundred B, E, F. n say they not in B, E, F. 

12 the not in F. 13 fitting F. 

f leaf 1 1 6, back. A wofull crye at Syrap [=Parys] garden. B. 

of Abufes. A wofull cry at Syrap* garden. 179 

wrath, his fearful! Judgements, 1 and dreadfull vengeance vppon the 
Beholders of thefe vanities. 2 

A Fearfull Example of GOD his ludgement vpon 
the prophaners of 3 his Sabaoth. 3 

Sunday, Jaa. 13, 

VPon the 13. day of lanuarie laft, 4 being the Sabaoth day, Anno 
1583, the 5 People, Men, Wemen, and Children, 6 both yonge and 
old, an infinit number flocking 6 to r thofe infamous places, where [ 7 en. P 3 . A.] 
thefe wicked exercyfes are vfuallie practifed, (for they haue their 
courts, gardens, & yards for the fame purpofe) 8 when they were 8 all 
come together and mounted aloft vpon their fcaffolds and galleries, 
and in middeft of al their iolytie & paftime, all the whole building 
(not one ftick ftanding) fell down with a moft wonderful! and feare- 
full confufio;z 5 So that either two or three hundred men, wemeH, 
and children (by eftimatiow 9 ), wherof feuera were killed dead, 10 fome 
were 10 wounded, fome lamed, and otherfome brufed and crufhed 
almoft to the death. Some had their braines dafht out, fome their 
heads all to fquafht, 11 fome their legges broken, fome their arms, fome 
their backs, fome their moulders, fome one hurt, fome another. So 
that you mould haue hard a woful crie, euen pearcing the fkyes, A wofull crie. la 
parents bewayling their children, Children their louing Parents, 
wyues 13 their Hufbands, and Hufbands their wyues, marueilous to be- [ I3 leaf 117 B.t] 
hould 14 ! This wofull fpectacle and heauie Judgement, pitifull to heare 
of, but moft ruefull to behold, did 15 the Lord fend 16 down from 
Heauen, to mew vnto the whole World how greeuoufly he is of 
fended with thofe that fpend his Sabaoth in fuch wicked exercifes ; 
In the meane tyme, leauing his temple defolat and emptie. God 
graunt all men may take warning hereby, to fhun the fame for feare 
of 17 like or worfer 18 ludgement to come ! I 17 P 3. tack. A.] 

* Paris (F. J. F.) 1 Judgment B, E, F. * as hearafter followeth B, E, F. 
3 3 the Sabbaoth dale B, E, F. * last not in F. 

6 there resorted an infinite number of for the E, F. 

6 of each sort E, F. 68 and beyng B, E, F. 

9 by estimation not in B, E, F. 10 10 were some F. " quasht B, E, F. 

12 this side-note not in F. f leaf 1 17. A wofull spectacle at the Theaters. 

14 haue heard F. 15 did not in B, E, F. l6 sent B, E, F. 

18 sharper B, E, F. 


A wofull 

s leaf 117. back. 


ing vpon the 


[* day added in 


L 10 sign. P 4. A.] 

times for 
exercise of 

Cockf eights. 

The Anatomic 

A fearfull Judgement of GOD, fhewed at 
the Theaters. 

THE like Judgement (almofl 1 ) did the Lord fhew vnto them a 
litle befor, being aflembled at their Theaters, to fee their bawdie 
enterluds and other trumperies 2 pra&ifed : For he caufed the earth 
mightely to fhak and quauer, as though all would haue fallen down j 
wherat the People,, fore amazed, fome leapt down (from the top ot 
the turrets, pinacles, and towres, wher they flood) to the ground -, 
wherof 3 fome had their legs broke, fome their arms, fome their 
backs, fome hurt one where, fome another, 4 & many fore crufht and 
brufed -, but not any but they went away fore 5 afrraid, & wounded in 
cowfcience. And yet can neither the one nor the other fray them 
from thefe diuelifh exercyfes, vntill the Lorde confume them all in his 
6 wrath -j which God forbid/ The Lord of his mercie opera the eyes of 
the maieftrats to pluck down thefe places of abufe, that god may be 
honored and their confciewces difburthened 7 . 8 

Befids thefe exercifes, thei flock, thick & three fold, to the cock- 
feights, an exercyfe nothing inferiour 9 to the reft, wher nothing is 
vfed but fwering, forfwering, deceit, fraude, collufion, cofe 10 nage, 
fcoulding, railing, conuitious talking, feighting, brawling, quarreling, 
drinking, whooring j &, which is worft of all, robbing of 11 one an 
other of their goods, & that not by direct, but indirect means & at 
tempts : & yet to blaurcch & fet out thefe mifchiefs wzt^all (as though 
they were vertues) thei haue their appointed daies & fet howrs, when 
thefe diuelries muft be exercifed. They haue houfes erected to the 12 
purpofe, flags & enfignes hanged out, to giue notice of it to others, and 
proclamation goes out to proclaim the fame, to th' end that many 
may come to the dedication 13 of this folemne feaft of mifchief : 14 the 

1 in effect F. 2 fooleries there F. s whereby F. 

4 another where F. 5 sore B, E, F ; store A. 

f leaf 117, back. Cockfightyng in Ailgna. B. 7 discharged F. 

8 A new chapter-heading follows in B, E, F : Cockfightyng in Ailgna ; F 
has : Cockfighting vpon the Sabboth day in England. 9 not in F. 

11 of not in F. 12 that B, E, F. 13 celebration F. 
14 14 no f i n B, E, F ; .<4 new chapter-heading follows this in B, E : Hawking 
and Hunting in Ailgna ; F has : Hauking and hunting vpon the Sabboth day 
in England. 

of Abufes. Hawking and hunting. 181 

Lord fupplant them! 14 And as for hawking & hunting vpon the Hawking & 

fabaoth day, 1 it is an exercyfe vpon that day no lefle vnlawful than thesabaoth. 

the other; 2 For no man ought to fpend any day of his life, much [ 3 leafus. B.*j 

lefle euery day 3 in his life, 3 as many do, in fuch vaine & ydle 

paflimes : wherfore 4 let Gentlemen take heed ; for, be lure, accounts 

muft be giuen at the day of Judgement for 5 euery minut of time, 

both how they haue fpent it, & in what exercyfes. And let them be No more 

libertie giuen 

fure no more libertie is giuen the?n to mifpend an howre, or one iote l one 

than* another 

of the Lord his goods, than is giuen to the poorefl and meaner): f r "j^JJ 1 " 
perfon that liueth vpon the face of the earth. I neuer read of any, g ods - 

J ' [* then to F.] 

in the volume of the facred fcripture, 6 that was a good man and a 

Efau was a great hunter, but a reprobat -, If 7 maell a great hunter, t 7 P 4, back. A.] 
but a mifcreant; Nemrode, a great hunter, but yet 8 a reprobat 8 and 
a veffell of wrath. Thus I fpeake not to condemne hawking and No good 

hunters [in] 

hunting altogether, being vfed for recreation, now and than, but scripture, 
againft the continuall vfe therof daylie, hourly, weekly, yeerly, yea, all 
the time 9 of their life without intermiflion. And fuch a felicitie 
haue fome in it, as they make it all their ioye, beftowing more vpon 
hawkes and hounds, and a fort of idle lubbers to followe them, in one Cost bestowed 
yeer, than they will impart 10 to the poore members of Chrift lefus in dogge*. * 
vii. yeers, peraduenture, in all the dayes of their life. So long as man 
in Paradice perfifted in innocency, all beafts what fo euer weare obedi 
ent to him, and came and proftrated 11 themfelues be 12 fore him; But [" leaf us, back, 
euer lince his fall they haue fled from him, & difobeyd him, becaufe whin all 
of his fin; that feeing he difobeyed the Lord, they again difobeied 13 ISiTt" 
him. For fo long as man obeied God, fo long they obeied him, but wherfSe they 
fo foone as man difobeyed God, they difobeyed him, & becam enemies r< 
to him; as it were, feeking to reuenge the 15 iniurie which man had don 
vnto 16 GOD in difobeying hislawes. Wherfore the caufe why all beafts 
do fly from vs, and are become Enemies to 17 vs, is our difobedience to 

1 day not in E, F. * leaf 118. Hawkyng and huntyng. B. 

3 3 not in F. * And therfore F. 

8 of F. e Scriptures F. 

8 8 an abiect E, F. 9 times F. 

10 giue F. 11 humbled F. 

f leaf 1 1 8, back. Why beastes rebell against man. B. 13 disobey F. 

15 that E, F. IB to F. " vnto F. 


Harme by Hunters. 

The Anatomic 

t 1 sign. P 5. A.] 
For pleasure 
sake only no 
man ought to 
abuse any of 
the cretures of 

Hurt by 
hunting to 
poors Men. 
[6 leaf 119. B.f] 

Not lawfull to 
keep cour[t]es 
Leets, Markets 
and Fayres, vpp- 
on the Sabaoth 

L'SPs.back. A,] 

the LORD, which we are rather to forow for, than to hunt after their 
deaths by the {heading of their blood. 

1 If neceffitie, or want of other meats, inforceth vs to feek after their 
liues, it is lawfull to vfe them, in the feare of God, with thanks to his 
name but for our paftimes and vain pleafures fake, wee are not in 
any wife to fpoyle or hurt them. Is he a chriflian man, or 2 rather a 
3 pfeudo-chriflian, 3 that delighteth in blood? Is he a Chriftian that 
fpendeth all his life in wanton pleafures and plefaunt delights ? Is hee 
a Chriftian that buieth vp the corne of the poor, turning it into bread 
(as many doo) to feed dogs for his pleafure ? Is hee a chriftian that 
liueth to the hurt of his Neighbour, in treading and breaking down 
his hedges, in cafting open his gates, in trampling of his corne, & 
otherwife 4 in preiudicing 4 him, as hunters doo? wherfore God giue 
them grace to fee to it, and to mend 5 it 6 betimes ere it be to latej 
for they know mora trahit periculum, delay bringeth danger. Let vs 
not deferre to leaue the 7 euil and to doo good, leaft the wrath of the 
Lord be kindled againft vs, and confume vs from of 8 the vpper face of 
the Earth. 9 

Spud. What fay you to keeping of Markets, of 10 Fayres, Courtes, 
and Leetes vpon the Sabaoth day ? Think you it is not lawful to vfe 
the fame vpon any n day ? 

Philo. No truely ; for can you 12 ferue God & the deuil togither ? 
can wee carrie to God, and ferrie to 'the deuil? can we ferue two 
Maifters, 13 and neither offend the one nor 14 the other? can wee ferue 
God and Mammon? can wee pleafe God and the world bothe at 
one time ? The Lord wil not be ferued by peecemeale j for either 
he wil haue the whole man, or els none : For faith he, ' ThouJJialt 
looue the Lord thy God with all thy foule, withall thy minde, withall 15 
thy power, withall thy Jlrength,' and fo foorth, or els with none 
at all. Then, feeing that we are to giue ouer our felues fo wholely 
and totally to the feruice of God al the daies of our life, but ef- 

2 or not B, E, F. 3 3 cruel Tartarian F. * 4 annoying F. 
5 amend F. f leaf 119. Fayres on the Sabaoth day. B. 

7 the not in B, E, F. 8 of not in B, E, F. 

9 A new chapter-heading follows this in B, E, F : Markettes, Faires, Courtes, 
and Leetes vpon the Sabbaoth daie in Ailgna [England F.]. 

10 of not in F. ll that E, F. 12 we F. 14 nor displease E, F 

13 withail A. 

of Abufes. Fayres on the Sabaoth. 1 83 

pecially vppon the Sabaoth day, being confe j crate to that end, [' leaf n 9 , back, 
we may not intermedle with thefe prophane exercifes vpon that Abuse of the 
day. For it is more then manifeft that thefe faires, markets, courtes, Fare's, mar- 

kets. * 

and leetes, vpon the Sabaoth day, are not only a hinderance vnto vs ["rackets A.] 

in the true 2 feruice of God, and an abufe of the Sabaoth, but alfo 

lead vs the path way to hel. For what cofonage is not there pra6tifed ? The euil in 

\ . . Fayres and 

what fallhod, deceit, & fraude is not there exercifed ? what dif- Markets. 

fimulation in bargaining? what fetting foorth 3 of fucate 3 & deceiu- 

able wares, is not there frequented 4 ? what lying, fwering, forfwering, 

drunkennes, whordom, theft, & fowetimes murlher, either there or by 

the way thither, is not euery where vied 5 ? In courtes & leets, what Theeuilsin 

. . Courtes and 

enuie, malice, & hatred is noonmed 6 ? what expoflulation, railing, Leets practised. 
{colliding, periuring, & reperiuring is maintained? 7 what opreflion p sign. P 6. A.] 
of the poore, what fauouring the 8 rich, what iniuftice & indirect deal 
ing? what bribing, deceiuing, what poling & pilling is there 9 praclifed ? 
it would make a chrifliaw hart to bleed in beholding it. And yet, not- 
withftanding, we muft haue thefe goodly pageants played vpon the 
fabaoth day (in a wanion),becaufe there are no mo daies in the week. 
And heerby 10 Me fabaoth is contaminat, 10 Godswoord contemned, his 
commandements difanulled, his facraments conculcate, his ordinances 
neglected, &, n infumma, his blood trod vnder feet, and all mifcheef I" leaf 120. B.t] 
maintained. 12 The Lord cut of thefe, with all other Jin, loth from their 
fonles and thy Sabaoth, that thy name may le glorified and thy Church 
truely edified ! 

Spud. Is the playing at football, reding of mery bookes, & fuch 
like delectations, a violation or prophanation of the Sabaoth day? 

Ph. Any exercife which witAdraweth vs from godlines, either vpon 
the fabaoth 13 or any other day els, is wicked & to be forbiden. 14 Now, Playing at 
who is fo grofly blinde, that feeth not that thefe aforefaid exercifes not 
only withdraw vs from godlines & vertue, but alfo haile & allure vs to 

* leaf 1 19, back. Fayres on the Sabaoth day. B. 

8 true not in F. 3 3 counterfeit F. * vsed B, E, F. 

B committed B, E, F. nooirshed A. 8 of the F. 9 the (sic) F. 

io_io j t commeth to passe that the Sabboth is prophaned F. 

f leaf 120. Footeball playing in Ailgna. B. 

n_i2 not in B, E, F. A new chapter-heading follows, Plaiyng at Footeball 
*in Ailgna.* (* * vpon the Sabboth and other dayes in England F.) 
18 day added in F. " forbidded (sic) F. 

1 84 Great hurt, by Foot-ball play. The Anatomic 

Foot-bail a wickcdnes and fin. for as concerning football playing, I proteft vnto 

freendly kind 

of fight. you it may rather be called a freendly kinde of fight, then a play or 

recreation ; A bloody and murthering pra6life, then a felowly fporte 

[ l P6, back. A.] or paftime. J For dooth not euery one lye in waight for his Aduer- 
farie, feeking to ouerthrovve him & to picke him on his nofe, though 
it be vppon hard ftones ? in ditch or dale, in valley or hil, or what 
place foeuer it be, hee careth not, fo he 2 haue him down. And he 
that can ferue the moft of this fafhion, he is counted the only felow, 

Hurt by foot- and who but he ? fo that by this meanes, fomtimes their necks are 
broken, 3 foretimes their _backs, 3 fometime their legs, fometime their 

[^ leaf 120, back, armes -, 4 fometime one part thurfl out of ioynt, fometime an other ; 
fometime 5 the 6 nofes gufh out with blood, fometime 5 their eyes ftart 
out 7 j and fometimes hurt in one place, fometimes in another. But 
'whofoeuer fcapeth away the beft, goeth not fcotfree, but is either fore 
8 wou?zded, craifed 9 , 8 and brufeed, fo as he dyeth of it, or els fcapeth 
very hardly, and no meruaile, for they haue the 10 fleights to meet one 
betwixt two, to dalhe him againfl the hart with their elbowes, to hit 
him vnder the fhort ribbes with their griped fifts, and with their knees 
to catch him vpon the hip, and to pick him on his neck, with a 11 

Foot-Ball hundered fuch murdering deuices : and hereof groweth enuie, malice, 

thering Play. rancour, cholor, hatred, difpleafure, enmitie, and what not els : and 
fometimes fighting, brawling, contention, quarrel picking, murther, 
homicide, and great effufion of blood, as experience dayly teacheth. 

C 12 sign. P 7. A.] 12 i s this murthering play, now, an exercife for the Sabaoth day > is 
this a chriftian dealing, for one brother to mayme and hurt another, 
and that vpon prepenfed malice, or fet purpofe ? is this to do to 
another as we would wim another to doo to vs ? God make vs more 
careful ouer the lodyes of our Bretherenf 

Reading of 14 ^nd as f or ^he 15 reading of wicked Bookes, they are vtterly vn- 


bookes. lawfull, not onely to bee read, but once to be named j & that not 

(onely) vpon the Sabaoth day, but alfo vppon any other day; as 

2 he male B, E, F. 3 3 not in F. 

f leaf 120, back. Great hurt by Foote-ball play. B. 

5 sometimes F. 6 their B, E, F. 7 of their heads added in F. 

88 crushed F. 9 craised not in B, E. 10 the not in B, E, F. an F. 
13 A new chapter-heading follows in B, E, F. Readyng of wicked bookes in 
Ailgna. [England. F.J 

f leaf 121. Reading of wicked bookes hurtful. B. 15 the not in F. 

of Abufes. Hethnicall bookes in Ailg[na]. 185 

which tende to the difhonour of God, deprauation of good manners, 

and corruption of chriftian foules. For as corrupt meates doo annoy 

the ftomack, and infect the body, fo the reading of wicked and vn- The euil 

godly Bookes (which are to the minde, as meat is to the body) infect reading euil 

the foule, & corrupt the, minde, hailing it to diftruction, if the great 

mercy of God be not prefent. 1 

And yet, notwithftanding, whofoeuer wil fet pen to paper now a 
dayes, how vnhoneft foeuer, or vnfeemly of chriftian eares, his argu 
ment be, is permitted to goe forward, and his woork plaufibly 2 admit 
ted and 2 freendly licenfed, and gladly imprinted, without any prohibi 
tion or contradiction at all : wherby it is growen to this ifllie, that 
bookes & pamphlets of fcun ilitie and baudrie are better efteemed, and 
more vendible, then the godlyelt and fa 3 geft bookes that be : for 4 if it C 3 P 7, back. A.] 
be a godly treatife, reproouing vice and teaching vertue, away with 
it ! for no man (almoft) though they make a floorim of vertue and 
godlynes, will buy it, nor (which is lefle) fo much as once touch it. 
This maketh the Bible, the 5 blelTed Book of God, to be fo little 
efteemed j That woorthie 6 Booke of Martyrs, 7 made by that famous [ 7 jeaf 121, back. 
Father & excellent Inftrument in God his Church, Maifter lohn Fox, 
fo little to be accepted, and all other good books little or nothing to 
be 8 reuerenced; whilft other toyes, fantafies, and bableries, wherof 
the world is ful, are fuffered to be printed. Thele prophawe fchedules, 
facraligious libels, and hethnical pamphlets of toyes &: bableries 
(the Authors wherof may 9 vendicate to them felues no fmal com- [The hurte that 

i f wicked books 

mendations 9 at the hands of the deuil for inuenting the fame) corrupt bryng E, F.J 

mens mindes, peruert good wits, allure to baudrie, induce to whor- 

dome, fupprefle vertue & erect vice : which thing, how (hould it be 

otherwife ? for are they not inuewted & excogitat by Belxelul, written 

by Lucifer, licenfed by Pluto, printed by Cerberus, & fet a-broche to 

fale by the infernal furies themfelues, to the poyfoning of the whole 

world ? But let the Inuewtors, the licewfors, the printers, & the fellers 

of thefe vaine toyes, and more then Hethnicall impieties, take heed 

for the blood of all thofe which perim, or take hurt 10 thorow thefe [ I0 'Qi', A. 

wrongly signd ; 
leaf P 8 is misst ; 

i present not in F. 2 - 2 receiued F. * but B, E, F. 

6 that B, E, F. 6 renowmed F. 

* leaf 121, back. Hethnicall bookes in Ailgna. B. 8 to be not in F. 

9 9 challenge no small reward F. 


How to reforme Abufes. 

The Anatomic 

['leaf 122. B.*j 

[The Laws 
against Evil 
Doers are not 

[Why the lawes 
are not executed 
as they ought 
to bee E, F.] 
[9 P 8, back 
(wrong Q i, bk.) 

[" leaf i2a, back. 

[They that buy 

wicked bookes, lhalbe powred vpon their heads at the day of Judge 
ment, and be required at their hands. 

Spud. I pray you how might al thefe inormities and Abufes be 
reformed ? For it is to fmall purpofe to ihew the abufes, except you 
fhewe withall how they might be reformed 1 

Philo. By putting in practife and executing 2 thofe good lawes, 
3 wholfome fanctions 3 , and Godly 4 ftatutes, which haue beene hereto 
fore, and daily are, fet foorth and eftablifhed, as GOD be thanked, they 5 
are manie. The want of the due execution wherof is the caufe of all 
thefe mifchiefs, which both rage and raigne amongft vs. 

Spud. What is the caufe why thefe lawes are not executed, as 
they ought to be ? 

Philo. Truely, I cannot tell, excepte it be thorow the nigligence 
and contempt 6 of the inferiour Magiflrates. Or els, perhaps (which 
thing happeneth now and than), for money they are bought out, dif- 
franchifed and difpenfed withall ; for, as the faying is, 7 quid non pe- 
cunia poteft : what is it but money will bring to paffe 7 ? And yet, 
notwithftanding, mall it be don inuifibly in a clowde (vnder lenedicite 
I fpeake it) the Prince being borne in hand that the fame are 8 dalie 
executed 8 . This fault is the corruption of thofe that are put in trufl 
to fee them executed, as I haue 9 tould you, and (notwithflanding) do 

Spud. This is a great 10 corruption & 10 Abufe, doubtles, and worthie 
of great punimment. 

Ph. It is fo truelyj for if they be good lawes, tending to the 
glorie of GOD, the publique weale of the Cuntrey and correction of 
vices, it is great pytie that money mould buy them out. For what is 
that els, but to fell vertue for lucre, Godlynes for droffe, yea, mens 
fouls for corruptible mo 11 ney ? Therfore, thofe that fell them are not 
onely Traitors to GOD, to their Prince and Countrey, but are alfo the 
Deuils Marchants, and 12 ferrie the bodies and foules of Chriftians, 13 as 

1 amended B, E, F. 

* leaf 122. How to reforme Abuses. B. 8 3 not in F. 

* Goldy A ; Godly B, E, F. 5 there B, E, F. corruption F. 

7 7 Pecunia omnia potest, Money can do all thynges B, E, F. 

e_8 du i y excuted (sic) B, E, F. w> not in B , E, F. 

t leaf 122, back. Lawes not executed. B. 12 to B, E, F. 

is 13 as m uch as lieth in thew F. 

of Abufes. The latter day at hand. 187 

it were, in Charons boate l 13 to the Stigian flood of Hell, burning with or M u lawes for 

money are 

fire and brimftone for euer. E & F] S l G d 

And thofe that buy them are Traitors to GOD, their Prince, and 
Countrey alfo. 

For if the lawes were at the firft good (as, GOD be praifed, al 2 the 
lawes in Ailgna be), why fhuld they be fuppreffed 3 for money? and 
if they were euill, why were they diuulged, 4 but had rather beene 
buried in the wombe of their Mother before th[e]y had euerTeene 
the light. 

And why were lawes inflituted 5 , but to be executed ? Els, it were 
as good to haue no lawes at all (the People lyuing orderly) as to haue 
good lawes, and them not executed. 

The Prince ordeining a law may lawfully repeale & adnull 6 the 
fame againe, vpon fpeciall 7 caufes & confiderations, but no inferiour 
maieftrat or fubie&e what fo euer, may flop the courfe of any lawe T j sign. Q 2. A.] 
made by the Prince, without daunger of damnation to his owne 8 foule, 
as the Word of GOD beareth witnefle. 

And therfore, wo be to thofe men that will not execut the fen- 
tence of the lawe (being fo Godly and fo Chriftian as thei be in Ailgna) 
vppon Malefactors and Offenders ! 

Verely they are as guiltie of their blood before GOD, as euer was 
ludas of the death 9 of Chrifle lefus. I 9 lf 3- B.t] 

Spud. Seeing it is fo that al fleih hath corrupted his way before 
the face of God, and that there is fuch abhomination amongeft them, [The day of 
I am perfwaded the 10 daye of Judgement is not farre of ; For when not faToffj 5 
iniquity {hall haue filled vp his meafure, than {hall the end of all n ap- 
peare, as Chrijl witneffeth in his Euangelie. 

Philo. The day of the Lord cannot be farre of; that is moft 
certenj For what wonderfull portents, 12 ftrang miracles, fearful fignes, 
and dreadfull Judgements 13 hath he fente of late daies, as Preachers & 
fortellers of his wrath, due vnto vs for our impenitence 14 & wickednes 
of life. Hath he not caufed the earth to tremble and quake? the [The wonderful! 

1 ouer the Sea of this world added in B, E, F. 
2 the most of B, E, F. 3 bought out F. * published F. 

6 constitute B, E, F. annul F. 

8 not in F. t leaf 123. The latter daie at hande. B. 10 that the E, F. 

11 all thinges E, F. la not in F. 13 tokens F. " impenitencie E, F. 

signes and 
tokens ; which 
the Lord hath 
sent to warne vs 
of the daie of 
Judgement E, F.] 
[ 1 Q 2, back. A.] 

[ 3 leaf 123, back. 

[All God's 
Creatures are 
wroth with us, 
but we don't 

[6 sign. Q 3. A.] 

[9 Materiall hell- 
after this life E, 

[ 10 leaf 124. B.f] 

1 88 Gods warnings, late fhewed. The Anatomic 

fame Earth to remooue from place to place ? the feas and waters to 
roare, fwell, & bruft out, and ouerflow their bankes 1 to the deftruction 
of many thoufands ? hath he not caufed the Elements and Skyes to 
fend foorth flaming fire ? to raine downe wheat, a wonderfull thing as 
euer was heard, and the like ? hath he not caufed wonderfull Eclypfes 
in the Sunne and Moon, with moll dreadfull conjunctions of Starres 
and Planets, as the like this thoufand yeeres haue not been 2 heard of? 
haue not the clowdes diflilled downe aboundance of rayne and 
fhowres, with all kinde of vnfeafonable wether, to the deflroying (al- 
moft) of al thinges vppon the Earth ? haue we not feene Commets, 
blaring ftarres, fine 3 Drakes, men feighting in the ayre, moil fearfully 
to behold ? Hath not dame Nature her felfe denied vnto vs her opera 
tion in fending foorth abortiues, vntimely births, vgglefome monfters 
and fearfull mifhapen Creatures, both in man & beaft? So that it 
feemeth all the Creatures of God are angrie with vs, and threaten vs 
with deflruction, and yet 4 we are 4 nothing at all ame/zded : (alas) what 5 
fhal become of vs ! Remember we not there is a God that mal iudge vs 
righte'oufly ? that there is a Deuill who mall torment vs after this lyfe 
vnfpeakably, if we repent not ? At that day the wicked (hall find that 
there is a Material Hell, a place of all kinds of tortures, wherein they 
mal be puniihed in fire and brimflone amongefl the terrible Com 
pany of vgglefome 6 Deuills, world without end, how light fo euer 
they make account of it in this World. 

For fome fuch there be that, when thei heare mention of Hell, or 
of the paines therof in the other World, they make a mocke at 7 it, 
thinking they be but metaphoricall fpeaches, onely fpoke to terrific 
vs withall, not 8 otherwyle. But cert en it is, as there is a God that 
will reward his Children, fo there is a Deuill that will remunerat his 
Seruaunts; And as there is a Heauen, a Materiall place of perfect 
ioye prepared for the Godly, fo there is a Hell, a Materiall place of 
punimmewt for the wicked and reprobat, prepared for the Deuil & his 
Angels, or els the word of God is in 10 no wyfe to be credited -, which 
blafphemie once to think 11 , God keep all his Children from ! 

2 scene or added in F. * leaf 123, back. Gods warninges late shewed. B. 

* * are we F. 5 that A, B, E ; what F. 7 of F. 8 and not F. 

9 A materiall F. f leaf 124. A reward for good and euill. B. 

11 think of F. 

of Abufes. Who are true repentants. 1 89 

Spud. But they will eafily auoid this j for they fay it is writ 1 , at 
what time fo euer a firmer doth repent him of his finne, I wil put all 
his fin 2 out of my remembrance, faith the Lord. So that, if they 
maye haue three words at the laft, they will wim no more. What 
think you of thefe felowes ? 

Phllo. I think them no men, but Deuills ; no Chriftians, but worfe [Men who put off 
5 than Tartarians*, and more to be auoided than the poifon of a fer- their deaths are 

but Devils.] 

pent ; for the one flayeth but the body, but the other both body & 

foul for euer. Wherfore let euery good Chriften Man take heed of 

them, and 4 auoid them 5 For it is truely faid cum lonis bonus eris, [ 4 Q 3. back. A.] 

et cum peruerjis peruerferis 5 : with the good thou mail 6 learne good, 

but with the wicked thou mail 6 be peruerted. 

Spud. Do you think, than, that that cannot be a true repentance, 
which is deferred to the laft gafpe ? 

Ph. No, truely j For true repentance muft fpring out of a lyuelie 
faith, with an inward lothing, hating 7 , and detefting of finne. But 

this deferred repentance fpringeth not of faith, but rather of the feare [No true repent 
ance which is 

of death, which he feeth imminent before his eyes, of the grief and deferred to the 

last gaspe E, F.] 

tedioufnes of paine, of the Horror of Hell, and feare of God his ineuit- 
able iudgement, which he knoweth now he muft needs abyde. And 
therfore this can be no true repentance; For there is 8 two maner of 
re 9 pentaces, the one a true repentance to life, the other a falfe re- [ 9 leaf ia 4 , back. 


pentance to death. As we maye fee by ludas, who is faid to haue re- [TWO maners 10 of 
pented, and, which is more, to haue conferTed his faulte, and, which false repentance, 
is moft of all, to haue made reftitution, and yet was it a falfe repent- pentance E, F.j 
ance. And why? becaufe it fprang not out of true faith, but as 

Peter repented and weept bitterly, and was faued therby, though 
he neither made confeffion nor fatiffaction ; and why? Becaufe it 
fprang of a true and lyuely faith. So thefe felowes may fay they re 
pent, but except it be a n true repentance, fpringing of faith, it can [" sign. Q 4 . A.] 
ferue them no more to life, than the pretenfed repentance of ludas did 
ferue him to faluation. 

1 written F. 2 wickednes E, F. 

8 3 then cither Turks or lewes, or any other infidels whatsoeuer F. 

6 peruerteris B, F. shalt F. 7 not in. 8 are E, F. 

+ leaf 124, back. Who are true repentants. B. 10 maner of repentances F. 

190 Repentance not to be deferred. The Anatomic 

Let them beware, for Cain repented, yet is he condemned. Efau 
did repent, yet is he condemned ; Antiochus did repent, yet is he con 
demned j ludas did repent, yet is he condemned, with infinite moe. 
And why fo ? Becaufe their prolonged repentaunce fprange not of 
faith, &C. 1 

Thus they may fee, that euerye light affection is no true repentance, 

And that it is not ynough to fay at the laft, I repent, I repent - t For 

vnles it be a true repentance indeed, it is worth nothing. But, indeed, 

[Every light if it weare fo that man had liberum arlitrium, free wil 2 of himfelf to 

affection is no 

true repentance repent truely when he wold, and that God d promifed in his word to 
accept of that repentance, it weare another matter. But repentance 
is donum Dei, the gifte of God, de furfum veniens a patre luminum, 

C* leaf 125. B.f] combining from aboue fro?n the Father of light, & therfore it is not 
in our powers to repent when we will. It is the Lord thai giueth the 
gift, when, where, & to whom it pleafeth 5 him ; & of him are we to 
traue it incefiantly by faithfull prayer, & not otherwife to prefume of 
our owne repentance, when, indeed, we haue nothing leffe than a 
true repentance. 

[<5 Q 4, back. A.] 6 Spud. Than, thus much I gather by your words, that as true re- 

[Of true and pentancc (which is a certen inward grief and forrow of the 7 heart, 

fci"iid repent* 

cowce'iucd for our finnes, with a hatred and lothing of the fame) 
[fjerueth to faluation thorow the mercie of GOD in Chrift, fo fained 
repentance faueth not from perdition. And, therfore, we mull repent 
dayly and howrely, and not to 8 deferre our repentaunce to the laft 
gafpe, as many doo, than which nothing is more perilous. 
Philo. True, it isj for maye not he be called a great Foole, that 
by deferring and prolonging of repentance to the laft caft 9 (as they 
fay) will hazard his body and foule to eternall damnation for euer ? 
Wheras, by daily repentaunce, he maye affaire him felfe both of the 
fauour of GOD, and of life euerlafting (by faith) in the mercy of 
GOD, thorow the moft precious blood of his deare Sonne, lefus 
Chrift, our alone Sauiour and Redemer, to whome be praife for euer ! 

1 & of an inward hatred vnto sin, &c, F. 
* and power added in F. 3 God had F. 

f leaf 1 25. Repentance not to be deferred. B. 

6 shall please B, E, F. 7 the not in F. 

8 did not for not to F. 9 gasp F, 

ofAbufes. A Chriftian proteftation. 191 

Spud. Now muft I needs fay, as the Wyfe King Salomon faid, All things are 
all things are vaine and l tranfitorie, and 2 nothing is permanent vnder vanitie it-seifc. 
the Sonne : the workes of men are vnperfect and lead to deftruction, B.t] a ' 
their exercyfes are vaine and wicked altogether. 

Wherfore I, fetting apart all the vanities of this lyfe, will from 
hencefoorth confecrate 8 my felfe to the feruice of my GOD, and to t 3 sign. R i. A.] 
follow him in his Woord, which onely is permanent and leadeth vnto 

And I moft hartelie thanke the Lord 4 God for your good Com 
pany this day, and for your graue inftructions j promifing, by the af- 
liftance of God his grace, to followe and obey them to my poflible 
power all the daies of my life. 

Pkilo. God giue you grace fo to do, and euery Chriften man els, 
and to auoid all the vanities and deceiuable pleafures of this life : for Tj** fey** of 

this life tread 

certenly they tread 5 the path to eternal deftruction, both of body and 
foule for euer, to as many as obey them. 

For it is vnpoffible to wallowe in the delights and pleafures of 

this World, and to lyue in ioy for euer in the Kingdom of Heauen. 

And thus we, hauing fpent the daye, and alfo confummate fi our 

iorney, we muft now depart, befeaching GOD that we may both 

meete againe in the Kingdome of Heauen, there to raign^ and lyue 

with him for euer, through lefus Chrifte our Lorde ; 

to whome, with the Father and the holy 

Spirit, be all honour & glorie 

for euer more. 



t leaf 125, back. A Christian protestation. B. * and that F. 

4 Lord my E, F. leade E, F. ended our F. 


.Lord my tt, F. leade E, F. 6 ended our F. 

7 F then concludes with this line : God haue the praise, both now and ahvaies. 



In I 
In I 
In I 

[sign. R 2. A.) 

Faults efcaped in printing. 





X !.[.P- 491 

xiinj [p. 50] 



[Seep. 65, 4A 
ix[p. 71] 

iij [p. 105] 

viij [p. 1 08] 

in the Lord 

what thing is there 


tantaque meryades z 

applyed [p. 52, 1. n] 

6 the in Lord 

5 what is ther 

3 initimur 

9 [1. l] tantcz meriades 
1 6 fupplyed 

19 Read thus : 

Spud. I pray you fhew me the opinions of the 
Fathers, concerning this coloring of faces. 
3 [1. 8] Antiquities Antiques 2 

5 pefteruing peftering 

26 [1. 9] refug meat refufe meate 

2 7 [ ] patrings parings 

1 6 [1. 23] appetilum appetitui 

Perilled, authorifed, & 
allowed, according to the order 
appoincted in the Queenes Maiefties Ini un 

At London 

Printed by Richarde 

Tones: dwellinge at the Signe of the 

Rofe and the Crowne, neere vnto 

Holborne Bridge. 

[/ F, a plate ewers the page foll<nmng (R 2, back), with this on the scroll : Qvel 
. che. mi . molestava . accendo . et . ardo. This plate is not in B, E.] 

1 this page '192' not in F. 

8 The reader should make this correction. The other references are either 
wrong, or refer to another copy than that collated for this edition. 
3 1585 E, 1595 F. 


ife 0f {jig 




A Chriflal Glaffe for 

Chriftian women. 


An excellent Difcourfe, of the godly life 

antr Christian tfeatlj of Jflfetresse Katherine Stubbes 

who departed this life in Burton vppon 

Trent, in Staffordshire, the 14 day 

of December. 1590. 

a most fjeauenlg confession of tfje Christian 

Faith, which fhe made a little before her departure : 

togither, with a moft wonderfull combate be 

twixt Satan and her foule : worthie to 

be imprinted in the tables of eue- 

ry Chriftian heart. 

for iuom a0 0^e gpafee it, a0 \\tt\e 

as could be gathered, by P. S. Gent. 

Reuel. 14. ver. 13. 

Blessed are the dead which die in the Lorde, euen so saieth the 
Spirite, for they rest from their labours , and their workes 
follow them. 

Imprinted at London by Richard Ihones, at the 
Hose anD tTroumc urr re ll)oltiornc 

i 9 7 

A Chriftall Glas, for Chri- 

fttatt foomen : toljeretn tfjeg mag fee a foontierfuU 

and true example of a right vertuous life and 
< Ij viniau trra tl); a$ ln> t!)c tuff ourf r fo Mowing, to 

their further inftru&ion and comfort, \sidenotes by 

it may appeare. 

Alliner to remembrance (moft Chriftian Reader) the I publish my 

wife's Life, to 

finall ende of mans creation, which is to glorifie God. glorify God and 

edify men. 

and to edifie one another in the way of true godli- 
nefle, I thought it my duetie as well in refpet of the 
one, as in regarde of the other, to publifh this rare 
and wonderfull example, of the vertuous life, and Chriftian 
death, of miftrefle Katherine Stulles, who whileft me liued, was a 
myrrour of womanhoode, and nowe being dead, is a patterne of true 
Chriftianitie. She was of honeft and wealthie parentage, and her Her Father, a 
father had borne office of worfhip in his companie : he was zealous Her Mother, 
in the truth, and of a found Religion. Her mother was a Dutch 
woman, both difcreete and wife, of lingular good grace and modeftie : 
and, which did moft of all adorne her, (he was both religious, and 
verie zealous. This couple liuing together in the Citie of London 
certain yeares, it pleafed God to blefle them with children, of whom My wife, their 
this Katherine was yongeft faue one. But as me was yongeft faue one KU on? C 
by courfe of nature : fo was (he not inferiour to any of the reft, or 
rather farre excelled them all without comparifon by manie degrees, 
in the induments and qualities of the mind. At xv. yeares of aze At 15 she married 

f , , . ,, me, and livd with 

(her lather being dead) her mother beftowed her in marriage to one me 4 years, 
maifter Stulles, with whom me liued four yeares, and almoft an 
halfe, verie honeftly and godly, with rare commendations of all that 
knewe her, as well for her fingular wifedome, as alfo for her modeftie, 
courtelie, gentleneflei affabilitie and good gouernment. And aboue 


A Chriftall Glafle 

She was zealous 
for the truth, and 
oppose! Papists 
and, Atheists. 

[leaf A 2, back] 

She was seldom 
without a Bible 
or good book in 

She was always 
asking me to 
explain texts. 

She sufferd no 
disorder in her 

She never 
scolded or 
brawld ; 

or gossipt. 

all, for her feruent zeale which fhe bare to the truth, wherein {he 
feemed to furpaffe manie : Infomuch as if fhe chanced at any time 
to be in place where either Papifts or Atheiils were, and heard them 
talke of Religion, of what countenaunce or credite foeuer they 
feemed to be, fhe would not yeeld a iote, nor giue place vnto them 
at all, but would moft mightily iuftine the truth of God, againfl 
their blafpemous vntruthes, and conuince them : yea, and confound 
them by the teftimonies of the worde of God. Which thing, how 
could it be otherwife ? for her Whole heart was bent to feeke the 
Lorde, her whole delight was to bee conuerfant in the Scriptures, 
and to meditate vpon them day and night : infomuch that you could 
feldome or neuer haue found her without a Bible, or fome other good 
booke in her hands. And when fhe was not reading, fhe would 
fpend the time in conferring, talking and reafoning with her hufband 
of the worde of God, and of religion : afking him : "what is the fence 
of this place, and what is the fence of that ? Howe expounde you 
this place, and howe expounde you that ? What obferue you of 
this place, and what obferue you of that? " So that fhee feemed to 
bee, as it were, rauimed with the fame fpirite that Dauid was, when 
hee faide : ' The zeale of thy houfe hath eaten me vp.' Shee followed 
the commaundenient of our Sauiour Chrift, who biddeth vs to fearch 
the Scriptures, for in them you hope to haue eternal life. She obeied 
the commandement of the Apoflle, who biddeth women to be filent, 
and to learne of their hufbands at home. She would fuffer no dif- 
order or abufe in her houfe, to be either vnreproued, or vnreformed. 
And fo gentle was fhee, and curteous of nature, that fhe was neuer 
heard to giue any the lie, nor fo much as to (thou) any in anger. 
Shee was neuer knowen to fall out with any of her neighbours, nor 
with the leaft childe that liued : much lefle to fcolde or brawle, as 
many will now adayes for euerie trifle, or rather for no caufe at all. 
And fo folitarie was fhee giuen, that fliee woulde verie feldome, or 
neuer, and that not without great compulfion, go abroade with any, 
either to banquet or feafl, to goflip or make merie (as they tearme it), 
infomuch that fliee hath beene accufed to doo it in contempt and 
difdaine of others. 

When her hufbande was abroade in London, or elfewhefe, there 
was not the deareft friend fhe had in the world that coulde get her 

for Chriftian women. 199 

abroad to dinner or fupper, or to any other exercife what foeuer : She'd not go to 

-111 parties alone. 

neither was Ihe giuen to pamper her bodie with delicate meates, 

wines, or flrong drinke, but refrained them altogether. And as fhe [leaf A 3 ] 

excelled in the gift of fobrietie, fo (he furpaffed in the vertue of 

humilitie. For it is well knowne to diuerfe yet liuing, that fhe 

vtterly abhorred all kinde of pride, both in apparell, and otherwife. Sheabhon-d 

She coulde neuer abide to heare any filthie or vncleane talk of talk; 

fcurrilkie, neither fwearing nor blafpheming, curling nor banning, 

but would reproue them fharply, mewing them the vengeance of 

God due for fuch deferts. And which is more, there was neuer one 

filthy, vncleane, vndecent, or vnfeemly word heard to come forth of 

her mouth, nor neuer once to curfe or ban, to fweare or blafpheme 

God any maner of way : but alwayes her fpeach were fuch, as both 

glorified God, and miniftred grace to the hearers, as the Apoflle 

fpeaketh. And for her conuerfation, there was neuer any man or 

woman that euer opened their mouthes againft her, or that euer either 

did or could accufe her of the lead fhadow of difhoneflie, fo con- ii v d continently, 

tinently fhe liued, and fo circumfpedly fhe walked, efchewing euer howofeyU. 

the outward appearance or fliewe of euill. Againe, for true loue and 

loialtie to her hufband, and his friends, ihe was (let me fpeake it 

without offence), I thinke, the rareft in the worlde : for fhee was fo She was 

farre from perfwading her hufbande to bee lefle beneficiall to qramathizd with 

her husband, 

his friendes, that fhee woulde perfwade him to bee more beneficiall and never crosst 


to them. If fhe lawe her hufband merrie, then Ihee was merrie j if 
hee were fadde, (he was fadde j if he were heauie, or paflionate, fhee 
would endeuour to make him glad -, if he were angrie, fhe would 
quickely pleafe him, fo wifely fhee demeaned her felfe towardes him. 
Shee woulde neuer contrarie him in any thing, but by wife counfaile, 
and politike aduice, with all humilitie and fubmillion, feeke to per 
fwade him. And fo little giuen was fhe to this worlde, that fome of 
her neighbours maruayled why fhee was no more caref nil of it, and She card not for 
would afke her fometimes, faying : " Miftrefle Stulles, why are you no for God. 
more careful 1 for the things of this life, but fit alwayes poaring vppon 
a booke, and ftudying?" To whome fhe woulde anfwere : " If I Ihoulde 
be a friend to this worlde, I fhoulde be an enemie to GOD : for God 
and the worlde are two contraries. lohn biddeth mee, ' loue not the 
world ' : affirming, that if I loue the world, the loue of the father is 


A Chriftall Glaffe 

Deaf A 3, back] 

She felt she 
should not live 

but should die 
in child-birth. 

Her boy was 

and she did very 

till a burning 
ague seizd her. 

She never slept 
an hour together 
for 6 weeks ; 

but in all her 
suffering, no 
impatient word 
escapt her. 

not in me. Againe, Chrift biddeth mee, h'rft feeke the kingdome of 
heauen, and the righteoufneffe thereof, and then all thefe worldly 
things ihall be giuen to me. ' GodlinelTe is great riches if a man be 
content with that he hath.' I haue chofen with good Martha the 
better part, which fhall neuer be taken from me. Gods treafure 
(fhee would fay) is neuer drawne drie. I haue inough in this life, God 
make me thankeful, and I know I haue but a fhort time to Hue here, 
and it ftandeth me vpon to haue regard to my faluation in the life to 
come." Thus this godly yong woman helde on her courfe three or 
foure yeares after fhee was married : at which time it pleafed God, 
that me conceyued with a man childe : after which conception me 
would fay to her hufband, and many other her good neighbours and 
friends, not once, nor twice, but manie times, that me mould neuer 
beare more children, that that child woulde bee her death, and that 
fhee fhoulde liue but to bring that childe into the worlde. Which 
thing (no doubt) was reuealed vnto her by the Spirite of God, for ac 
cording to her prophecie, fo it came to pafTe. 

The time of her account being come, fhee was deliuered of 
a goodly man childe, with as much fpeede, and as fafely in all womens 
Judgements, as any could be. And after her deliuerie, me grewe fo ftrong. 
and luftie, that me was able within foure or nue dayes to fit vp in her 
bed, and to walke vp and downe her chamber, and within a fortnight, 
to goe abroade in the houfe, being throughly well, and paft all 
daungers, as euerie one thought. But prefentiy vpon this fo fudden 
recouerie, it pleafed God to vilite her againe, with an extreame hote 
and burning quotidian Ague, in which ficknes me languifhed for the 
fpace of fix weekes, or there aboutes. During all which time, fhee 
was neuer feene, nor perceiued to fleepe one houre together, neither 
night nor day ; and yet the Lord kept her (which was miraculous) in 
her perfect vnderllanding, fence, and memorie, to the laft breath j 
prayfed bee the Lorde therefore ! In all her iickenefle, which was 
both long and grieuous, fhe neuer fhewed any figne of difcontentment, 
or of impaciencie : neither was there euer heard one worde come 
forth of her mouth, founding either of defperation, or infidelitie : ot 
miftruft, or diflruft, or of any doubting or wauering, but alwayes 
remayned faithfull, and refolute in her God. And fo defirous was 
fhe to be with the Lorde, that thefe golden fentenfes were neuei 

for Chriftian women. 201 

forth of her mouth, " I defire to be diiTolued, and to be with Chrift." Deaf A 4 ] 

And, "oh miferable wretch that I am, who mail deliuer me from this 

bodie fubieft to linne ? Come quickly, Lord lefus, come quickly ! She desird to be 

; . set free, and to 

Like as the heart defireth the water fprings, fo dooth my foule thirfl be with Christ. 

after thee, O God. I had rather bee a doorekeeper in the houie of 

my God, then to dwell in the tentes of the wicked : " with manie 

other heauenly fentences, which (leaft I fhould feeme to tedious) 1 

willingly omit. She would alwaies pray in her fickeneffe abfolutely, 

that God would take her out of this rniierable worlde : and when her 

hulband and others would defire her to pray for health, if it were the 

will of God : Shee would anfwere, " I pray you, pray not that I fhoulde 

Hue, for I thinke it long to be with my God. Chrift is to me life, 

and death is to me aduantage. I cannot enter into life, but by death, She knew death 

was the door to 

and therfore is death the doore or enterawce into euerlafting life to everlasting life. 

me. I knowe and am certainly perfwaded by the fpirite of God, 

that the fentence of my death is giuen alreadie, by the great ludge, in 

the Court or Parliament of heauen, that I (hall nowe depart out of 

this life : and therefore pray not for me, that I might liue here, but 

pray to God to giue me ftrength, and pacience, to perfeuere to the ende, 

and to clofevp mine eyes in a iuftifying faith in the blood of my Chrift." 

Sometimes me would fpeake very foftly to herfelfe, and fometimes 

very audibly, thefe words, doubling them a thoufande times together, 

" Oh my good God, why not nowe ? Why not nowe, oh my good 

God ? I am readie for thee, I am prepared, oh receyue me nowe for 

thy Chrift his fake. Oh fend thy meflenger death to fetch me, fend She prayd God 

to send and 

thy fergeant to areft me, fend thy purfeuant to apprehend me, thy fetch her. 

herauld to fummon me : oh fend my lailour to deliuer my foule out 

of prifon, for my bodie is nothing elfe but a filthie ftinking prifon to 

my foule. Oh fende thy holie Angels to conduct my foule into the 

euerlafting kingdome of heauen ! " Other fome times me would lie as 

it were in a flumber, her eies clofed, & her lips vttering thefe words 

very foftly to her felfe : " Oh my fweete lefus, oh my loue lefus : why She calld on 

not nowe, fweete lefus, why not nowe ? " as you heard before. " Oh ""' 

fweete lefus, pray for mee ! pray for me, fweete lefus ! " repeating them 

many times together. Thefe and infinite the like were her dayly 

fpeaches, and continuall meditations: and neuer worfer worde was [leaf A 4, back] 

there heard to come forth of her mouth during all the time of hei 


A Chriftall GlaiTe 

She often smil'd 

seeing visions 
and heavenly 

She took leave 
of her boy, and 

beqneatht him 
to me as the 

She repented of 
having been too 
fond of her little 

[leaf B] 

licknefle. She was accuftomed many times as me lay, verie fuddenly 
to fall into a fweete fmiling, and fometimes into a mofl heartie 
laughter, her face appearing right faire, redde, amiable, and louely : 
and her countenaunce feemed as though me greatly reioyced at fome 
glorious fight. And when her hufband would afke her why me 
fmiled and laughed fo, me woulde fay, " if you fawe fuch glorious 
vifions and heauenly fights as I fee, you would reioyce and laugh 
with me : for I fee a vifion of the ioyes of heauen, and of the glorie 
that I mall go to ; and I fee infinite millions of Angels attendant vpon 
me, and watching ouer me, readie to carrie my foule into the king- 
dome of heauen." In regard whereof, me was willing to forfake her- 
felfe, her hufband, her childe, and all the world befides. And fo call 
ing for her childe, which the Nurfe brought vnto her, me tooke it in 
her armes, and kiffing it, laid : " God bleife thee, my fweete babe, and 
make thee an heire of the kingdome of heauen : " and killing it againe, 
deliuered it to the Nurfe, with thefe words to her hufband ftanding 
by : " Beloued hufband, I bequeath this my child vnto you ; he is nowe 
no longer mine, he is the Lords and yours. I forfake him, you, and all 
the worlde, yea, and mine owne felfe, and efleeme all things dungue, 
that I may winne lefus Chrift. And I pray you, bring vp this child 
in good letters, in difcipline - } and aboue all things, fee that he be 
brought vp in the exercife of true Religion." 

The childe being taken away, me fpyed a little Puppie, or Bitch, 
(which in her life time me loued well,) lying vpon her bed : me had 
no fooner fpied her, but me beate her away, and calling her hufband 
to her, faid : " Good hufband, you and I haue offended God grieuoufly 
in receyuing this Bitch many a time into our bed : the Lord giue vs 
grace to repent for it and al other vanities ! " And afterward coulde 
{hee neuer abide to looke vpon the Bitch any more. Hauing thus 
godly difpofed of all things, me fell into an extafie, or into a traunce 
or fownde, for the fpace almoft of a quarter of an houre, fo as euery 
one thought me had beene dead. But afterward me, comming to her 
felfe, fpake to them that were prefent, (as there were many both 
wormipfull and others) faying : " Right worfhipfull and my good 
neighbours and friends, I thanke you all, for the great paines you haue 
taken with me : and whereas I am not able to requite you, I befeech 
the Lord to reward you in the kingdome of heauen. And for that I 

for Chriftian women. 203 

knowe that my hower-glaffe is run ne out, and my time of departure 

hence is at hande, I am perfwaded, for three caufes, to make a con- she wisht to 

felfion of my fayth, before you all. The firft caufe that moueth me of her faith, 

is, for that thofe (if there be any fuch here) that are not thorowly others ; ' 

refolued in the trueth of God, may heare and learne what the fpirite 

of God hath taught me out of his blefled and alfauing worde. The fecond 

caufe that moueth me hereto, is, for that none of you fhoulde iudge 2 . to testify that 

that I died not a perfect Chriftian, and a liuely member of the myfti- Christian; 

call bodie of lefus Chrift, and fo by your rafh Judgement might 

incurre the difpleafure of God. The thirde and laft caufe, is for that, 3 . that her 

rr P r friends might be 

as you haue beene wimefles of part of my life, fo you might bee witnesses of her 

witnefles of my faith and beliefe alfo. And in this my confeffion, I 

woulde not haue you to thinke, that it is I that fpeake vnto you, but 

the fpirite of God which dwelleth in me, and in all the elect of God, 

vnleffe they be reprobates: for Paul fayeth, Rom. 8, 'If any one 

haue not the fpirite of Chrift dwelling in him, he is none of his.' 

This bleffed fpirite hath knocked at the doore of my heart, and God 

hath giuen mee grace to open the doore vnto him, and hee dwelleth 

in me plentifully. And therefore I pray you giue me pacience a 

little, and imprint my wordes in your hearts, for they are not the 

wordes of flefh and blood, but of the fpirite of God, by'whom I am 

fealed to the day of redemption." 

A mojl heauenly confejjion of the Chriftian faith, My Wife's 

made by this llejjedferuant of God Miftreffe Faith. 551 " 

S tulles a little before Jhe died. 

,Lthough the Maieftie of God be both infinite and 
vnfpeakeable, and therefore can neither be con 
cerned in heart, nor exprefled in wordes, yet to 
the end you may know what that God is, in 
whom I beleeue, as farre as he hath reuealed him- 
felfe vnto vs in his holy worde, I will define him 
vnto you, as the fpirite of God mall illuminat my 
heart. I heleeue therefore with my heart, and freely confefTe with my [leaf B i, back] 
mouth, here before you all, that this God in whom I beleeue, is a 
moft glorious fpirite, or fpirituall fubftance, a diuine eflence, or 


A Chriftall Glaffe 

eflenciall being, without beginning or ending, of infinite glorie, 
power, might & maieftie, inuifible, inaccefiible, incomprehenfible, and 
I believe in God altogether vnfpeakable. I beleeue and confeffe, that this glorious 
Godhead, this bleffed fubftaunce, effence, or being, this diuine power 
which we call God, is deuided into a trinitie of Perfons, the father, 
the fonne, and the holy fpirite, diftin6t onely in names and offices, 
but all one and the fame in nature, in effence, fubftance, deitie, 
maieftie, glorie, power, might, and eternitie. ..... 

&c., &c., &c. 

I believe that 
we shall know 
each other in 

Dives in hell 
knew Abraham 
and Lazarus in 

Much more shall 
we know one 
another in the 
life to come, 

" When God had caft Adam into a deade fleepe, and made woman 
of a ribbe of his fide, hee brought her vnto him, and he knewe her 
ftreight way, and called her by her name. Coulde Adam in the ftate of 
innocencie knowe his wife, hee lying in a dead ileepe, whileft (he was 
in making ? And fliall not we being reftored to a farre more excellent 
dignitie and perfection, then euer was Adam in, not knowe one 
another ? Shall our knowledge bee leife in heauen then it is in earth ? 
Doo wee knowe one another in this life, where wee knowe but in 
part, and fee as it were but in a Glafle, and mall wee not knowe 
one an other in the life to come, where all ignoraunce mall bee done 
away ? 

"In the i6.of Luke, we reade howe that the riche man lying in hell, 
knewe Abraham and Lazarus in heauen. Then I reafon thus : If the 
wicked that be in hell in torments do know thofe that be in heauen 
fo farre aboue them : how much more mall the godly knowe one 
another, beeing altogether in one place, and fellowe Citizens in the 
kingdome of heauen ? We reade alfo in the 17. of Matth. howe our 
Sauiour Chrift, meaning to fhewe vnto his difciples, Peter, lames, and 
lohn, as it were a fliadowe, or glimmering of the ioyes of heauen, and 
therefore hee is fayde to bee tranffigured before them, and his face 
did mine as the Sunne, and his apparell was like the light. And there 
appeared vnto them Moyfes and ELias, fayeth the text. 

"Then it followeth, that if the Difciples being in their naturall 
corruption, and but in madowe or glimmering of the ioyes of heauen, 
did knowe Moyfes and Elias, the one whereof dyed almofte two thou- 
fande yeares before, the other not much leife, howe much more mall 
wee knowe one another in the life to come, all corruption being taken 

for Chriflian women. 205 

away, and we in the full fruition and pofTefiion of all the ioies & glory of 

heauen? This is my fait 1 .. this is my hope, this is my truftj this hath [leaf C a, back] 

the fpirit of God taught me, and this haue I learned out of the booke of 

God. And (good Lord) that haft begun this goodnes in me, finifh 

it, I befeech thee, & ftrengthen me that I may perfeuere therein to 

the ende, and in the ende, through lefus Chrift my onely Lord and 

fauiour." And me had no fooner made an end of this moft heauenly When she had 

confeflion of her faith, but Satan was readie to bid her the combate ; was ready to 

attack her 

whom fhe mightily repulfed, and vanquifhed, by the power of our 
Lord lefus, on whom fhe conftantly beleeued. And wheras before 
fhe looked with a fweet, louely, and amiable countenance, red as ttoe 
rofe, and moft beautifull to beholde, now vpon the fudden, me bent 
the browes, fhe frowned, and looking (as it were) with an angry, . She scowld at 

him, and scorn J 

ftearne, & fierce countenance, as though fhe faw fome filthie, vggle- him. 
fome, and difpleafant thing, fhe bruft foorth into thefe fpeaches fol 
lowing, pronouncing her wordes as it were fcornefully and difdain- 
fully, in contempt of him to whom fhe fpake. 

A mojl wonderfull conflict letwixt Satan and her HOW my Wife 

foule, and of her valiant conquejl in the 
fame, ly the power of Chrift. 

Ownow, Satan? what makes thou here? Art thou 
come to tempt the Lords feruant? I tell thee, 
thou hel-hound, thou haft no part nor portion in Hell-hound, 
me, nor by the grace of God neuer fhalt haue. I 
was, now am, -and fhalbe the Lords for euer. 
Yea, Satan, I was chofen and elected in Chrift to 
euerlafting faluation, before the foundations of the world were 
laid : and therefore thou maift get the[e] packing, thou damned be off! 
dog, & go fhake thine eares, for in me haft thou nought. But bc^ne ! J 
what doft thou lay to my charge, thou foule fiend? Oh, that I 
am a finner, and therefore fhall be damned : I confefle in deede that 
I am a finner, and a grieuous finner, both by originall finne, and Tho'iama 
a&uall finne j and that, I may thanke thee for. And therfore, Satan, I smner ' 
bequeath my finne to thee, from whome it firft proceeded, and 
I appeale to the mercie of God in Chrift lefus. Chrift came to faue [leaf c 3] 
finners (as he faith himfelfe) and not the righteous : ' behold the 


A Chriftall GlafTe 

yet Christ's 
blood has 
cleansd me. 

All my sins arc 
pardond for his 
name's sake. 

Deceitful devil, 

Christ has paid 
my debt to God 
for me. 

Firebrand of 
Hell, avoid ! 

[leaf C 3, back] 

Pack ! Or I will 
call on Michael. 

Lambe of God (faith lohn) that taketh away the finnes of the world.' 
And in another place, he crieth out : 'the blood of lefus Chrift doth 
cleanfe vs from al finne.' And therefore, Satan, I conft'antly beleeue 
that my finnes are warned away in the precious blood of lefus Chrift, 
and mall neuer be imputed vnto mee. For Chrifts righteoufnefle is 
my righteoufnefle, his holinefle my holines, his innocencie my inno- 
cencie, and his blood a full recompence and fatiffaction for all my 
finnes. But what fayeft thou more, Satan ' Dofl thou afke me how 
I dare come to him for mercy, he being a righteous God, and I a 
miferable finner? I tell the, Satan, I am bolde thorow Chrift to 
come vnto him, being aflured and certaine of pardon and remiffion 
of all my finnes for his names fake. For, doth not the Lord bid all 
that be heauie laden with the burden of finne, to come vnto him, and 
he will eafe them ? Chriftes armes were fpred wide open (Satan) 
vpon the Croffe (with that me fpred her owne armes) to embrace me, 
and all penitent finners : and therefore (Satan) I will not feare to 
prefent my felfe before his footftoole, in full affurance of his mercie 
for Chrift his fake. What more, Satan ? Doeft thou fay, it is written, 
that God wil reward euery one according to his works, or according 
to his deferts ? But it is written againe, thou deceitfull deuill, that 
Chrifts righteoufneffe is my righteoufnefle, his works my works, his 
deferts my deferts, & his precious blood a full fatiffa&ion for all my 
finnes. Oh, but God is a iuft God, thou faieft, and therefore muft 
needs in iuftice condemne me. I grant (Satan) that he is a iuft God, 
and therefore hee cannot in iuftice punifh me for my finnes, which 
hee hath punifhed alreadie in his fonne. It is againft the law of iuftice, 
to punifh one fault twice. I was, and am, a great debter vnto God 
the Father, but Chrift lefus hath paied the debt for me : and there 
fore it ftandeth not with the iuftice of God to require it againe. And 
therefore auoid, Satan, auoid, thou firebrande of hell ! auoid, thou 
damned dog, and tempt me no more ! for he that is with me is 
mightier than thou, euen the mightie and victorious Lion of the 
tribe of luda, who hath bruized thy head, and hath promifed to be with 
his children to the end of the world. Auoid therfore, thou daftard, 
auoid, thou cowardly fouldier, remooue thy fiege, and yeelde the 
field wonne, & get thee packing, or elfe I wil cal vpon my grand- 
captaine Chrift lefus, that valiant Michael, who beate thee in heauen, 

for Chriftian women. 207 

and threw thee downe to hell, with all thy hellifh traine, and diuelifh 
crew." She had fcarcely pronounced the laft wordes, but me fell fud- Then s 

for Satan ran off 

denly into a fweet fmiling laughter, faying, " Now is he gone, now is Wce^a beaten 

he gone ! do you not fee him flie like a cowarde, and runneaway like 

a beaten cocke? He hath loft the fielde, and I haue wonne the 

victorie, euen the garland, and crowne of euerlafting life j and that, 

not by my owne power or ftrength, but by the power and might of 

lefus Chrift, who hath fent his holy Angels to keepe me." And 

fpeaking to them that were by, me faid, " would God you faw but 

what I fee! Do you not fee infinite millions of moft elorious Angels She saw millions 

of Angels about 

ftand about me, with fine charets ready to defend me, as they did the her - 
good prophet Elizeus. Thefe holy Angels, thefe miniftring fpirits, 
are appointed by God to carrie my foule into the kingdome of heauen, 
where I mall behold the Lord face to face, and mail fee him, not 
with other, but with thefe fame eyes. Now am I happie and blefled 
for euer, for I haue fought the good fight, and by the might of Chrift By Christ's 
haue wonne the vitorie. Now from henceforth mall I neuer tafte won the victory. 
neither of hunger nor cold, paine nor woe, miferie nor affliction, 
Vexation nor trouble, feare nor dreade, nor of any other calamitie, or 
aduerfitie, whatfoeuer. From henceforth is laid vp for mee a crowne 
of life, which Chrift fhal giue to thofe that feare him. And as I am 
now in poifeflion thereof by hope, fo mail I bee anon in full fruition 
thereof by prefence of my foule, and hereafter of my bodie alfo, when 
the Lord doth pleafe." Then fhe fpake foftly to herfelfe as followeth. 
" Come, Lord lefus, come, my lone lefus, oh fende thy purfeuant (fweet She caiid on 
lefus) to fetch me ! Oh (fweet lefus) ftrengthen thy feruant, & her. 
keepe thy promile ! " Then fang fhe diuers Pfalmes moft fweetly, and She sang Psalms 
with a chearefull voice : which done, me defired her hulband that the 
103. Pfalme might bee fung before her to the Church. And further, 
mee defired him that hee woulde not mourne for her, alledging the she bade me not 
Apoftle Paul, where he faith : ' Brethren, I woulde not haue you to 
mourne, as men without hope, for them that die in the Lord ' : affirm 
ing that fhe was not in cafe to be mourned for, but rather to bee 
reioyced for: for that (hee mould pafie (Ihe faide) from earth to [leaf 4] 
heauen ; from men to hohe Saints, to Angels, to Cherubins and 
Seraphins, yea to God himfelfe. After which wordes. very fuddenly, 

rt . * Sheloolct 

ihe leemed, as it were, greatly to reioyce, and to looke very cheere- cheerfully, 


and welconid 
death ; 

commended her 
spirit to her 

and then slept 
sweetly in the 

She was but 18 
when she died. 
May we all 
follow her 
example ! 

208 A Chriftall Glafle for Chriftian women. 

fully, as though ihe had feene fome glorious fight : and lifting vp her 
whole body, and ftretching foorth both her armes, as though fhee 
would imbrace foraething, faid : "I thanke my God, through lefus 
Chrift, he is come, he is come, my good layler is come to let my 
faule out of prifon ! Oh fweet death, thou art welcome, welcome, 
fweet death ! neuer was there any guefl fo welcome to mee as thou 
art ! Welcome, the meffenger of euerlafting life : welcome, the doore 
and enterance into euerlafting life : welcome (I fay), and thrife wel 
come, my good layler ! do thy office quickly, and fet my foule at 
libertie. Strike (fweet death), ftrike my heart, I feare not thy blowe. 
Now it is done. Father, into thy bleffed hands I commend my fpirit ! 
Sweete lefus, into thy bleffed hands I commend my fpirit ! BleiTed 
fpirit of God, I commit my foule into thy handes ! Oh moft holy, 
bleffed, and glorious Trinitie, three perfons and one true euerlafting 
God, into thy bleffed handes I commit both my foule and my bodie : " 
at which wordes her breath ftaied j and fo, neither mouing hand nor 
foot, ihe flept fweetly in the Lord. 

Thus haft thou heard (gentle Reader) the difcourfe of the vertuous 
life and chriftian death of this faithfull feruaunt of God, Miftreffe 
Katherine Studies : which is fo much the more wonderfull, in that 
fhe was but yong and tender of yeares,, not exceeding the number of 
xviii. when fhe departed this life. The Lorde giue vs all grace to 
follow her good example, that we may come to thofe vnfpeakeable 
ioyes wherin fhe now refteth, through lefus Chrift our 
Lorde j to whome with the Father, and the holy 
Ghoft, be all honour, glorie, praife, domin 
ion, and thankefgiuing, both nowe and 
euermore. Amen. 

FINIS. P. S. Gent. 







[The original is a pretty little dumpty volume, 3^ inches high by 2^ inches 
broad. Collation f 1-8. A. to T in 8s. IF i, the 1st leaf, is blank ; the 
last leaf and page before it (T. 8 and 7 back) are blank too ; all the leaves 
are borderd. 

Mr Hy. Huth's copy (from Heber's library), which he has kindly lent me, is in its 
original gilt vellum cover, with the initials R D, separated by a rose, on each 
of the two sides. The borders and initials in this partial reprint are not of 
the same patterns as those in the original.] 



ED. 1593 (AND 1610). 

Blank. IT 2. Title. 

The Epistle Dedicatorie. 

t The Preface. 

Certaine Graces to bee saide be 

fore and after meat. 
Thankesgiuing after meate. 
A 3, bk. Another prayer before meate. 
A 4, bk. An other praier after meate. 
A 5. A praier before meate. 
A 6. A thankesgiuing after meate. 
A 7. A note to knowe the beginning 
and ending of the foure 
Tearmes of the yeare. (A 8, 
back, blank.) 
B I. Speciall Meditations for all times 

and for all persons. 
B 4, bk. Precepts and directions for 

the morning. 

B 5. Meditations in the morning. 
B 6, bk. Meditations to bee considered 
of at the rising of the Sunne. 
C I. A praier for the morning. 
C 4. Precepts at thy going foorth of 

thy Chamber. 
C 4, bk. Meditations in the washing 

of ones face and hands. 
k. A praier to be said at the 
washing of ones face and 

Meditations before and at dinner. 
A praier before meate. 
Directions how a Christian should 

behaue himselfe at the table. 
f A Thanks-giuing to God after 


Meditations after dinner. 
D 3, bk. Directions how to behaue 
thy selfe before and after 
D 4, bk. A thankes giuidg [so] to God 

before Supper. 
D 6, bk. A thankesgiuing to God after 

D 7. Directions of Christian behauiour 

after Supper. 
D 8. f Meditations when thou comest 

into thy chamber. 

E 2, bk. f A Prayer when sleepe 
cometh vpon one. 

C 5> 

D I. 
D 2. 

E 6. f A Praier when one awakes out 
of sleepe. 

E 6, bk. f Meditations when one awak- 
eth out of sleepe. 

E 7. f A Praier to be said at the breake 
of the day. 

E 8. t Meditations at the appearing 
of the day. 

F I. f A Praier when one ariseth forth 
of his bed. 

F I, bk. f Meditations when one aris 
eth out of his bed. 

F 2, bk. f A praier to be said at the 
putting on of a mans clothes. 

F 3. f Christian directions for the 

F 5. f [Fresh Title. ] A SHORT / Treat 
ise, of praiers \ and Supplica- / 
tions ; / COMPRISING fa briefe 
summe of all such / things as 
we stand / in need of in this / 
life. / By the same Aiithor. / 
P. S. Gent. / (F 5, back, blank. ) 

F 6. f A Praier for the Morning. 

F 7. f A Prayer for the Euening. 

F 8, bk. f A generall confession of our 
sins to God the Father, neces 
sary to be said at all times. 

G 3, bk. A confession of our sinnes to 
Christ lesus our sauiour, with 
desire of forgiuenes. 

G 5. A fruitfull praier to God the holie 

G 6, bk. A Praier for the Queenes 1 

G 8, bk. A praier to be said of all such 
as be maiestrates and rulers in 
the common wealth. 

H 2. A praier for the increase of faith. 

H 3, bk. A praier against the deuill, 
the world and the flesh. 

H 4, bk. A praier for Gods direction 
in all things which we take in 

H 5, bk. A praier for a competent and 
a necessarie liuing. 

H 7, bk. A praier for grace that wee 
may vse our wealth to the 
glorie of God. 

1 Kings, ed. 1610, which also alters her to his, and [our souereigne] ' Ladie and goiiernesse ' 
to ' Lord and gouerner? 

t From the 1610 edition, my copy of the 1592 one being imperfect. 

[Continued at back of Title.} 


A perfect Pathway 

to Felidtie. 

Containing gocllie 

Meditations, and Pray- 
ers, fit for all times, and 
neceffarje to be prac 
ticed of all good 


Imp ri u ted by Hu mj rey 

Lownes, dwelling on 

Bread Street hill, at 

the figne of the 

Star. 1610. 



I I. A 

praiet to be said of women 
with childe. 

praier for godly wisedome. 
A praier against all kind of 

praier when one taketh a iour- 
ney in hand. 
I 7, bk. A thanksgiuing to God after 
ones returne home from his 

praier for euerie subiect of a 
common wealth. 
A praier to be said of those 
that be vnmaried. 
A praier to be said of those 
that are maried. 
A praier to be said of those 
that be maisters of housholds. 
praier to be said of seruants. 
praier to obtaine the grace 
and fauour of God. 
praier to God for a quiet con 

A praier for a true and liuely 

A praier for loue and charitie. 
praier against pride, and for 

praier for a good name. 
A praier for patience in sick- 
praier for the assistance of 

13- A 

16. A 

K i. A 

K 2, bk. 
K 3, bk. 
K 5, bk. 

K8.' A 
L 2 . A 
L 3, bk. 

L 4, bk. 
L6. A 

L7. A 
L 8, bk. 

M2. A 

Gods holie Angels in any 

extremitie or neede whatso- 

M 3, bk. A praier against sudden 

M 5. A praier for one that is sicke, and 

at the poynt of death. 
M 7, bk. A praier for those that be 

rich and wealthie. 
N i, bk. A praier for those that bee 

poore and needie. 
N 3. A praier for the increase and 

presentation of the fruits of 

the earth. 
N 4, bk. A praier against couetousnes 

and auarice. 
N 6, bk. A praier to be said before the 

reading, studying, or hearing 

of Gods word. 

N 8. A praier against swearing. 
O I, bk. A praier against drunken- 

O 3. A praier against slouthfulnesse 

and idlenesse. 

O 4. A praier for those that are per 
secuted for the truth. 
O 6, bk. A praier for Godly wisedome. 
O 7, bk. A praier for grace to be mind- 
full to die. 
P I, bk. t A Thanks -giuing to God 

for all his graces and blessings 

bestowed vpon vs. 

The first edition of 1592 ends on the back of sign. P 5. 


uerlasting GOD bee all / honour, glorie, 

prayse do/ 1 minion power, and 

thanks /giuing for euermore. 


Vni Deo &* trino sit, 
omnis gloria 


1 6 10. 

and euerlasting GOD, be 
all honour, glorie, praise, 
might power maiestie and 
1 dominion, now and for euer. 

(i) A Praier for the Church. 

O Singular louer of vs, 
Christ lesu, O Bride- 
groome to whom thy Church 
is most deare, and which hast 
promised that thou wilt ne- 
[Ornament.] uer faile her : increase her ; . . . 

The after prayers in ed. 1610 are : (2) A Prayer for the forgiuenes of sinnes 
(P 6, back). (3) Another (Q 3). (4) Prayse and (5) Prayer for Gods mercy 
towards vs (Q 5, back). (6) A Prayer, in meditating on Christs Passion 
(R I, back). (7) Another (R 5). (8) A Prayer to Christ in glorie (R 6, 
back). (9) A Prayer before the hearing of Gods word (R 8). (10) A 
Prayer for Gods Grace (S 2). (u) A Prayer for confidence in God alone 
(S 3, back). (12) A Prayer for true enlightning (S 4, back). (13) A Prayer 
that the olde man may die in vs (S 6, back). (14) A Prayer to be vsed 
by the sicke (T 2). (15) A Prayer, in the time of Pestilence (T 5). Finis. 
(T 7, front). Back of T 7, and T 8, blank, tho' with borders. 
;* sign. P 5, tack. 


The Epistle Dedicatorie 


l To the right worihipfull, 
vertuous, and godlie Gentle- 
woman, MiftrefTe Katherine 
Milward, moft faithful fpoufe 
to the no leffe worfhipfull, wife and 
religious Gentleman, Mailer Willi 
am Milward. Efquire, P. S. wilheth 

all happie fuccefle in this life, with in- 

creafe of worfhip, and in the life 

to come, eternal felicity in the 

Heauenly Hierachie by 

lefus Chrift. 

Wo things peraduenture (Right Worjhipjull} 
may be maruailed at, concerning this little 
look : *a$ namely) firjl, why I haue pub- 
lijhed it, confidering the great numler of 
Books, either of the fame, or verie like 
Argument, extant in thefe dayes. Secondly, 
wherfore I haue dedicated it rather vnto s 
you then to ante other. For the Jirjl, I 
protejl before God, ivho knoweth the fecrets 

of all hearts, I haue not pub lijhed it, either for vain glory, lucre, or 
*gaines, nor yet for any other priuate refpec~l of my owne whatsoeuer ; 
lut at the injlant requejl and earnejl dejire of one of my verie good 
friends, and alliance alfo, who yet being lining, & the onely man that 
hath borne the whole charges of the imprejjion thereof, both can, & I 
know will (if need Jhould require) iujlifie the fame again/I any that 
Jhold b auerre the contrarie. And for the fecond, when I confidered 
with my felfe how much bound 1 haue alwaies beene to your worjhip 

1 sign, f 3. * sign. U 3, back. 3 y^ or ^ 

4 sign, f 4. 5 sjg^ f 4> back^ 


The Epiftle Dedicatorie. 

cuerjince the time that I was Jirjl acquainted with you, for your good 
opinion you haue euer concerned of me, & fundrie other your courtefies 
Jhewed towards me, far beyond my defer ts or expectation : As alfo when 
I cabled to remembrance your feruent zeale which you haue euer born to 
the word of God 5* holy religion, your exqui/ite k?iowledge therein, your 
careful indeuour to put the fame in pradiife, & to frame your life ther- 
after : Briefly, when I rememlred your maruailous humilitie & lowli- 
nejje of mind, your wonderfull modefiie, gentlenesse, and affability, your 
^rare continencie and integritie of life, with infinite the like vertues and 
graces, wherewith God hath beautified & adorned your worjhip aboue 
manie others ; I say, when I remembred thefe things, with many mo, I 
doe no lejje (hauing fo Jit an occajion giue?i me by reafon of my friends 
import unacie} then to dedicate thefe my labors to your ^worjliip, though 
not as a guerdon anfwerable to your deferts, yet as an infallible tejii- 
monie, pledge, and token of my thankful goodwil and grateful heart 
towards you. And albeit that in refpec~l of the formal method of the 
booke (for herein I haue not ji tidied to be curious), it may feeme to be 
bafe and contemptible, and fuch as is farre vnworthy to bee 4 exhibited, 
to fo wife,fo difcreet, fo godly, & religious a gentlewoman; yet in 
regard of the matter, which is heauenly and diuine, I mojl humbly 
befeech you to accept therof, and to permit the fame to go forth to the 
view of the worlde vnder the gard of your proteSiion, and to patronize 
both the author & the booke again/I the poyfoned tongues of raiding 
Phormions & flouting Momuffes, to whom all good things are had in 
difdaine. And info doing, both Godjhall bee glorified by you, the church 
& Saints Jhall praife God in you, &> / my felfe (bejides that I will not 
reft vnthankfull to you to the death) will not ceafe alfo to pray to God 
for you. And thus I mojl humblie take my leaue. From my 
6 Chamber, this prefent 
tenth of AprilL 


Your Worships in the Lord. 
Philip Stubs. 

sign, f 5, 

sign. IT 5, back. 

*-"t>"" " ,J" c* , */' 

4 sign. H 6, back. 5 sign, f 7, 


3 sign. .. 
i. U 7, back 


A perfect Pathway to Felicity, 

Precepts at thy going forth 
of thy Chamber.. 

HEN thou goeft foorth of thy chamber, salute thy 
bed fellow (if thou haft anie), giuing him the time 
of the day, and in meeting others doe the like (for 
ciuilitie requireth it). And when thou commeft 
into the prefence of thy Parents, not onely salute 
them, but alfo fall downe vpon thy knees before them, 2 and defire 
them to praie to God to bless thee. When thou haft fo don, wafli thy 
face & thy hands, & keep thy body cleane and neat : in the doing 
wherof, meditate thus with thy felfe. 

Meditations in the wafhing 
of ones face and hands. 

|S y e filthines and pollution of my bodie is waflied 
& made clean by y e element of water ; fo is my 
3 bodie and foule purified and wafhed from the 
fpots & blemifhes of fin, by the precious blood of 
lefus Chrift. Think, alfo, this wafhing putteth 
me in remembrance of my baptifm, of my fpirit- 
ual birth and regeneration, whereby I am not 
onelie borne anew by the operation of the Holy-ghoft, but alfo am 
fealed vp to eternall faluation, thorowe the redemption that is in 
Chrift. Thefe Meditations ended, pray as followeth : 

4 A praier to be faid at the wa- 
jhing of ones face & hands. 

Oft gratious God, and louing Father, who haft giuen thy 
onelie begotten Son lefus Chrift, to fuffer death vppon 
the Crofle for my redemption 5 graunt, I moft intirely 
befeech thee, for his fake, that as this my bodie is now warned 
* sign. C 4. 2 C 4, back. C 5. 4 C 5, back. 


A perfect Pathway 

and made cleane by the element of materiall water, fo my body and 
foule male both bee purified & purged from all vncleanneffe and nlthi- 
neffe of finne, thorow the efficacie of thy fonne his moft precious 
bloud. Thefe things thus ordered, go forth to thy labours in the 
feare of God, doing all things to his glorie, and the good of thy 

Directions how a Chriftian 

Jhould behaue himfelfe at 

the Table. 

Hen thou co?ramefi: to the Table, {hew all obeyfance 
and curtefie, behauing thy felfe modeftlie, humbly, 
and foberly, as in the prefence of God. Eate fo 
much as nature requireth, not how much infatiable 
appetite defireth. Be fpare, as well of hande as 
tongue. Let thy countenance be amiable and pleafant toward all 
men. Let all thy communication bee feafone4 with fait, as the 
Apoftle fpeaketh, that it maie giue grace to the hearers, remembring 
that wee rnuft giue accounts at the daie of Judgement for euerie idle 
word. Vfe not to laugh much, to ieft, or fcoffe, to floute or mocke, to 
deride, backbite, or 1 detract anie man behinde his backe, but in all 
things fo demeanor thy felfe, that thou maift neither difhonour thy 
God, nor giue either offence or euill example vnto any at the table. 
Dinner being ended, giue God thanks as followeth. 

A Thankf-giuing to God 
after dinner. 

Oft holy-father, Lord of heauen & earth, I giue thee 
thankes in 2 the name of lefus Chrift for all thy benefites 
and bleffings in mercy beftowed vpon mee euer fince I was 
borne. And namelie, O, I praife thee for feeding my hungry 
body, as alwaie's heretofore, fo now prefentlie at this time, with 
earthlie f oode j befeeching thee to feede my foule likewife with the 
1 sign. D. 2 sign. D, back. 


to Felicity. 


celeftiall foode of thy holie word. And I pray thee, good Lord, that 
as thou haft giuen vnto mee the vfe of thefe 1 earthly creatures in 
great meafure, fo thou wilt in mercie vouchfafe to giue vnto me the 
continual fupply of all my neceffities & wants, needfull either for my 
foule, or bodie, to the end, and in the end, thorow lefus Chrift our 

2 A Thanks-giuing to God 
before Supper. 


Ather of mercie, and God of all truth, looke 
downe, I beleech thee, from the throne of thy 
heauenly palace vpon vs thy humble feruants, 
albeit moft wretched and milerable miners : 
fanctifie both our bodies & foules, by the 
prefence of thy holie Spirite, and blefle thefe 
thy creatures vnto vs : giue them ftrength to 
nourifh our bodies, and our bodies their naturall powers and force, 
euerie member to performe his office and dutie, according as 
thou haft appointed, & as thou feeft to bee beft for thy glorie, and 
the fuftaining and repairing of our ruinous and weake natures. And 
we praie thee, good father, alfo, to feede our foules with the celeftiall 
Manna of thy blefled worde, and bring vs once to fuppe with thee in 
the kingdome of heauen, thorow the precious bloud of lefus Chrift. 
Then fall to thy meate reuerently, as before at dinner, hauing al- 
waies a diligent eye, that thou abufe not the good creatures of GOD, 
by gluttony, drunkenefle, gourmandife, or any other kinde of riot or 
excefle. Remember that nature is fatiffied with a little j and what is 
more then will suffice nature is fupernuous ; and one daie thou malt 
be accomptable for it to the great ludge of all the earth. Thy body 
beeing fatiffied, forget not to relieiie the neceffities of the Saints, 
according to thy abilitie, that God maie blefle thee, & multiplie thy 
ftore. When Supper is ended, giue god thanks, either as followeth, 
or otherwife, as the fpirit of God fliall illuminate thy heart. 3 

1 sign. D 2. * sign. D 4, back. 3 Ends D 6, front. 

'A Thankf-giuing to God 
after Supper. 

Lord our God, moft gratious & holy father, we 
render all praife & thankf-giuing to thy foueraigne 
maiefty, for all thy benefites and bleffinges fo plenti- 
f u % beftowed vppon vs. And namelie 2 we thanke 
thee (holy father) for thefe thy good creatures, which 
thou haft at this prefent in full meafure giuen vnto vs. Oh Lord, make 
vs thankefull for them, & pardon our vnthankfulnefle, for lefus 
Chrift his fake. Finally, make vs all thy true, obedient, & faith- 
mil feruants, and bring vs to euerlafting life in thy good time, for thy 
great mercies fake in thy beloued, Amen. 

Directions of Chriftian behaui- 
our after supper. 

| He reft of the time after Supper, vntill thou goeft 
to bedde, 3 fpend with thy f ami lie, either in finging 
of Pfalmes and fpirituall fongs, finging and making 
melodic to the Lord in your hearts -, or elfe in con 
ferring, reafoning, difputing, and talking of the word 
of God, in reading, expounding, or interpreting of the fame. Then, 
when time calleth thee to goe to bed, call thy whole houiholde together 
in fome conuenient place, make publike confeffion of your finnes to 
God the Father, craue 4 pardon and forgiueneffe for lefus Chrifts fake, 
and praie for grace to bee able to refift fin hereafter, with all means, 
waies, & allurements leading thereunto. Which done, repaire to thy 
chamber, reuoluing with thyfelfe thefe and the like things following. 

Meditations when thou co- 
meft. into thy chamber. 

Hen thou art come into thy chamber, call to Uhy 
remembrance what euill thou haft committed that 
daie paft, either in thought, word, or deed, towards 
GOD, or towards man, and the good which thou 
fhouldeft haue done, and haft not done. If thou 
haft feene or heard anie good thing in any man, note it, learne it, and 
praie for grace to follow it. If againe thou haft feene or heard anie 
euill in anie man, note it in thy felfe, and pray for grace to efchewe 
it. This done, kneele 2 downe by thy bed fide> confeffe thy fins to 
GOD the Father, craue pardon for lefus Chrift his fake, and praie to 
him to protect thee that night, and to defende thee vnder the fhadowe 
of his wings, from all perilles and daungers both bodilie and ghoftly. 
Thy clothes being put off, meditate thus with thy felfe. ' Oh what a 
filthy, vncleane, & vgglefome carkaffe doe I beare about with me, 
that for very fhame 3 had neede to bee couered with garments ! ' 
Thinke alfo from what an excellent ftate and dignity (in regard of thy 
firft creation) thou art fallen, by reafon of the filthines of fin. Then 
thinke, that if thy apparell were giuen thee for verie neceflities fake, 
to couer and hide thy fhame withall, what reafon haft thou to be 
proud thereof ? For mould a begger be proude of the cloutes that 
wrap his fores? Thinke alfo, that as thoii 4 canft not without thy 
fhame ftand before men, naked and bare, fo canft thou not without 
fhame and confufion of face ftand before the maieftie of God, except 
thou be clothed & inuefted with the garment of Chrifts righteoumes 
and holineffe. Finally think, that as thou putteft off and layeft afide 
thy materiall garment, fo (halt thou once, and peraduenture before 
thou rifeft againe, put off and lay away the earthly manfion of thy 
5 body, committing it to mother earth againe, from whence it firft came. 
When fleep commeth vpon thee, pray as followeth. 

1 D 8, back. 

sign. E. 

sign. E i, back. 


4 sign. E 2. 

5 sign. E 2, back. 

A Prayer when ileepe com- 
meth vpon one. 

Oft mercifull Father, with whome there is no difference 
of time, nor varietie of chaunge, feeing thou haft 
appointed the daie for man to trauaile in, and the 1 night 
for him to take his naturall reft, I befeech thee that as my 
bodie hath beene occupyed and employed this daie in the labours of 
this life, fo it maie receiue by thy prote6tion quiet reft and ileepe this 
night, that I may be the abler to goe forwarde in the exercife of good 
works, in the reft of my life that I haue to Hue, to the praife and glorie 
of thy blefled name : and in this my fleepe defend mee, I befeech 
thee, from all perilles 2 and daungers, and from all the force and vio 
lence of mine enemies both fpirituall and corporall. And as it maie 
pleafe thee to graunt to my bodie quiet reft and ileepe ; fo let it be 
thy good pleafure to make my foule watchfull and vigilant to waite 
vpon thee, and diligently to looke for the comming of thy deare fonne 
lefus Chrift vnto iudgement for my redemption. Keepe me from all 
fearefull dreams and viiions, from all phanta 3 fticall apparitions & 
diueliih illufions of the wicked enemie, from all carnall pollutions & 
vngodlie fuggeftions of the wicked fpirite. Finally graunt, that both 
my bodie and my foule, refting vnder thy diuine protection, may be 
fafe from all enmitie & hoftilitie whatfoeuer, and at the laft maie 
attaine euerlafting life, thorough lefus Chrift, my onelie Sauiour & 
Redeemer. This done, difpofe thy felfe to reft, com 4 mitting both thy 
bodie and foule into the hands of God, praying him to be thy watch 
man that night. Then defcend thou into the fecrets 5 clofets and 
priuie chambers of thine heart, fearch euery place, and ranfacke euerie 
corner j and if thou findeft anie filthinerTe or vncleannefle therein (as 
indeed thou malt finde nothing elfe) warn it away with the teares of 
repentance, & make it cleane with the broome of contrition. Then 
thinke thus 6 with thy felfe j ' My bed dooth reprefent vnto me my 

1 sign. 3. 2 sign. E 3, back. 3 sign. E 4. 

4 secretest ? or secret 6 E 4, back. 6 E 5. 


graue, wherein I muft once fleepe j and the clothes, the earth, where- 
withall I (hall fhortlie be couered in my fepulchre or graue : And as 
tliefe fleas and gnats do bite & gnaw my ikinne, fo fliall the wormes 
eate and confume the frame of my bodie, in the duft of the earth, 
when the Lord doth pleale.' When the morning beginneth to dawn, 
and the dayftarre to appeare, J thinke thus; 'As now the morning com- 
meth on, and the daie ftarre beginneth to appeare, fo {hall Chrift lefus, 
the true morning ftar, fliew himfelfe at the time appointed of his Father, 
to iudge both the quicke and the dead.' And when thou heareft the 
crowing of the Cocke, the founding of belles, or anie other noise 
whatfoeuer, think alwaies, that thou heareft the Trumpe of the 
Archangell found, faying, ' Arife, you dead 2 and come vnto Judge 
ment.' When thou awakeft out of fleepe, praie to this efFecte as fol- 

A Praier when one awakes 
out ofjleepe. 

Ercifull father, grant that as thou haft now awaked my 
earthly body out of this naturall fleepe, fo thou wilt alib 
vouchsafe to raife me vp from the fleep of fin, and in the 
general refurrection of all 3 flefli, to eternall life, thorow | 
lefus Chrift my only Sauiour & Redeemer 

4 Chriftian directions for the Morning. 

Hen thou haft attired thyfelfe decently and comely, 
not pompoufly, nor proudly, goe forth of thy 
5 chamber, and if thou beeft a mafter of a houfehoulde, 
call thy familie together, confefle your finnes, craue 
pardon for lefus Chrift his fake, pray for grace to 
refift finne hereafter, prayfe God for all his benefites and bleflings in 
mercie beftowed vppon you, pray for continuance of them. Thanke 
him for your protection that night, befeeching him to protect you that 
day, and to blefle all your workes and labours. And fi 6 nally, defire him 

1 E 5, back. 3 E 6. 3 E 6, back. 4 on sign. F 3. 

5 F 3, back. sign. F 4. 

A perfect Pathway to Felicity. 

to keepe and defend you that day, and euer, from all perils and 
dangers, both bodily and ghoftly whatfoeuer, and to bring you to 
euerlafting life at the time appointed, through the precious blood of 
lefus Chrift. This done, goe forth to thy labours in the feare of God, 
doing all things with fingle eie and good confcience, to the praife of 
him that made thee ; being allured that as in mercie hee will not 
leaue the leaft 1 good worke that wee do, vnrewarded j fo in iuftice hee 
will not leaue the leaft euill that wee doe commit, either in thought, 
word, or deed, vnpunimed, except we repent. To God, therefore, our 
Father, to Chrift lelus our Sauiour and redeemer, and to God the 
Holie-ghoft our Comforter and Sanctifier, three perfons and one true 
and euerliuing God, bee all honour, glorie, praife, dominion & thanks- 
giuirig for euermore. Amen. 

1 F 4, back. 


Treatife, of praiers 

and Supplica- 

tions ; 


a Irieffumme of all fuck 
things as we ftand 

z weec/ of in this 

.By the fame Authour, 

P. S. Gent. 


A perfect Pathway to Felicitie. 

1 A Praier for the Queenes 

E render all prayfe and thanks to thee, oh 2 king 
of all kings, and gouernour of all things, for 
that in the multitude of thy mercies thou haft 
vouchedfafe to place ouer vs thy little flock, fo 
godly & vertuous a guide, fo gracious & wife a 
princes, as the worlde neuer had her peere. 

And we humblie pray thee, holie father, with thy fauourable coun 
tenance to beholde the fame thy feruant, our fouereigne Ladie and 
gouernefle. And fo fanctifie her heart with the grace of thy 3 holie 
fpir[i]te, that fhee maie bend all her ftudie and indeuour to y e fetting 
forth of thy glorie, y e maintenance of thy holie religion, the aduaunce- 
ment of true vertue and godlines, the fupplanting of vice and com- 
moditie of this her maiefties common weale vnder thee : kindle in 
her a feruent zeale of thy glory and a vehement desire to eilablifh 
whatfoeuer is defectiue or wa?zteth in this thy Church & vineyard 
in England, for the 4 true & fincere difcipline & gouernment of thy 
church & common welth. Saue and defend her from al forreigne 
power, & authoritie, from all traitterous confpiracies, plots and prac- 
tifes, either of papifts, Atheifts, or any other fectaries whatfoeuer. 
Giue her godlie, wife, & religious counfailers, fuch as may refpecl: 
onlie thy glorie, that her maieftie ruling acording to thy wil, they 
counfelling according to the infpiration of thy holy fpirit, 5 and we 
her fubiects faithfully obeying, may altogether in the end receiue the 
incorruptible crowne of eternall glorie in the heauenlie Hierufalem, 
thorow lefus Chrift our Lord, Amen. 

1 From ed. 1592, sign. G 6, back. 
* sign. G 8. 

2 sign. G 7. 3 G 7, back. 
5 G 8, back. 

A perfect Pathway to Felicity. 


A Prayer for a Competent & 
a neceffary lining. 

Lord our GOD, moft gratious holie father, 1 whofe lone 
towardes men in Chrift lefus is infinite and vnfpeakeable, & 
whofe tender care ouer him is fuch, that thou hail promifed 
that whofoeuer beleeweth in thee, dependeth vppon thy prouidence, 
and feeketh his reliefe at thy blefled handes, Ihall neuer want anie 
good thing, eyther neceflarie for foule or bodie : Therefore, moft 
gracious Father, I thy fielie creature, of my felfe poore, yea, pouertie 
and nakednefle 2 it felfe, moft intirelie befeech thee, for lefus Chrift 
his fake, that thou wilt giue vnto mee a competent and a neceflarie 
lining, as meate, drinke, and cloth, with all other things needfull for 
my bodie ; that pinching pouertie opprefle mee not, nor that I be 
not drawen to attempt wicked and vnlawfull meanes for the main 
tenance of my life. To this end therefore (good father) blefle my 
ftore, and repleniih my bafket with thy 3 bleflings, that I maie be 
able, thorow thy beneficiall liberalise, to Hue out of debt and danger 
of all men, and to occupie my felfe in the exercife & practife of good 
workes, to the reliefe of them that haue neede, and the fetting forth of 
thy honor & glory, thorow lefus Chrift our Lord. Amen 

4 A praier to be faid of thofe 
that be vnmaried. 

H Lord our God, in as much as thou haft commaunded in thy 
blefled word, the word of truth, that wee, abftayning from all 
whooredome, and fornication, and vncleannefle, mould keepe 
our veflelfes in holinefle, and not in y e filthy lufts of the flefh, as do 
the heathen, who know not thee: I befeech thee ther 5 fore to giue mee 
grace to perform this thy moft holy Commandement, and graunt that 
I neuer pollute nor defile my bodie with whoredome, fornication, nor 
any other vncleannefle. And becaufe, O Lord, chaftitie of the bodie 

1 sign. H 6. 2 sign. H 6, back. 3 sign. H 7. 

4 sign. K 2, back. s K 3. 


A perfect Pathway 

is nothing, without the continencie of the minde, bridle therefore, I 
befeech thee, all the motions and affections of my heart ; that I, ban- 
ilhing all wicked thoughts and vncleane imaginations out of 1 my 
mind, may Hue in all holy innocencie, puritie, and integrity, both of 
bodie & foule, vnto my Hues ende, thorow the efficacy, power, & 
ilrength of the pretious bloud of lefus Chrift, Amen. 

A Prayer to bee faid 

ofthofe that be 


Oly Father, wee are taught by thy facred word, the breath 
of thy own mouth, that after 2 thou nadir, created all things, 
the lafl of all other thou createdft man, & woman of a rib 
of his fide, giuing her vnto him in holy wedlocke, adding vnto 
them thy blefling, faying : ' Increafe and multiplie, and replenim 
the earth : ' I giue thee mofl humble & harty thanks, for that it hatfi 
pleafed thee to call me to the honorable Hate of mariage. And I moft 
heartily befeech thee that we may Hue together in thy true faith, feare, 
and loue, all the daies of 3 our Hues. Giue vs grace, the one to loue the 
other, & both of vs to loue thee, and our brethren for thy fake. Keepe 
vs (good lord) farre from all wicked ielolie, hatred, malice, and con_ 
tention one with the other. And as our bodies are incorporate to- 
gither, and become, as it were, but one bodie j fo vouchfafe, holy 
father, that as thy owne Turtle doues, we may Hue togither in chaftitie 
and continencie, both of bodies and mindes, 4 without defrauding one 
the other. And if it pleafe thee to blefle vs with children, giue vs 
grace to bring them vp in fiich holy exercifes, difcipline, and learning, 
as thou requirefl of vs in this life. Grant that wee may labour and 
trauaile, either of vs in our vocation, that by thy blefling, we may al- 
waies haue fufficient to maintain our eftates withall in thy holie feare ; 
that wee be not chargeable to others, but liuing forth of debt 5 and 

1 sign. K 3, back. 
4 sign. K 5. 

2 sign. K 4. 3 sign. K 4, back. 

5 sign. K 5, back. 

to Felicity. 

danger of all men, maie be rich & plentifull in all good works, to the 
praiie 8c glorie of thy bleffed name, thorow lefus Chrift our Lord, to 
whom be praiie and glorie for euermore, Amen. 

A Prayer to be faid of 

ihoje that be mafters 

of houfholds. 

Hou haft commanded (oh gratious Lord God) by thy 
blefled Apoftle, that mafters * mould intreate their 
feruants gently and courteoufly, putting away all bit- 
terneile and threatning, doing vnto them all equitie 
and iuftice, knowing thai thou art our common 
mafter in heauen : graunt me grace, therfore (good Lord),fo to order 
my feruants, as I neuer attempt nor enterprife anie vnrighteous thing 
againft them, but fo to execute my authoritie ouer them, as I maie 
alwayes remember that thou art the Lord and 2 mafter of vs all, and 
refpecteft no mans perfon. Make me, O Lord, to be the fame vnto 
them, that a good Paftor is to his flocke, to teach them by wordes thy 
holie lawes, and by example of life, true righteoufneffe and holineife 
in conuerfation, that they and I togither, in thy good time, may all 
inherite euerlafting life, by Chrift our Lord, Amen. 

3 A Prayer to be faid of 

Lord our GOD, feeing thou haft ordayned fundry degrees and 
ftates of men in this life, and amongft them all haft appointed 4 
mee to bee a Seruant, giue me grace, I befeech thee, to ferue 
in my vocation faithfully, and to obey willinglie in all things not 
repugnant to thy bleifed will, not with eye feruice as 5 ftudying to pleafe 
men, but with all finceritie and fingleneffe of heart, as feeking to glorifie 
thee : being thorowlie perfwaded that in feruing them, I ferue thee, 
and of thee mall receiue my reward. Giue mee grace to demeane 

sign. K 6. 
4 Appointest, orig. 

2 K 6, back. 

3 sign. K 7. 
sign. K 7, back. 

K 228 

A perfect Pathway 

my felfe faithfully, iuftlie, and trulie towards all men, in all things, and 
not to in rich my felfe by picking, ftealing, imbezeling, purloyning, or 
conueying anie thing from anie man by any finifter practice 1 whatfo- 
euer ; but fo to behaue my felfe towards all men, as there may be no 
fault found" in me : that thy name may be glorified, and my faluation 
in Chrift lefus fealed vp vnto mee. Grant this, O Lord, for thy 
mercies fake, Amen 

2 A Prayer in the time of 

\T is no marueile, O moft righteous Father, that the 
elements of this worlde are fierce againft vs, fometime 
with earthquakes, fometime with tempefts & lightnings, 
fometimes with ouerflowing 3 of Seas & Riuers, fome 
time with peftilent concourfes of the heauenlie lights, and fome 
time with corruption of the infected ayre : for we do commonly 
abufe thy gifts. We acknowledge, that euen in this cafe alfo the 
creatures ferue and obeie their Creator, whofe commandements wee 
neglect fo oftentimes. Alfo wee acknowledge thy fatherlie nurturing 
of vs, whereby thou called vs backe from 4 the truft of this world with 
gentle correction, and drawer! vs to the defire of the euerlafting life. 
We humblie befeech thee to remember thy mercy euen in thy wrath, 
and fauorablie to withdrawe the afflictions which thou haft laid vpon 
vs in thy difpleafure. The infection of y e peftilence mall do vs no 
great harm, if we withdrawe our felues from the infection of finne. 
But both thofe things are of thy gift, O 5 Father of mercie, namelie, 
as well to haue our mindes free from the poyfon of finne, as to haue 
our bodies fafe from y e infection of y e plague. Such as haue faftened 
the Anchor of their hope in this life, are wont in their perils to flie for 
remedie to fuch fhifts as thefe : namely, fome to certain Saints, as to 
S. Rooke, or S. Anthonie ; and fome to the pernicious Art of witchcraft. 
But we, who are fully perfuaded that no 6 man can efcape thy hand 

sign. K 8. 
sign. T 6. 

2 On sign. T 5. 
5 sign. T 6, back. 

3 sign. T 5, back. 
6 sign. T 7. 

beleeue there is no mch fafetie as to retort to thy ielfe, and to flie from 
thy iuftice to thy mercie, as to the fureft and fafeft fan&uarie that can 
be, forafmuch as thou neuer forfakefl them that put theyr truft in thy 
goodneire ; vnder whofe protection, euen they that dye are iafe. I'o 
thee therefore bee praife for euermore, Amen. 

Kg 2 3 

A perfect Pathway to Felicitie. 

praier to be faid of all fuch 
as be maieftrates and rulers in 
the common wealth. 

Orafmuch as it hath pleafed thee, oh eternall 
God, ruler of all kinges and 2 kingdoms, to con- 
ftitute and appoint me (though altogither vn- 
worthie) to be a ruler and gouernour of thy 
people vnder my foueraigne, I befeech thee, 
giue me grace, fo to execute my office, and 
minifter iuflice in the common wealth, that I 
maie pleafe thee in all things, iniurie no man, opprefle no man, 
damnific no man, neither in bodie, nor in goods, but by thy gracious 
working, may iuflly 3 , neither fauoring 4 the rich nor mightie 
for defire of gifts, nor yet difpiling the poore for want of rewardes, 
that I, seeking thy glorie, the aduauncement of thy holie word, and 
Gofpell, and the common benefite of all men, may be found accept 
able vnto thee in thy beloued, and may heare that fweete haruest 
long 5 , ' well, good feruant, thou hall beene faithfull in fmall thinges 
of this life, (which are but vanities and trifles to the things in the life 
to come) enter into the ioy of the Lord '. Oh Lord, let it be fo, for 
lefus Chrift his fake. Amen. 

1 From ed. 1592, sign. G 8, back. Given for Justice Shallow's sake. 

2 sign. H. 

3 Compare 2 Henry IV, Act V. sc. i. : 

Davy. I beseech you, sir, to countenance William Visor of Wincot against 
Clement Perkes of the hill. 

ShaL There are many complaints, Davy, against that Visor ; that Visor is an 
arrant knave on my knowledge. 

Davy. I grant your worship, that he is a knave, sir : but yet, God forbid 
sir, but a knave should have some countenance at his friend's request. An 
honest man, sir, is able to speak for himself, when a knave is not. I have served 
your worship truly, sir, these eight years ; and if I cannot once or twice in 
a quarter bear out a knave against an honest man, I have but a very little credit 
with your worship. The knave is mine honest friend, sir ; therefore, I beseech 
your worship, let him be countenanced. 

Shal. Go to ; I say, he shall have no wrong. Look about, Davy. 

[Exit Davy.] 
* H I, back. 6 sung, ed. 1592 ; song, ed. 1610. 



p. vi, 1. 10: whose gawld backes are tutched. "But what o' that? Your 
Maiestie, and wee that haue free soules, it touches vs not : let the galfd iade 
winch: our withers are vnrung." Hamlet, III. ii. 251-3 ; 1st Folio, Trag. p. 
268, col. 2. 

p. viii, 1. 7 from foot ; p. xii, veluers; p. 32, velvet. Cotgrave distinguishes 
between velvet and velure : " Velours: m. Veluet . . . Tripe de Velours, Valure, 
Mocke Veluet, Fustian an Apes. Tripe: f. . . Valure, Irish Tuftaffata, Fustian 
an Apes;" and as Harrison says that wool was used for vellures, the stuff 
must have been a kind of ' velvet-pile cloth ' like that which ladies wore a few 
seasons ago, and which was all wool. ' Velveteen ' and * cotton velvet ' have, 
I am told, no wool in them. Common velvets have a cotton back and silk 
face. The French have also velours in silk, cotton and wool (Littre) : 

"In time past, the vse of this commoditie [wool] consisted (for the most part) 
in cloth and woolsteds : but now by meanes of strangers succoured here from 
domesticall persecution, the same hath beene imploied vnto sundrie other vses, as 
mockados, baies, vellures, grograines, &c. ; whereby the makers haue reaped no 
small commoditie " (not in ed. 1577), 1587. W. Harrison, Description, of England, 
bk. 3, chap, i, p. 221, 1. 31-7 ; my ed. Pt. II. 1878, p. 6. 

"at Westminster . . the bragging ve/ure-ca.nioned [with wool- velvet knee-rolls] 
hobby-horses prance up and down as if some o' the tillers had ridden 'em." 1607. 
Webster Dekker's Northward Ho, Act II. sc. I, p. 257, col. I, of Webster's 
Works, ed. Dyce, 1857. (On Cantons, see p. 246 below.) 

On the etymology of velvet, velure, Mr Henry Nicol says : " The second v of 
velvet is an alteration of w (velwet, Promptorium), and this of u (feluet Launfal 
misprinted in Stratmann felvet veluet, Chaucer). That the u of Mid. E. veluet 
formed a separate syllable is shown by the metre of 

And cojuered it | with ve\lu-et\tes blew|e 

(Squire's Tale, Ellesmere MS. 6-Text, p. 496, 1. 644) 

and by the Cambridge MS. spelling velowetys. Mid. E. veluet comes from Old 
Fr. veluet (Roquefort who misprints velvet), also spelt velluet (Hippeau), for 
which no references are given ; but which occurs latinised as velluetum. Veluet 
corresponds to a hypothetical Latin villutittum, being a diminutive of Fr. velu, 
hypothetic Lat. villutunt (Ital. velhito, Span, velludo), which shows the usual Fr. 

232 Notes on p. viii to p. i. Velure, Velvet, &c. 

loss of Lat. single f between vowels, and (like the other words here considered) 
has for its primitive Lat. villus. Another diminutive of vein is Old Fr. velhieau 
(Roquefort, with quotation), later veluau and veluyau, latinised velludellum, and 
corresponding to a hypothetical Lat. villutellutn. 

** E. vellure (Shakspere velure, Cotgrave probably by misprint valure) is pro 
bably Early Mod. P>. veleure (Cotgrave), meaning ' shag ; ' so far there is no 
authority for either word before the 1 6th century. The Old Fr. may be either 
veleure (four syllables), hypothetical Lat. villdturam, with the common Fr. suf 
fix, or veloure (-ore, -tire, three syllables), hypothetical Lat. villoram, with a 
rare suffix, existing in the Provincial Span, vellora ('knot or lump taken off 
woollen cloth '). If E. vellure existed before the I4th century, it points to an 
Old Fr. veleure, as if from veloure it would have been vellour in Early Mod. E., 
change of suffix by analogy being unlikely. But if borrowed later, when Old 
Fr. veloure had become veleure, either F. form (with eu = Late Mod. F. eu, or eu = 
Late Mod. F. u) would suit. It is very unlikely that E. vellure comes from Mod. 
Fr. velours, as the s of this, though now always silent, would be pronounced in 
many cases in the i6th century. Velours is a Mod. form for Old Fr. velous, 
which is Lat. villosuni (Ital. velloso, Span, velloso] ; Froissart's veins is possibly 
influenced by velu, but probably the vowel, as Scheler says, was altered for the 
sake of the rhyme with Lus. The Mod. Burgundian veleur, velor, quoted by 
Littre, is probably velours in phonetic spelling, hardly Early Mod. Fr. veleure; 
an exactly parallel example of inserted r in the termination ous is noted by Scheler 
in the Mod. Dutch jaloersch ('jealous'), which presupposes a fy.jalours for 
jaloux (Lat. zelosum}" 

p. xii : the inferiour sorte onely. See p. 237, &c., below. 

p. I. Anatomie of Abuses. Compare Thomas Nashe's " The Anatomic of 
Absurditie : Contayning a breefe confutation of the slender imputed prayses to 
feminine perfection, with a short description of the severall practices of youth, and 
sundry follies of our licentious times. No lesse pleasant to be read, then profitable . 
to be remembered, especially by those who live more licentiously, or are addicted 
to a more nyce stoycall austeritie." . . 1589. 4to, black letter, 23 leaves. Br. 
Museum. Hazlitfs Handbook. See the evils of Elizabeth's and James's time 
described in the play of No- Body and Some-Body, 1606, printed in Simpson's 
School of Shakspere, i. 348-351 (and reprinted in facsimile by Mr. Alexander 
Smith of the Hunterian Club, Glasgow). They are, engrossing corn, racking 
rents, debasing the coinage, absentee landlords, city wives' whoredom, harlot- 
keeping, watch-beating, seduction of girls at 13 years old, pick-pocketing, purse- 
cutting, &c. 

p. I. Abuses. See in S. Rowlands's^4 Fooles Bolt is sooneshot, 1614, sign. E 
3 (ed. 1873, Hunterian Club, p. 37), a list of 

" Certaine common abuses 
' A Common Alehouse in this age of sinne, 
J\_ Is now become a common Drunkards Inne : 
A common seller, and a common buyer, 
Are turned common swearer, common Iyer 

Notes on pp. i 27. 233 

A common Gamester, shifts hath basely made 

A common Cheater, at the Dicing trade : 

A 1 common Thiefe, in Newgate common layle, 

Of Tyborne common hye-way cannot fayle : 

A common Vag'rant, should by law be stript, 

And by a common Beadle soundly whipt : 

A common Scould, her furious heate must coole : 

Wash'd by her diuing in a Clicking stoole : 

A common Bawd, and filthy Pander slaue, 

Must common Cart, and Brid-well whipping haue ; 

A common Rogue is tennant for the Stockes, 

A common Companyon 3 for the Pockes." 

Also see the set of folk whom Rowlands threatens to stab in his Looke to it : 
for lie Stabbeye, 1604. 

p. 22, 1. II : who so sitteth at home. Cp. Shakspere, Two Gentlemen of 
Verona, I. i. 2-8, Folio, p. 20, col. I : 

" Home-keeping-youth, haue euer homely wits. 
Wer 't not affection chaines thy tender dayes 
To the sweet glaunces of thy honour'd Loue, 
I rather would entreat thy company 
To see the wonders of the world abroad, 
Then (liuing dully sluggardiz'd at home) 
Weare out thy youth with shapelesse idlenesse." 

p. 23. A plesant 6 famous Hand. Cp. Shakspere in Rich. 77, " This 
royall Throne of Kings, this sceptred Isle," &c., Folio, Hist. p. 28, col. 2, &c. 
&c. ; and on ' the strong kinde of people ', the extracts in the Forewords to 
Harrison, Parts I and II, and Harrison, I. p. 221, &c. ; my Andrew Boorde, p. 
117-119 (and see its Index). 

p. 24, 1. II 10 from foot. Our Saviour * * * with his Taratantara. 
Extract from Luther's Danger of delaying Repentance quoted in the Philobiblion , 
vol. i. p. 251. New York. 1862. " The kettle-dram and trumpet of our good 
God sounds thus : Poumerle poump ! poumerle poump ! pliz I pluz ! schmi! schmir / 3 
This was the drumming of the Lord, or as Saint Paul says, the voice of the arch 
angel and the trumpet of God, for when God shall thunder at the last day, it will 
be suddenly, and like beating the kettle-drum, poumerle poump ! This will be the 
war-cry and the taratantara of our good God. Then the whole heaven will resound 
with this noise : Kir I Kir ! poumerle poump / " &c. S. (W. G. Stone.) 

p. 27, 1. 2 : two kindes of sinne. " For sothe, synne is in two maneres : 
outher it is venial, or dedly synne. Sothly, when man lovith any creature more 
than Jhesu Crist cure creatour, thanne it is dedly synne ; and venial synne is, if a 

1 Orig. Of. 2 Read it with 4 syllables, Com-pa-ny-on. 

3 schmi, schmir! in the Philobiblion. Perhaps it should be schmi schmu ! like 
poumerle poump I S. 

234 Notes on pp. 27 31. Pride and Dress. 

man love Jhesu Crist lesse than him oughte. For sothe the dede of this venial 
synne is ful perilous, for it amenisith the love that men schulde have to God 
more and more." ? 1398-1400. CHAUCER, Parson's Tale, Works, ed. Morris, 
iii. 290. 

p. 27. Pride . . tfie verie efficient cause of all euils. " thanne is Pride the 
general roote of alle harmes. For of this roote spryngen certein braunches : as 
Ire, Enuye, Accidie or Slewthe, Auarice (or Coueitise, to commune vnderstond- 
ynge), Glotonye, and Lecherye." CHAUCER, Parson's Tale, Group I, 1. 388, 
Ellesmere MS., p. 615. 

p. 28, 1. 13. Pride is tripartite. Chaucer, in his Parson's Tale evidently 
following some monk's treatise first divides Pride into 16 Twigs: I. Dis 
obedience, 2. Boasting, 3. Hypocrisy, 4. Despite, 5. Arrogance, 6. Impudence, 
7. Swelling of Heart (rejoicing in harm done), 8. Insolence, 9. Elation, IO. 
Impatience, n. Contumacy, 12. Presumption, 13. Irreverence, 14. Pertinacity, 
15. Vain-glory, 16. Jangling (or Chattering). Then he tells of a private kind of 
Pride (like his Host's Wife's and the Wife of Bath's), wanting to go to offering 
first, &c. And then he gives the more important division of Pride into two 
kinds : I. within man's heart ; II. without ; II. being the sign of I, ' as the gaye 
leefsel (portico, verandah] atte Taverne is sign of the wyn that is in the Celer.' 
This II, or Outside Pride, is shown in I. dear Clothing, 2. Horses & Grooms, 
3. Household, keeping too many retainers, 4. Table, not asking the poor, having 
too fine dishes, cups, &c., and too choice minstrelsy. (From my Contents of the 
Parson's Tale, Ellesmere MS.) 

p. 28. Pride, &c. Compare "Luxury, Pride and Vanity, the Bane of the 
British Nation," 8vo, p. 61, London, N.D. (about 1750) : 

" A scathing satire throwing curious light with all the vividness of a Hogarth 
on the vices of a century ago. Among the subjects treated of are the Increase of 
the Wine Trade ; a new piece of Frugality among men of quality in keeping their 
mistresses in their own dwelling-houses ; Beggars & Scotchmen, their respective 
consumption of white bread, 'with diverse other entertaining subjects, serious 
and comical.'" Secondhand-book Catalogue. 

p. 29. Dame Nature. " And eek we been alle of o fader, and of o mooder ; 
and alle we been of o nature, roten and corrupt, both riche and poure." 
CHAUCER, Parson's Tale, Group I, 461, Ellesmere MS., p. 621. 

p. 31. Other nations dress. Compare in Andrew Boorde's Introduction the 
High German's ' I wyll not chaunge my olde father's fashyon,' p. 159; the Dane's 
' Symple rayment shal serue me ful wel ; My old fashion I do vse to kepe,' p. 
163 ; the Bohemian's ' Of our apparel we were neuer nyce ; We be content if our 
cotes be of fryce,' p. 166 ; the Hungarian's 'The fashion of my apparel, I do 
neuer chaunge', p. 171 ; the Sicilian's 'we loue no newe fashions ', p. 176; the 
Neapolitan's ' Al new fashyons to Englond I do bequeue ; I am content with my 
meane aray ', p. 177 ; the Italian's ' in my apparel I am not mutable ', p. 178. 

p. 31, last line. English Men's absurd dress is contrasted with the Italians' 
sober dress, in Coryat's Crudities, 1611, p. 259, quoted in Harrison, Pt. II. p. 64. 

Notes on pp. 31 33. Exports and Imports. 235 

p. 31. Pride 6 Luxury in England. 

" Who can endure to see 
The fury of men's gullets and their groins ? 
What fires, what cooks, what kitchens, might be spared ? 
What stews, ponds, parks, coops, garners, magazines ? 
What velvets, tissues, scarfs, embroideries, 
And laces they might lack ? . . . what need hath nature 
Of silver dishes or gold chamber-pots ? 
Of perfumed napkins, or a numerous family 
To see her eat?" 
1625. Ben Jonson, The Staple of News, III. ii. Works, ii. 314, col. I. 

p. 32: new /angles : " Cilecchi, iests, toyes, new fangles." 1598 Florio. 

p. 33. English valuables exchanged for foreign trifles : see Harrison, I. ? In 
The Three Ladies of London, by R. W., 1584, Hazlitt's Dodsley, vi. 276, Lucre 
speaks thus of English exports and imports there : 
"Thou must carry over wheat, pease, barley, oats, and vetches, and all kind of 


Which is well sold beyond sea, and bring such merchants great gain. 
Then thou must carry beside, leather, tallow, beef, bacon, bell-metal and 

everything : 

And for these good commodities, trifles into England thou must bring, 
As bugles to make babies, coloured bones, glass beads to make bracelets 

For every day gentlewomen of England do ask for such trifles from stall to 

stall : 

And you must bring more, as amber, jet, coral, crystal, and every such bable 
That is slight, pretty, and pleasant : they care not to have it profitable. 
And if they demand wherefore your wares and merchandise agree, 
You must say ' jet will take up a straw : amber will make one fat : 
Coral will look pale when you be sick, and crystal staunch blood,' 
So with lying, flattering and glosing, you must utter your ware, 
And you shall win me to your will, if you can deceitfully swear." 

# * # * * 

Lucre. Then, Signer Mercatore, I am forthwith to send ye 
From hence to search for some new toys in Barbary and in Turkey ; 
Such trifles as you think will please wantons best, 
For you know in this country 'tis their chiefest request. 

Mercatore. Indeed, de gentlewomans here by so much vain toys, 
Dat we strangers laugh-a to tink wherein day have their joys." 

1584. R. W., The Three Ladies of London, Hazlitt's Dodsley, vi. 306. 

' Triquedondaines : f. All kind of superfluous trifles vsed, or vsually bought, 
by women ; hence, any trash, nifles, or paltrie stufife.' 1611. Cotgrave. 

p. 33. Compare a modern writer : " The hard times are slowly and surely 
working out their own cure. It is a painful and tedious process, but one sure in 

236 Notes on p. 33. ' Far-fetcht and dear-bought.' 

the end to restore health to the business interests of the country not the feverish 
speculative activity that followed the war, and continued until the crash of 1873, 
but a condition of moderate and reliable prosperity. People are adapting their 
habits to their reduced incomes, are denying themselves useless luxuries, and are 
discovering that they can live just as comfortably with less outside display. The 
importations of foreign goods have fallen largely, and for the first time in sixteen 
years the balance of trade is in favour of the United States, a calamity to the 
importers, no doubt, but a benefit to the country at large. Fewer velvets, laces, 
diamonds, WortJis dresses, French wines, and gimcracks are brought across the 
Atlantic, but no political economist will see anything but a hopeful sign in that 
fact." Daily News, Oct. 5, 1876, p. 6, col. I, United-States' Correspondent. 

p. 33, 1. 16 ; p. 65, 1. 16: far ref etched and deare boughte is good for Ladyes : 
" Mendoza. What shape ! Why, any quick-done fiction . . . some such anything. 
Some far-fet trick good for ladies, some stale-toy or other, no matter so 't be of 
our devising." Marston & Webster's Malcontent, V. ii., Webster's Works, ed. 
Dyce, 1857, p. 358, col. 2. Dyce notes far-fet, i. e. far-fetched. An allusion to 
the proverb, "Far-fet is good for ladies." So in Jonson's Cynthia's Revels, Act 
IV. sc. i, " Marry, and \h.\$ may \>Q good for tis ladies ; for it seems 'tis far-fet \>y 
their stay." See my Tell-Troth, p. 6, 1. 7, & Stafford, N. Sh. Soc. p. 106 ; also 
Lyly's Euphues, p. 33, 'far fet, and dere bought, is good for ladies.' Again : 

" Mineuer. God neuer gaue me the grace to be a Lady, yet I haue all 
implements belonging to the vocation of a Lady. 

Sir Vaughan. I trust, mistris Mineuer, you han all a honest oman shud 

Mineuer. Yes perdie, as my Coach, and my fan, and a man or two that serue 
my turne, and other things which Ide bee loath euery one should see, because 
they shal not be common. I am in manner of a Lady in one point. 

Sir Vaughan. I pray, mistris Mineuers, let vs all see that point for our 
better understanding. 

Mineuer. For I ha some thinges that werefetcht (I am sure) v&farre as some 
of the Low Countries ; and I payde sweetly for them too ; and they tolde me 
they were good for Ladies." 1602. T. Dekker, Satiromastix. Works, 1873, 
i. 204. See too Latimer's use of the phrase, p. 254 below. 

p. 33, p. 52. Pride in England. Peasants^ dress <3 extravagance. 
The pride of "And the pride of England is, as it were, set up upon the highest 
England mountain of the world, seen and scorned even of the very infidels of 
the earth : such as know not God make marvel of our monstrous attire, which 
exceedeth not only in cost and colour, but in weight and fashion. O pull it 
down : it is not fit for such as are taking the way to the kingdome of heaven ; it 
agreeth not with the guest which lodgeth in us the Spirit of God ; it is no fit 
ornament to deck the house of our silly souls, for it stinketh and pollutetli all 
corners of the house. O remove it, and send every country his fashion again : 
be not beholden to any nation for such trumpery, neither to the garment-maker, 
whose study therein, though it please the vain-glorious for a time, it will bring 
repentance, too late, to the work and the workman. It is from the court come 

Notes on pp. 33 42. 237 

into the country, a dangerous evil, and hath infected the poor ploughman, that a 

year's wages sufficeth not one suit of attire. If I should tell all, T , he carte and 

... ploughman exceed- 

the carter would step in with his courtly gards, and will defy e th in pride 

him that is not of the fashion ; men and women, the rich and the poor, the old 
and the young, are too far gone in this sickness : the Lord give a timely 
medicine lest we perish therein." 1596. J. Norden, Progress of Piety (Parker 
Soc.), pp. 172-3. Compare also the Surveyor John Norden (is he the same as the 
writer of the religious tracts?) : "where in those days [Henry VI's] Farmers 
and their wiues were content with meane dyet and base attire, and held their 
children to some austere gouernment, without haunting Alehouses, Tauerns, Dice, 
Cards, & vaine delites of charge, the case is altred : the Husbandman will be 
equal to the Yoman, the Yoman to the Gentleman, the Gentleman to the Squire, 
the Squire [to] his Superiour, and so the rest, euery one so farre exceeding the 
corruptions [? consumptions] held in former times, that I will speake without 
reprehension, there is at this day thirty times as much vainely spent in a family 
of like multitude and quality, as was in former ages whereof I speake." 1607. 
John Norden, The Surueyors Dialogue, p. 14. 

p. 36, 1. 12: his wife her perswasions. See note on p. 36, 1. 3, of Tell Troth 
New Sh. Soc. S. 

p. 36, 1. 10 from foot : some are so brasen faced <Sr so impudent, &*c. Cf. 
Two Gen. of Ver., IT. vii. 11. 53 56 (Lucetta and the codpiece to Julia's round 
hose), and Much Ado, III. iii. 1. 146 (Hercules & the same article). S. 

p. 37 : in leather. Compare Edward III, II. ii. 120, Leopold Shakspere, p. 
1044, col. I : " Since leathern Adam till this youngest hour." 

p. 39, 1. 7 : it makcth a man to bee accepted and esteemed of. 

" Keep good clothes on thy backe, and nearely weare them ; 
What want soeuer comes, doe not pawne them ; 
For, once being gotten in the Deuils iawes, 
He will surely keepe them in with his pawes. 
In thy Apparell be something clenly, 
Though in thy purse thou hast neu'r a penny : 
Men may in some measure it esteeme thee, 
And a farther grace happily giue thee. 
Doe not seeme bace, though penilesse thou art ; 
But looke about, of whom to get a part." 
1613. The Vncasing of Machivils Instructions to his Sonne, p. 15. 

p. 42, 1. 8 from foot: what preuay let h it to be borne of worshipfull progenie, 
&c. Compare Chaucer's Gentleness in Scogan's Poem in Thynne's Chaucer, If. 
380, bk, col. I ; Urry's, p. 547, col. I ; Morris's, vol. vi, p. 296. 

" This firste stoke was ful of rightwisnesse, 
Trewe of his worde, soboure, pitous and free, 
Cleene of his gooste, and lovid besynesse, 
Ageynste the vice of slowthe in honeste ; 

238 Notes on pp. 42 49. Meris Dress, Starch, &c. 

And, but his heire loue vertu, as did he, 
He nis not gentille, thouhe him riche seme, 
Al were he mytre, corone, or diademe." 

1 The idea of course is not new. It is found frequently enough in the Greek 
& Latin literature. It occurs, we believe, for the first time in the fragments of 
Epicharmus : 

dya06f 8' dvijp 
Kaj>' 'A.i9io4> icai SovXos, ivyfvij t<t>v 

and afterwards it is found in Euripides, Horace, Juvenal, " Stemmata quid 
faciunt ?" and lastly in Seneca. Doubtless Jean de Meung took it from Seneca.' 
W. Besant, in the British Quarterly Review, Oct. 1871, p. 388. See Shakspere's 
Meas. for Meas. , Tennyson's Lady Clara Vere de Vere, &c. 

p. 43, 1. 14 : tagge and ragge. Compare John Partridge in The Worthie 
Historie of . . Plasidas, 1566, "To walles they go, both tagge and ragge, Their 
citie to defende," and the other quotations in Mr. H. B. Wheatley's Diet, of 
Reduplicated Words, Philolog. Soc. 1865, p. 85-6. 

p. 44. Pride &> Apparel. See Chaucer's Parson's Tale ( Works, ed. 
Morris, iii. 296-8) on Pride, as shown " in superfluite of clotheynge " in his day, 
the embroidering, indenting, waving, furring, chisel-punching, dagging, of gowns, 
their trailing in the mire ; the short coats and tight parti colourd hose or 
breeches showing the shameful members of man, and making em look as if 
flayn, &c. &c. See also Piers Plowman, Roberde of Brunne's Handlyng 
Synne, &c. 

p. 49, 1. 5 ' abhorring the Christian povertie, &c. 

" Be rich, I say ; nay boy, be rich and wise ! 
Gold is an actious [so] mettle for the eyes . 
: -' Why ? rich men haue much monie and gaie geare, 
And goodly houses, and most daintie cheare ; 
Faire wiues, fine pictures, playes and morris-dances, 
And many cheates, that come by many chances ; 
Fine Ciuet-boxes, sweet perfumes, and waters, 
And twentie other such kind of matters. 
While the poore man, that pines for want of friends, 
May sit and sigh, and picke his fingers ends, 
And euery morning wash his face with teares, 
And wipe his blubbered cheekes with sheualed heares. 
It is a heauie sence, where coyne is wanting ; 
At such a time of care, friends are scanting. 5: 
1613- The Vncasing of Machivils Instructions to his Sonne, p. 22. 

p. 52, 1. 6 : liquide matter which they call Starch. Howell relates that Mrs. 
Turner, the poisoner of Sir Thomas Overbury, "the first inventress of yellmo 
Starch was executed in a Cobweb Lawn Ruff of that colour at Tyburn ; and with 
her I believe that yellow Starch, which so much disfigured our Nation, and 
rendered them so ridiculous and fantastic, will receive its Funeral." E.pistol<z 
Ho-Eliana, p. 19, ed. 1737. S. 

Notes on pp. 49, 60. Merfs Dress. 239 

p. 53, last line : if they stand uppon their pantoffles. See notes in Tell Troth 
on p. 55, last line. S. 


See Harrison's amusing Chapter 7, in his Book II, our Part I, p. 167 ; 
Father Hubburds Tales at the end of Dyce's Middleton, vol. v, &c. 

p. 49, 60. Spanish, French, &* Dutch fashion. Men's changeable fashions and 
Women's extravagant dress also movd Schoolmaster Averell to wrath in 1588. 
In his "A meruailous combat of contrarieties. Malignantlie striuing in tht 
members of mans bodie allegoricallie representing vnto vs the enuied state of our 
florishing Common wealth : ivherin dialogue-wise by the way, are touched the 
extreame vices of this present time, &c. &c. by W. A." he makes "The Bellie" 
say (sig. B. I & 2) : 

" Why, had euer Premetheus more shapes, then the backe sutes ? or ye Hydra 
more new heads then the back new Garments ? not so variable for their matter, 
as changable for their fashion : to daie French, to morrowe English, the next day 
Spanish, to daie Italianate, to morrow for fashion a deuill incarnat, O tempora, 
o mores! To daie you shine in sutes of silke, to morrow you iet it out in cloth 
of Golde, one daie in blacke for show of grauitie, an other daie in white in token 
of brauerie, this day that cullour, the next day another, nowe short wasted, anon 
long bellied, by and by after great Buttoned, and straight after plaine laced, or 
els your Buttons as strange for smalnes, as they were monstrous before for 
greatnes, this yeere bumbd like a Barrell, the next shottend like a Herring, nowe 
your hose hang loose like a bowe case, the next daie as straite as a pudding 
skinne, one while buskind for lack of stocks, another while booted for want of 
shooes, and thus from you that are the grand Maister, doo the inferiour members 
fetch their fashions, & these be the mutabilities of men," 

[The continuation of the passage, on Women, is on p. 253, below.] 

See too Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, Part III. Sect. 2, Memb. 3, subs. 
3, "Artificial Allurements," p. 295 of edition 1676 : 

"Women are bad, & men worse; no difference at all betwixt their & our 
times. Good manners (as Seneca complains) are extinct with wantonness: in 
tricking up themselves men go beyond women, they wear harlots colours, and do not 
walk, but jet and dance, hie mulier, hac vir, more like Players, Butterflies, 
Baboons, Apes, Anticks, than men. So ridiculous moreover are we in our 
attires, and for cost so excessive, that as Hierom said of old, ' Vno filo villarum 
insunt pretia, uno lino decies sestertiiim inseritur ' ; 'tis an ordinary thing to put a 
thousand Oaks, & an hundred Oxen into a suit of apparel, to wear a whole 
mannor on his back. What with shoo-ties, hangers, points, caps and feathers, 
scarfs, bands, cuffs, &c., in a short space their whole patrimonies are consumed." 

Compare also Harrison, Pt. I. p. 343, and Shakspere, in Henry VIII, I. i. 
80-85, ' many Have broke their backs with laying manors on 'em For this great 
journey,' &c. Also in Hislrio-mastix, by Peele and Marston, 1590-1600, pr. 

240 Notes on pp. 49, 50. Mens Hats, &c. 

1610, we find the Serving man saying to his master (School of S ha kspere, ii. 47) : 

" We breake your backs? No ! 'tis your rich lac'd sutes, 
And straight lac'd mutton : those break all your backs. " 

See too in * A Supplycacyon to . . Kynge Henry the Eyght,' 1544 (E. E. T. Soc., 
1871, p. 52) : "Is there not suche excesse and costelynes of apparel / bycause of 
dyueryte and chaurcge of fasshyons, that scarce a worshipfull mans landes, which 
in tymes paste was wonte to fynde and maynteyne twenty or thirty tall yowe- 
men / a good plentyfull howsholde for the releyfe and comforte of many poor and 
neadye / and the same nowe is not suffycyent and able to maynteyne the heyre of 
the, same landes / his wiffe/ her gentle woman or mayde / two yowmen / and one 
lackey ? The pryncypall cause herof is their costly apparell / and specially their 
manyfolde and dyuerse chaunges of fasshyons whiche the man, and specially the 
woman, muste weare vpon bothe headde and bodye. Somtyme cappe / somtyme 
hoode / nowe the Frenshe fasshyon, nowe the Spanyshe fasshyon ; than the Italyan 
fasshyon / and then the Myllen fasshyon ; so that there is noo ende of consumynge 
of substaunce . . and all to please the prowde folyshe man and womans fantasye. 
Hereof spryngethe great myserye and neede." See too the Note for p. 53, 1. 4-6, 
p. 245, below. 

p. 49, 1. 9: one sute for the forenoone, &c. See the note from Bp. Pilkington 
(for p. 58), p. 248, below. 

p. 50: hats, standing collars, ruffs, shoestrings, &c. 

" Good Card-makers (if there be any goodnes in you) 
Apparrell vs with more respected Care, 
Put vs in Hats, our Caps are worne thread-bare, 
Let vs haue standing Collers, in the fashion : 
(All are become a stiffe-necke generation) 
Rose Hat-bands, with the shagged-ragged- Ruffe : 
Great Cabbage-shooestrings (pray you bigge enough) 
French Doublet, and the Spanish Hose to breech it : 
Short Cloakes, like old Mandilions (wee beseech it) 
Exchange our Swords, and take away our Bils, 
Let vs haue Rapiers, (knaues loue fight that kils 1 ) 
Put vs in Bootes, and make vs leather legs, 
This, Harts most humbly, and his fellowes, begs." 
1612. Samuel Rowlands, The Knave of Harts (1874, Hunterian Club, p. 12-13). 

The dress obtaind is describd in Rowlands's More Knaues yet ? (1611 ?) sign. 
A 4 (ed. 1874 and p. 5) : 

". . now the honest Printer hath bin kinde, 
Bootes, and Stockins, to our Legs doth finde, 
Garters, Polonia Heeles, and Rose Shooe-strings, 
Which somwhat vs two Knaues in fashion brings . . . 

1 See the extract from Howes, in Harrison, Pt. II, p. 31*. 

Notes on pp. 50, 51. Meiis Feathers, &c. 241 

Well, other friends I hope we shall beseech 

For the great large abhominable breech 

Like Brewers Hopsackes : yet, since new they be, 

Each knaue will haue them, and why should not wee ? 

Some Laundresse we also will entreate 

For Bands and Ruffes .... 

Scarffes we doe want to hange our weapons by ... 

hats of newest blocke " . . 

p. 50. Hat & feathers, &c. 

" His hat, himselfe, small crowne and huge great brim, 
Faire outward show, and little wit within. 
And all the band vfth feathers he doth fill, 
Which is a signe of a fantastick still, 
As sure as (some doe tell me) evermore 
A goate l doth stand before a brothell dore. 
His clothes perfum'd, his fustic mouth is ayred, 
His chynne new swept, his very cheekes are glared." 
1598. Jn. Marston, Satyre III. Works, 1856, iii. 223-4 : see p. 216 too. 

p. 51: feathers, wings, breeches, cloak, rapier, hangers, boots, spurs. The 
dress of a young dandy in 1604 is thus described by T. M. in his Father Hubburds 
Tales, reprinted (in modern spelling) at the end of vol. v. of Dyce's ed. of 
Middleton's Works, as probably Middleton's. " At last, to close up the lament 
able tragedy of us ploughmen, enters our young landlord, so metamorphosed 
into the shape of a French puppet, that at the first we started, and thought one 
of the baboons had marched-in in man's apparel. His head was dressed up in 
white feathers like a shuttlecock, which agreed so well with his brain, being 
nothing but cork, that two of the biggest of the guard might very easily have 
tossed him with battledores, and made good sport with him in his majesty's great 
hall. His doublet was of a strange cut ; and shew the furye of his humour, the 
collar of it rose up so high and sharp as if it would have cut his throat by day 
light. His wings, 2 according to the fashion now, were as little and diminutive 
as a puritan's ruff, which shewed he ne'er meant to fly out of England, nor do 
any exploit beyond sea, but live and die about London, though he begged in 
Finsbury. His breeches, a wonder to see, were full as deep 3 as the middle of 
winter, or the roadway between London and Winchester, and so longe and wide 
withal, that I think within a twelvemonth he might very well put all his lands in 

1 The emblem of lechery, as the sparrow also was. See the picture of 
Lechery in the Cambr. Univ. Library's MS. Gg. 4. 27, Chaucer's Parson's 
Tale, autotyped for the Chaucer Society. 

2 See p. 524, Dyce's Middleton, v: T. M.'s Blacke Booke, 1604: "apparel 
led in villanous packthread, in a wicked suit of coarse hop-bags, the wings and 
skirts faced with the ruins of dishclouts." ' Wings, lateral prominencies extend 
ing from each shoulder.' Whalley's note on B. Jonson's Works, ii. 103, ed. Giff. 

3 * They strangle and cloke more velvet in a deep-gathered hose, than would 
serve to line through my lord What-call-ye-him's coach.' 1604. T. M., Blacke 
Booke. Dyce's Middleton, v. 524. 


242 Notes on p. 51. A Dandy s Dress in 1604. 

them ; and then you may imagine they were big enough, when they would out 
reach a thousand acres : moreover, they differed so far from our [old] fashioned 
hose 1 in the country, and from his father's old gascoynes, 2 that his back-part seemed 
to us like a monster ; the roll of the breeches standing so low, that we conjectured 
his house of office, sir-reverence, 3 stood in his hams. All this while his French 
monkey bore his cloak of three pounds a yard, lined clean through with purple 
velvet, 4 which did so dazzle our coarse eyes, that we thought we should have been 
purblind ever after, what with the prodigal aspect of that and his glorious rapier 
and hangers all bost [ = embosstj with pillars of gold, fairer in show than the 
pillars in Paul's or the tombs at Westminster ; beside, it drunk up the price of all 
my plough-land in very pearl, which stuck as thick upon these hangers as the 
white measles upon a hog's flesh. When I had well viewed that gay gaudy 
cloak and those unthrifty wasteful hangers, I muttered thus to myself : * That is 
no cloak for the pain, sure ; nor those no hangers for Derrick ' ; when of a 
sudden, casting mine eyes lower, I beheld a curious pair of boots of king 
Philip's [= Spanish] leather, in such artificial wrinkles, sets and plaits, as if they 
had been starched lately and came new from the laundress's, such was my ignor 
ance and simple acquaintance with the fashion, and I dare swear my fellows and 
neighbours here are all as ignorant as myself. But that which struck us most 
into admiration : upon those fantastical boots stood such huge and wide tops, 
which so swallowed up his thighs, that had he sworn as other gallants did, this 
common oath, 'would I might sink as I stand!' all his body might very well 
have sunk down and been damned in his boots. Lastly he walked the chamber 
with such a pestilent gingle 5 that his spurs oversqueaked the lawyer, and made 
him reach his voice three notes above his fee ; but after we had spied the rowels 
of his spurs, how we blest ourselves ! they did so much and so far exceed the 
compass of our fashion, that they looked more like the forerunners of wheel 
barrows. Thus was our young landlord accoutred in such a strange and prodigal 
shape [= dress] that it amounted to above two years' rent in apparel." T. M. 
The^Ant and the Nightingale, or Father Htibburds Tales, 1604. 

" Asper . . But that a rook, by wearing a pyed feather, 
The cable hatband, or the three-piled ruff, 
A yard of shoe-tye, or the Switzer's knot 

1 breeches. 2 galligaskins. 3 See note, Dyce's Middleton, ii. 227. 

4 "There is no fool to the satin fool the velvet fool, the perfumed fool ; and 
therefore the witty tailors of this age put them, under colour of kindness, into a 
pair of cloth bags, where a voider will not serve the turn." 1602. Return 
from Parnassus. Hazlitt's Dodsley, ix. 184. 

6 ' Caused by the large loose rowels which are presently mentioned ; they were 
commonly of silver. ' Compare 

11 Fastidious Brisk. . . my gray hobby . . a fine fiery little slave, he runs 
like a oh, excellent, excellent with the very sound of the spur. 

Carlo. How ! the sound of the spur ? 

Fast. O, it's your only humour now extant, sir : a good gingle, a good gingle." 
1599. Ben Jonson, Every Man out of his Humour , II. i., Works, i. 80, col. 2 ; 
and in II. ii. p. 93, col. 2 : 

" Fungoso. I had spurs of mine own before, but they were not ginglers." 

Notes on p. 51. Bandless hats, &c. 243 

On his French garters, should affect a humour ! 
O, it is more than most ridiculous." 

Ben Jonson, Every Man out of his Humour (acted 1599). Induction, Works, 
ed. Cunningham, i. 67, col. I. See the Cap's complaint about the Feathers 
stuck in him in "A Pleasauntf Dialogue or Disputation betiueene the Cap,\ and 
the Head. I" 1564, quoted in my Thynne's Animadversions (E. E. T. Soc. ), 
p. cxxxi. 

p. 51, 1. 3 : hats without bands ; feathers in hats, scarfs, &c. 

" EPIGRAMS. Epig. 27. 

Aske Humors, why a Feather he doth weare ? 

It is his humor (by the Lord) heele sweare. 

Or what he doth with such a Horse-taile locke ? 

Or why vpon a Whoore he spendes his stocke ? 

He hath a Humor doth determine so. 

Why in the Stop-throate fashion doth he go, 

With Scarfe about his necke ? Hat without band ? 

It is his humor, sweete sir, vnderstand . . . 

Obiect, why Bootes and Spurres are still in season ? 

His Humor answeres : Humor is the reason. 

If you perceiue his wittes in wetting shrunke, 

It commeth of a Humor, to be drunke. 

When you behould his lookes pale, thin, and poore, 

Th' occ[a]sion is, his Humor, and a Whore : 

And euery thing that he doth vndertake, 

It is a vaine, for sencelesse Humors sake. " 

1600. S. Rowlands, The Letting of Humours Blood in the Head- Vaine, sign. C 
(ed. 1874, p. 33). 

p. 51, &c. : dress, & starcht ruffs 6 rabatos, "There was then [in Adam's 
days] neither the Spanish slop, nor the skipper's galligaskin, the Switzer's blistered 
codpiece *, nor the Danish sleeve sagging down like a Welsh wallet, the Italian's 
close strosser, nor the French standing collar : your treble-quadruple daedalian 
ruffs, nor your stiffnecked rabatos, that have more arches for Pride to row under 
than can stand under five London bridges, durst not then set themselves out in 
print, for the patent for starch could by no means be signed. Fashions then was 
counted a disease, and horses died of it 2 ; but now, thanks to folly, it is held the 
only rare physic, and the purest golden asses live upon it." 1609.- T. Dekker. 
Guls Hornbook, ch. i., ed. 1862, p. 8. 

1 See Coryafs Crudities on this. Rowlands makes it Danish: 

" His faces chiefest ornament, is nose, 

Full furnished with many a Clarret staine, 
As large as any Codpiece of a Dane, 
Embossed curious : " 

1600. S. Rowlands, Letting of Humours Blood, sign. D 3 (1874, p. 53). 
a Lobado en el cuerpo, bunches in the flesh, the fashion in a horse, Tuber 
struma. 1591. R. Perciuale. Spanish Diet. ' Ldbado, m. bunches in the flesh' 
a disease in a horse, called the fashions.' 1623. Jn. Minsheu's enlargd Perciuale' 

244 Notes on pp. 51, 52. Men's Bands, &c. 

p. 51. Ruff &> Band, &c. (See p. 259 below, note on p. 70-1.,) 

" Behold, at length in London streetes he showes. 
His ruffe did eate more time in neatest setting, 
Then Woodstocks worke in painfull perfecting; 
It hath more doubles farre than Ajax shield, 
When he gainst Troy did furious battle weild. 
Nay, he doth weare an embleme bout his neck ; 
For under that fayre rtiffe so sprucely set, 
Appeares a. fall, ^.falling-band forsooth ! 
O dapper, rare, compleate, sweet nittie youth ! 
Jesu Maria ! How his clothes appeare 
Crost and recrost with lace ! sure, for some feare 
Least that some spirit with a tippet mace 
Should with a gastly show affright his face." 

1598. Jn. Marston, Satyre III., Works, 1856, Hi. 223. 

p. 52. "Lambskin. My father was a starch-maker, and my mother a laun 
dress ; so, being partners, they did occupy 1 long together before they were 
married ; then was I born." 1632. Win. Rowley, A Woman never vexed, in 
Hazlitt*s Dodsley, xii. 137. 

p. 52, second side-note : Euery pesant hath his stately bands. See Fairholt's 
capital quotations in Hist, of Costume in England, p. 216, from Lodge's Wits 
Miserie, 1596, and Euphttes Golden Legacie, 1592. The first is, "The plowman, 
that in times past was contented in russet, must now a daies have his doublet of 
the fashion, with wide cuts, his garters of fine silk of Granada, to meet his Sis on 
Sunday. The farmer, that was contented in times past with his russet frock and 
mockado sleeves, now sells a cow against Easter, to buy him silken geere for his 
credit." See too in Harrison, II, 36*, what Howes says : " men of meane ranke 
weare Garters and shooe Roses, of more then fiue pound price ; and some weare 
scarffes from ten pounds a piece, vnto thirtie pounds or more. The like may be 
truly said concerning wrought Wastcoates." The dresses of a smart Tailor 
(p. 19), a Baker (p. 29), a Dancing-master, and a Vintner (p. 30), a Grasier (p. 31), 
an Informer (p. 32), a Husbandman (p. 33), a Cumberland copyholder's family 
(p. 35), are described in The Debate between Pride and Loivliness wrongly ascribed 
to Francis Thynne, old Shakesp. Soc. 1841. The author has 15 men on his 
Jury, and rejects 3 : Greene, in his prose Quip for an Upstart Courtier, which was 
modelled on the earlier poem, has 24 men in his Jury, and rejects 27 : this Quip 
should be read for its sketches of the characters. See my Trial- Forewords to my 
Six- 7"ext of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, p. IOI-2. 

1 ' Enjoy, in the sense of a man having knowledge of a woman. Doll Tear- 
sheet says of Pistol, in the Second Part of Henry IV, ' ' These villains will make 
the word ' captain ' as odious as the word occupy, which was an excellent good 
word before it was ill-sorted." See Nares, edit. 1859 in v. ; and Percy Folio MS. 
Loose and Humorous Songs, p. 29.' 

Notes on p. 53. Cost of Men s Dress, &c. 245 

p. 53, I. 4-6: result of extravagance in dress, &c : 

"yet take . . the cost with the pleasure, and tell me then if once In seauen 
yeares, when your state is weakened and your Land wasted, your Woods un- 
timbered, your Pastures vnstored, and your Houses decayed : then tell me 
whether you find the prouerbe true, of the Courtier young and old." 1 1618. N. 
Breton, The Court and Country (1868), p. 178. See too the interesting Health 
to the Gentlemanly profession of SeruingmenJ by I. M., 1598, in the same vol. 
Hazlitt's Inedited Tracts, 1868, p. 95 ; also, Quips upon, Questions, 1600, 
sign. G 2. 

" Carlo. First, to be an accomplished gentleman, that is, a gentleman of the 
time, you must give over housekeeping in the country, and live altogether in the 
city amongst gallants ; where, at your first appearance, 'twere good you turned 
four or five hundred acres of your best land into two or three trunks of apparel." 
1599. Ben Jonson, Every Man out of his Humour, I. i., Works, ed. Cunning 
ham, i. 73, col. I. In II. i, p. 87, col. 2, Fungoso puts the cost of his suit at 
about ,40 of our money; "Let me see, the doublet: say fifty shillings the 
doublet ; and between three or [= and] four pound the hose ; then boots, hat, 
and band : some ten or eleven pound will do it all, and suit me, for the heavens." 
1596-8. Ben Jonson, Every Man in his Humour, II. ii., Works, ed. Cunning 
ham, i. 21, col. I. 

p. 53 : shirts. When Fastidious Brisk is describing the articles of his dress 
injured in his duel, in Ben Jonson's Every Man out of his Humour (acted A.D. 
1599 ; 410. 1600, fol. 1616), IV. iv, Carlo says, " I wonder he speaks not of his 
wrought shirt " [he does, 14 lines lower] ; and Gifford notes : " The linen, both 
of men and women, was either so worked as to resemble the finest lace, or was 
ornamented, by the needle, with representations of fruits, flowers, passages of 
history," &c. The Puritans, it appears, turned the mode to account, and sub 
stituted texts of Scripture for the usual embellishments. There is a pleasant 
allusion to this practice in the City Match : 

" Sir, she's a Puritan at her needle too : 
My smock sleeves have such holy embroideries, 
And are so learned, that I fear in time 
All my apparell will be quoted by 
Some pure instructor." 

Works, ed. Cunningham, i. 120, Act II, sc. ii. 

In Ben Jonson's Every Man out of his Humour (1590) Puntarvolo describes 
his dress in the account of his duel with Luculento: "He again lights me here, 

1 " And if thou be a Courtier, know thy place : 
But do not serue for onely shew of grace, 
But let thy profit answere thy expence, 
Least want do proue a wofull patience, 
And thou do proue the prouerbe often tolde, 
' A carelesse Courtier yong, a Begger olde.' " 

1613. The Vncasing of Machivils Instructions to his Sonne : With the Answere 

to the same, p. 7. 

246 Notes on pp. 54-6. Mens Doublets, Canions, &c. 

I had on a gold cable hatband, then new come up, which I wore about a murrey 
French hat I had, cuts my hatband, and yet it was massy goldsmith's work 
cuts my brims, which, by good fortune, being thick embroidered with gold twist 
and spangles, disappointed the force of the blow : nevertheless it grazed on my 
shoulder, takes me away six purls of an Italian cut-work band I wore, cost me 
three pound in the Exchange but three days before . . . He, making a reverse 
blow, falls upon my embossed girdle I had thrown off the hangers 1 . . strikes off 
a skirt of a thick-laced satin doublet I had, lined with four taffatas, cuts off two 
panes embroidered with pearl, rends through the drawings-out of tissue, enters 
the linings, and skips the flesh . . . not having leisure to put off my silver spurs, 
one of the rowels catched hold of the ruffle 2 of my boot, and being Spanish 
leather, and subject to tear, overthrows me, rends me two pair of silk stockings 
that I put on, being somewhat a raw morning, a peach colour and another, 
and strikes me some half inch deep into the side of the calf ; he . . takes horse, 
and away ; I, having bound up my wound with a piece of my wrought shirt . . 
rid after him." Act IV. sc. iv. Works, ed. Cunningham, i. 119, col. 2. 

p. 54: men tender now. Cp. Harrison, Part I, p. 337-8, "when our houses 
were builded of willow, then had we oken men ; but now that our houses are 
come to be made of oke, our men are not onlie become willow, but a great 
manie . . altogither of straw," &c. 

p. 55. Dublets -with great bellies. " Fungoso. look you, that's the suit, sir : 
I would have mine such a suit without difference, such stuff, such a wing, such a 
sleeve, such a shirt, belly and all ; therefore, pray you observe it." 1599. Ben 
Jonson, Every Man out of his Humour, III. i., Works, i. IOI, col. I. 

p. 56. With Cantons annexed. See the V ' Q\vnQ-canioned hobbyhorses, in 
Northward Ho, p. 231 above. " Canons de Chausses, Cannyons. Chaussesa queue 
de merlus. Round breeches with strait cannions ; hauing in the seat a peece like 
a fishes tayle ; and worne by old men, schollers, and such like niggardlie or 
needie persons." 1611. Cotgrave. " Cantons were rolls of stuff which termi 
nated the breeches or hose at the knee (fig. 135," [where 2 heavyish rolls or 
sausages all round the knee are cut] ), Fairholt : he refers to Henslowe's diary, 
"under April, 1598, he [H.] disburses ,6 8s. for a bugell doblett and a payer of 
paned hose of bugell panes drawne out with cloth of silver and canyons to the 
same," &c. 

p. 56 : gally-hosen; also Gally-gascoynes. See that word in Fairholt, p. 454. 

p. 56: hosen of a Marke price. This was an extravagant price in William 
Rufus's day, when 3.5-. was the figure. See the anecdote about the king's hose in 
Robert of Gloster's Chronicle, quoted by Fairholt under hose, p. 512. 

p. 56 : trunk hose. " Sometimes I have scene Tarleton play the clowne, and 
vse no other breeches than such sloppes or slivings as now many gentlemen weart : 

1 "'The fringed loops appended to the girdle, in which the dagger or small 
sword usually hung." 

2 The turn-over fringe or scollop of fine leather, often edgd with gold lace. 
"Ruffle your brow like a new boot." Ib. I. i. p. 73. 

Notes on pp. 56, 57. Meris Trunk-hose, &c. 247 

they are almost capable of a bushel of wheate ; and if they be of sackecloth, they 
would serve to carrie mawlt to the mill. This absurd, clownish, and unseemly 
attire, only by custome now is not misliked, but rather approved." 1601. Trios. 
Wright. The Passions of the Minde in generall. (Dedicated to Lord Southampton ; 
and has Verses by Ben Jonson.) See also the interesting extracts and cut in 
Fairholt's Costume, p. 217. He was before me, I see, in quoting the following : 

"When Tarlton clown' d it in a pleasant vaine, 
And with conceites, did good opinions gaine 
Vpon the Stage, his merry humors shop, 
Clownes knew the Clowne, by his great clownish slop. 
But now th'are gull'd, for present fashion sayes, 
Dicke Tarltons part, Gentlemens breeches playes : 
In euery streete where any Gallant goes, 
The swagg'ring Sloppe, is Tarltons clownish hose." 

1600. S. Rowlands, The Letting of Humours Blood in the Head-Vaine, C 2, back 
(ed. 1874, p. 36). See too the bit from More Knaves Yet, p. 240, above, and Ben 
Jonson's " I'll go near to fill that huge tumbrel-slop of yours with somewhat, an 
I have good luck : your Garagantua breech cannot carry it away so." 1598 
1601. Every Man in his Humour, II. ii, Works, i. 18, col. I. 

11 And for false cards and dice, let my great slops, 
And his big bellied dublet both be sercht, 
And see which harbors most hypocrisie." 
1606. No- Body and Some- Body, Simpson's School of Shakspere, i. 353- 

"The rest of France takes the modell of the court, as a rule unto it selfe to 
follow. Let Courtiers first begin to leave off and loath these filthy and apish 
breeches, that so openly shew our secret parts : the bumbasting of long pease-cod- 
bellied doublets, which makes us seeme so far from what we are, and which are 
so combersome to arme : These long, effeminate, and dangling locks : That fond 
custome to kisse what we present to others, and Beso las manos in saluting of our 
friends: (a ceremonie heretofore only due unto Princes:)" 1603. J. Florio, 
Montaignes Essayes, 1634, p. 146. 

" In our Old Plays, the humor Love and Passion, 
Like Doublet, Hose and Cloak, are out of fashion." 

1667. Prologue to James Shirley's Love-Tricks, first calld The Schoole of Com 
plement, 1631. (Shirley died in Oct. 1666.) 

p. 57 : nether- stockes, the stockings, as distinguisht from the hose, when the 
latter became breeches. See the Debate between Pride and Loivliness wrongly 
attributed to Francis Thynne, from the forged ' F. Th.' on its title-page ' The 
neather stockes of pure Granada silke,' and other authorities quoted by Fairholt, 
Costume in England, 1860, p. 211. 

p. 57 : shoes. See Fairholt, Costume in England, p. 385-7. " Pinsnet, 
apparently the same as Pinson, a thin-soled shoe. ' Calceamen and calcearium is 

248 Notes on p. 58. Mens Boots and Coats. 

a shoo, pinson, socke.' Wit Juris* Dictionarie, ed. 1608, p. 211." Nares, by 
Halliwell and Wright. Pinion, pin$onnet are not in any French Dictionary or 
Glossary that Mr. Henry Nicol or I can find ; and my friend Prof. Paul Meyer 
doesn't know the words. See p. 266 below. 

p. 58 : boots with wide tops. " if thy quicksilver can run so far on thy errand as 
to fetch thee boots out of S. Martin's, let it be thy prudence to have the tops of 
them wide as the mouth of a wallet, and those with fringed boot-hose over them 
to hang down to thy ancles." 1609. T. Dekker. Guls Hornbook ', ch, iii. (1862), 
p. 16. 

Instead of high-soled cork shoes, the earlier dandies had piked ones : See the 
passage at the end of Gregory's Chronicle, after his death, p. 238. Camden Soc. 
1876. " A.D. 1468-9. Alle so that yere the Pope sende a bulle for the Cordyners, 
and cursyd thoo that made any longe pykys passynge ij yenchys of lengthe, and 
that no Cordyner shuld not sylle no schone a-pone the Sonday, ne put no schoo 
a-pon no man-ys fote, ne goo to noo fayrys a-pon the Sonday, uppon payne of 
cursynge. And the kynge grauntyd in a conselle and in the Parlement tha f hyt 
shulde be put in excecussyon, and thys was proclaymyd at Poulys Crosse. And 
sum men sayd that they wolde were longe pykys whethyr Pope wylle or nylle, 
for they sayde the Popys curse wolde not kylle a flye. God amend thys ! 
And within schorte tyme aftyr, sum of the Cordyners gate prevy selys and 
proteccyons to make long Pykys, and causyd tho same men of hyr crafte that 
laboryd to the Pope for the destruccyon of longe pykys to be trobelyd and in 
grete donger." 

" 1582. In this Queenes dayes [Anne of Bohemia, Rich. II's Queen], began 
the detestable vse of piked shooes, tyed to their knees with chaines of siluer and 
gilt. Also noble women vsed high attire on their heads, piked like homes, with 
long trained gownes, and rode on side saddles, after the example of the Queene, 
who first brought that fashion into this land, for before, women were vsed to ride 
astride like men." 1605. Jn. Stowe. Annales, p. 471. 

p. 58. Coats, &c. 

" But these tender pernels must have one gown for the day, another for the 
night ; one long, another short ; one for winter, another for summer ; one furred 
through, another but faced ; one for the work day, another for the holy day ; one 
of this colour, and another of that ; one of cloth, another of silk or damask ; 
change of apparel, one afore dinner, another after, one of Spanish fashion, 
another Turkey ; and to be brief, never content with enough, but always devis 
ing new fashions and strange ; yea, a ruffian will have more in a ruff and his hose 
than he should spend in a year. I read of a painter that would paint every 
country man in his accustomed apparel, the Dutch, the Spaniard, the Italian, 
the Frenchman ; but when he came to the English man, he painted him naked, 
English and S ave him clothe, 1 and bad him make it himself, for he changed his 
apparel fashion so often, that he knew not how to make it ; such be our fickle 

1 See the cut opposite, from Andrew Boorde. 

Notes on pp. 58, 59. Meris Dress and Selfishness. 249 

and unstable heads, ever devising and desiring new toys." 1560. Bishop 
Pilkington, Exp. upon Aggeus, Works (Parker Soc., 1842), p. 56. 

If I am an English man, and naked I stand here, 
Musyng in my mynde what rayment I shal were, 
For now I wyll were thys, and now I wyl were that ; 
Now I wyl were I cannot tel what. 

1542. ANDREW BOORDE. The Fyrsl Boke of the Introduction of Knowledge, 

chap. i. p. 116 of my edition, E. E. Text Soc., 1870. 

p. 59. Cold charitie to the poore. 

" Wealthye Cittizens. 

YOu Cittizens that are of Diues Wealth, 
His costly cloathing, and his dainty fare, 
Regarding nothing but selfe-ease and health, 
How euer Lazarus lyes poore and bare : 
Your Dogges are not so kinde to licke their sores, 
But rather serue to bite them from your dores. 
You that do make your Tables Poulters stalles, 
Great prouocation to the sinfull flesh, 
And though the famish'd, hunger-starued, calles 

250 Notes on pp. 59 61. Men's foreign fashions. 

'For Jesus sake, with Crummes our wantes refresh,' 
Your Dishes haue the food for which they cry : 
You play with that, for which they pine and die. 

He Stabbe yee." 

1604. $. Rowlands, Looke to it : for, He Stabbe ye, B 2, back; p. 12, ed. 1872. 

Compare the corn-hoarder Sordido, in Ben Jonson's Every Alan out of his 

Humour (1599), I. i., Works, i. 78 : 

" O, but (say some) the poor are like to starve. 
Why, let 'em starve ; what's that to me ? Are bees 
Bound to keep life in drones and idle moths? No." 

p. 59-61. Jlfen's Coats, Cloaks, Gowns, Caps, Chains. 

The madness " To behold the vain and foolish light fashions of apparel used 
in their apparel, among us, it is too much wonderful. I think no realm in the 
world, no, not among the Turks and Saracens, doth so much in the vanity of 
their apparel, as the Englishmen do at this present. Their coat must be made 
after the Italian fashion, their cloak after the use of the Spaniards, their gown 
after the manner of the Turks : their cap must be of the French fashion ; and at 
the last their dagger must be Scottish with a Venetian tassel of silk. I speak 
nothing of their doublets and hoses, which for the most part are so minced, cut, 
and jagged, that shortly after they become both torn and ragged. I leave off also 
to speak of the vanity of certain light-brains, which, because nothing should want 
to the setting of their fondness, will rather wear a Martin chain 1 the price of 
eight-pence, than they would be unchained. O what a monster and a beast of 
many heads is the Englishman now become ! To whom may he be compared 
worthily, but to Esop's crow ? For as the crow decked herself with feathers of 
all kind of birds to make herself beautiful, even so doth the vain Englishman, 
for the fond apparelling of himself, borrow of every nation to set forth himself 
gallant in the face of the world. He is an Englishman : he is also an Italian, a 
Spaniard, a Turk, a Frenchman, a Scot, a Venetian, and, at the last, what not ? 
He is not much unlike a monster called chimsera, which hath three heads, one 
like a lion, another like a goat, the third like a dragon." ? 1550. Becon. 
Jeivelafjoy, in The Catechism, &c. Parker Soc., 1844, p. 438. (This extract is 
continued at p. 255, below.) 

p. 60. Spanish, French, &> Dutch fashion. Other articles of dress besides 
Cloakes were imported : 

" Behold, a most accomplished Caualeere, 

That the world's Ape of Fashions doth appeare, 

Walking the streets, his humors to disclose, 

In the French Doublet, and the Germane Hose : 

1 Martin chain : of counterfeit or base metal. So also St. Martin's rings. 
" They are like rings and chaines bought at Saint Martin's, that were faire for a 
little time, but shortly after will prove alchimy or rather pure copper." Minshull, 
Essays, p. 23. 

Notes on pp. 60-2. Meris foreign fashions. 251 

The Muffes Cloake, Spanish Hat, Toledo blade, 
Italian ruffe, a Shooe right Flemish made : 
Like Lord of Misrule, where he comes hee'le reuel, 
And lie for wagers with the lying' st diuell." 

1600. S. Rowlands, The Letting of Humours Blood in the Head- Vaine, ed. 1874, 
Hunterian Club, p. 32. 

" Col. Tipto* ... I would put on 
The Savoy chain about my neck, the ruff 
And cuffs of Flanders, then the Naples hat, 
With the Rome hatband and the Florentine agat, 
The Milan sword, the cloke of Genoa, set 
With Brabant buttons ; all my given pieces 
Except my gloves, the natives of Madrid." 
1629. Ben Jonson, The New Inn, II. ii., Works, ii. 354, col. I. 

" . . . . but leather and cloth both cannot suffice us at this time, be it 
never so fine and costious, except we add thereto all kinds of silks and velvets. 

Against vain B u t what do of these things ? gold, silver, pearl, precious stones, 

and sumptuous . r r 

apparel ouches and what not, is now-a-days worn even of mfenor persons, 

when the poor members of Christ have neither wherewith they may clothe 
themselves, nor yet comfort their hungry and thirsty bodies. O lamentable 
case ! 

Mark "And what shall I say of the manifold and strange fashions of the 
wel1 garments that are used now-a-days ? I think Satan studieth not so much 
to invent new fashions to bring Christian men into his snare, as the tailors now- 
a-days are compelled to excogitate, invent, and imagine diversities of fashions for 
apparel, that they may satisfy the foolish desire of certain light brains and wild 
oats, which are altogether given to new fangleness. O most vain vanity ! Some- 
Nova times we follow the fashion of the Frenchmen. Another time we have a 
placent trick of the Spaniards. Shortly after, that beginneth to wax naught : we 
must therefore now have the Italian fashion. Within few days after, we. are 
weary of all the fashions that are used in Christendom ; we will therefore now, 
and God will, practise the manner of going among the Turks and Saracens : 
would God that with the Turks' apparel we were not also right Turks and 
infidels in our life, conversation and manners!" . . . . ? 1540-50. Thomas 
Becon, The Nosegay, in Early Works (Parker Soc.), p. 204. 

p. 60. Cloaks. See Fairholt's Costume, p. 419. 

p. 6l. Boot-hose. Did these hose go inside the boot, or were they overalls, 
outside it, and so corresponding, more or less, to the Wife of Bath's ' foot- 
mantel ' as shown in the Ellesmere MS ? See the woodcut overleaf. Cotgrave 
(1611) has ' Triquehouse : f. A boot-hose; or a thicke hose worne in stead of 
a boot.' 

p. 62. Rapiers : silver hilts &* velvet sheaths. 

" Brain-worm. I assure you the blade may become the side or thigh of the 
best prince in Europe. 

Notes on p. 62. Mens Rapiers and Daily Life. 

. KnowelL Ay, with a velvet scabbard, I think. 

Stephen. Nay, an't be mine, it shall have a velvet scabbard, coz, that's flat : 
I'd not wear it as it is, an you would give me an angel. 

Brai. At your worship's pleasure, sir : nay, 'tis a most pure Toledo. 

Stephen. I had rather it were a Spaniard. But tell me what shall I give you 
for it ? An it had a silver hilt? 

p. 62. On how the young men of and about this time spent their days, see 
Sir John Davies's In Fuscunt, Epig. XXXIX., Marlowe's Works (stereo.), p. 
269, quoted in Harrison, I. Ixxx. ; also Marston's rebuke and ridicule of them in 
his Scourge of Villanie, 1599, Works, 1856, iii. 305-6. Compare too Rowlands : 

"Epig. 7. 

Speake, Gentlemen, what shall we do to day ? 
Drinke some braue health vpon the Dutch carouse ? 
Or shall we go to the Globe, and see a Play ? 
Or visit Shorditch, for a bawdie house ? 
Lets call for Gardes or Dice, and haue a Game, 
To sit thus idle, is both sinne and shame. 

This speakes Sir Reuell, furnisht out with Fashion, 
From dish-crownd Hat, vnto th' Shooes square toe ; 
That haunts a Whore-house but for recreation, 
Playes but at Dice, to connycatch, or so ; 

S 1 

Notes on pp. 62, 64. Meris Days. Women. 253 

Drinkes drunke in kindnes,.for good fellowship; 

Or to the Play goes, but some Purse to nip." 

1600. S. Rowlands, The Letting of Humours Blood in the Head- Vaine, Hunt. 
Club, 1874, p. 13. Again, 

"A Fantasticall Knaue. 

!lrra, come hither, I must send you straight 
To diuers places, about things of waight : 

First to my Barber, at his Bason signe, 

Bid him be heere to morrow about nine : 

Next to my Taylor, and will him be heere 

About eleuen, and his Bill He cleere : 

My Shoomaker by twelue, haste bid him make 

About the Russet Bootes that I bespake. 

Stay, harke, I had forgot, at any hand, 

First to my Laundresse for a yellow Band ; 

And point the Feather-maker not to faile 

To plume my head with his best Estridge tayle . . . 

Step to the Cutler for my fighting blade, 

And know if that my riding sword be made ; 

Bid him trim vp my walking Rapier neat, 

My dancing Rapiers pummell is too great " . . . . 

1613. S. Rowlands, A Paire of Spy-Knaues, sign. B 3, back (Hunt. Club, 
1872, p. 8). 

" But now of the contrarie let vs consider our exercises, and how we vse to 
reckon our faultes, and examine the whole day againe at night ere we go to rest, 
and slepe. Now are we occupied ? Verily we kepe ioly cheare one with another 
in banquetting, surfeiting, and dronkenesse ; also we vse all the night long in 
ranging from town to town, and from house to house, with mummeries and 
maskes, dice-playing, carding, and dauncing, hauing nothing lesse in our 
memories than the day of death." 1577. John Northbrooke, A treatise against 
Dicing, etc., ed. 1840, p. 15. See p. 265 below, on Parents' neglect. 

KISSING, &c., p. 64. 

Schoolmaster Averell, in his merualous Combat of Contrarieties, 1588, quoted 
above on p. 239, says : 

" As for women, you make them through your pride in lookes like Lais, in 
fashions like Flora, in maners like Thais, more wauering then the wind, and 
more mutable then the Moone ; in Gate & iesture most daintie, in the Church 
most angelicall, in the streetes modest & amiable, abroade among men in 
finenes superficiall, but at home by themselues most sluttish and bestiall. Yet I 
meane not all, but the worst, and such as entertaine your pride, who from the top 

254 Notes on p. 64. Women and their Dress. 

to the toe, are so disguised, that though they be in sexe Women, yet in attire 
they appeare to be men, and are like Androgini, who counterfayting the shape of 
either kind, are in deede neither, so while they are in condition women, and 
woulde seeme in apparrell men, they are neither men nor women, but plaine 

" Their heads set out with strange hayre, (to supply nature that waie 
defeated, or rather by their periwigges infected) do appeare like the head of 
Gorgon, sauingthat they want the crawling Snakes of Medusa, to hang sprawling 
in their haire along their faces, & yet they retaine the propertie of this Daughter 
of Phorcus, for they turn a number of their beholders into stones, who while 
they affectionatlie gaze on their painted pride, doe lose the reason of men and 
become like stones, without anie feeling of a vertuous mind, the onelie Image of 
a man. 

" But as they are Venerian Dames, euen so in their flatteries to beguile fooles, 

they imitate the nature of the Cyprian women, who comining into Syria, and 

seruing in y e Court would coure downe and become footstooles for the Ladies, 

thereby to ascend into their Coaches, for which cause they were called Climacidae, 

of Climaca, which y e Assirians name a Ladder ; but heerin onlie they differ, in 

that our Phrynae and Cytherean Damsels, become not Ladders for Women, but 

footstooles, yea, and pillowes, for Men. And therefore it is not without cause 

that Tyresias saide, (being chosen an Arbiter betweene lupiter and luno,) that 

there were In viero, tres anioris vncice, in femina, nouem, in a man three ounces 

of lust, in a woman nine ; for what meaneth els their outward tricking and 

daintie trimming of their heads, the laying out of their hayres, the painting and 

washing of their faces, the opening of their breasts, & discouering them to their 

wastes, their bents of Whale bone to beare out their buwmes, their great sleeues 

and bumbasted shoulders, squared in breadth to make their wastes small, their 

culloured hose, their variable shooes ? and all these are but outward showes. As 

for the rest, least their rehearsall might rather hurt, then profit the honest eares, 

I will couer them with silence : but all these are your prouvocations, these are the 

fruites of your pride, the signes of your waste, and the abridgment of my fare, for 

while you spend so freelie upon your Backe, the least share falles to the Bellie, 

nay, I am faine oftentimes to fast, to beare out the prodigalitie of your pride, and 

then wanting nourishment to feede the members, I am complained on for your 

fault." Sign. B I & 2. See also Harrison, Pt. I. p. 170-2, and Latimer's address 

to his 'sisters, the women,' in his last Sermon before Edward VI, in 1550 

(Sermons. Parker Soc., p. 252-4) : ' Yea, it is now come to the lower sort, to 

mean mens wives ; they will rule and apparel themselves gorgeously, and some 

of them far above their degrees, whether their husbands will or no ... Paul 

saith, that ' a woman ought to have a power on her head ' . . But this ' power ' 

that some of them have, is disguised gear and strange fashions. They must wear 

French hoods, and I cannot tell you, I, what to call it . . But now here is a 

vengeance devil : we must have our ' power ' from Turkey, of velvet ; and gay it 

must be ; far fetched, dear bought; and when it cometh, it is a false sign . . It is 

a false sign when it covereth not their heads as it should do. For if they would 

keep it under the 'power ' as they ought to do, there should not any such tussocks 

Notes on p. 64. Women s Dress, &c. 255 

noi tufts be seen as there be ; nor such laying out of the hair, nor braiding 
to have it open . . Of these tussocks that are laid out now-a-days, there is 
no mention made in scriptures, because . . they were not yet come to be so 
far out of order as to lay out such tussocks and tufts." And see his (Latimer's) 
Remains, ed. 1845, p. 108. 

" Tactus . . five hours ago I set a dozen maids to attire a boy like a nice gentle 
woman ; but there is such doing with their looking-glasses, pinning, unpinning, 
unsetting, formings and conformings ; painting blue veins and cheeks ; such stir 
with sticks and combs, cascanets, dressings, purls, falls, squares, busks, bodies, 
scarfs, necklaces, carcanets, rebatoes, borders, tires, fans, palisadoes, puffs, ruffs, 
cuffs, muffs, pusles, fusles, partlets, frislets, bandlets, fillets, crosslets, pendulets, 
amulets, annulets, bracelets, and so many lets, that yet she's scarce dressed to the 
girdle ; and now there is such calling for fardingales, kirtles, busk-points, shoe- 
ties, &c., that seven pedlars' shops, nay, all Stourbridge fair will scarce furnish 
her. A ship is sooner rigged by far, than a gentlewoman made ready." ? 1602 
(printed 1607), Lingua, Hazlitt's Dodsley, ix. 426. See the extract from Dekker's 
Satiromastix, in the Notes for p. 150, below. 

" Sir Francis Ilford ... if thou wilt have their true characters, I'll give it 
thee. Women are the purgatory of men's purses, the paradise of their bodies, 
and the hell of their minds : marry none of them. Women 1 are in churches, 
saints; abroad, angels ; at home, devils. Here are married men enough know 
this ; marry none of them." 1607. George Wilkins, Miseries of Enforced Mar 
riage. Hazlitt's Dodsley, ix. 475. 

The apparel "I P ass over tne light and wanton apparel of women now-a-days, 
of women partly because it is so monstrous, and partly because I haue not been, 
nor yet am much acquainted with them, whereby I might be the more able to 
describe their proud peacocks' tails, if not at the full, which were an infinite 
labour, yet at the least somewhat to set it forth as a painter doth, before he do 
lay on colours. But of this am I certain, that they observe not in their apparel 
the rule of the holy scriptures. For Saint Peter saith, that * the apparel of 
honest and virtuous women should not be outward with broided hair, and hang 
ing on of gold, either in putting-on of gorgeous apparel ';.... It is enough 
for chaste and pure maids to wear clean and simple apparel, as a 
testimony of the uncorruption and cleanness both of their body & mind, 
without the flaring out and colouring of their hair, without the painting of their 
faces, without the putting-on of wanton and light array, whereby they be enticed 
rather to pride and whoredom than to humility, shamefacedness, and cleanness of 
life." ? 1550. Becon, Jewel of Joy, in The Catechism, etc. (Parker Soc. 1844), 
P- 439- 

Sir Thos. More reproves face-painting in his Utopia, p. 317, ed. Roberts, 
1878. See the authorities referrd-to there, and in the Supplemental Notes, p. 
402 : ' The Loathsomenesse of Long Haire ; with an Appendix against painting 
spots, naked backs and breasts,' by Thomas Hall, B.D. London, 1654, I2mo., 
&c. [Painting] "is the badge of an harlot; rotten posts are painted, and 

1 ' See Mr. Steevens's note on Othello^ Act II, sc. i. But compare Middle- 
ton's Blurt, Master Constable, 1602. Works, by Dyce, i. 280.' 

256 Notes on p. 64. Women's Face-painting, &c. 

gilded nutmegs are usually the worst . . . though I dare not say they are all 
harlots that paint, yet I may safely say, they have the harlot's badge, and their 
chastity is questionable. " T. Hall. 

"Proud Gentlewomen. 

YOu gentle-puppets of the proudest size, 
That are, like Horses, troubled with the Fashions, 
Not caring how you do your seines disguise, 
In sinfull, shameles, Hels abhominations, 
You whom the Deuill (Prides father) doth perswade 
To paint your face, & mende the worke God made. 

You with the Hood, the Falling-band, and Ruffe, 
The Moncky wast, the breeching like a Beare ; 
The Perriwig, the Maske, the Fanne, the Muffe, 
The Bodkin, and the Bussard in your heare ; 
You Veluet-cambricke-silken-feather'd toy, 
That with your pride do all the world annoy, 
He Stabbe yee." 

1604. S. Rowlands, Look to it ; for, lie Stabbe ye, sign. D 2, back (Hunt. 
Club, 1872, p. 28). 

" The yong woman commeth, married to an old man. 

The young Another passeth on, passing portly, a sweete woman, she smelleth 
woman. hither : and a rolling eye she hath, it turneth with a trice on both 
sides : a faire haire, if it be her owne : a rare face, if it be not painted : a white 
skinne, if it be not plastered : a full breast, if it be not bolstered : a straite backe, 
if it be not helped ; a slender waste, if it be not pinched ; a likely leg, if it be not 
lined ; a pretty foote, if it be not in the Shoemakers stockes ; a faire, rare, 
sweete, meete body, if it be not dishonest." 1613. Anthony Nixon, A Straunge 
Foot-Post, E I, back, 

p. 64, 67, 78, &c. Women's coquetry &> dress. See The Pedlers Prophecie, 
1595, attributed by the late R. Simpson to Robert Crowley, (who printed Piers 
Plowman and wrote the Epigrams, &c., and died on June 18, 1588,) on the 
strength of Greene's allusions, in his Farewell to Folly, 1591, to the Sexton of 
St. Giles Cripplegate [Crowley 's Church], and " Theological poets which . . . 
get some other Batillus to set his name to their verses " [which the writer of The 
Pedlers Prophecie does not]. 

" Proud lookes, stretcht out neckes, and wanton eies, 
Their frolike cheare, their fine walkes, and tripping, 
With all their pleasures which they now do devise, 
Their feasting, disguising, their kissing and clipping. 
Rich showes, strange funerals, precious abilliments, 
Golden collars, spangs, bracelets, bonnets and hoods, 
Painted and laid-out haire, Slides, and nether ornaments, 
Their chains and sumptuous apparrell, that cost great goods, 

Notes on p. 64. Women 's Dress and Paint. 257 

Earing jewels, jemmes, to set out their faces, 
Chaunge of garments, cassocks, vales, launes fine, 
Needles, glasses, partlets, fillets, and bungraces, 
With cullours curious, to make the face shine." 

' In the interesting but extremely rare volume by John Dickenson, entitled 
"GREENE IN CONCEIPT : new raised from his graue to write the Tragique 
Historic of Faire Valeria of London," 1598, he tells of the extravagance in 
costume, which is one token of her downward career : 

"She ware alwaies such ouersuwptuous attyre, that many in desert and 
dignitie farre exceeding hir, were in this as farre behind hir. No common 
fashion could please hir fancie, but it must be strange and stately, drawing many 
eyes to gaze on hir, which aym'd wholly at singularitie, glorying to bee peerelesse 
in hir pompe. Neuer was any to hir power more lauish in variety of wastefull 
vanities : neuer any so peruerse in pride, and with such difficulty to be pleased : 
For were the least stitch in hir Attyre not as shee would haue it, though the 
garment most fayre and costly, the Tailor most rare and cunning, yet would shee 
furiously fling it from hir, with purpose neuer to weare it ; so that the sillye 
workeman set at his non plus, lost both his custome and the creedit of his 
workmanshippe " (p. 24). Evidently, Petruchio knew the expensive habits of 
ladies in regard to their dressmakers, and by his captious objections to the hat 
and the "sleeves curiously- cut," reads Katharina a lesson.' J. VV. Ebsworth, p. 
1017, Bagford Ballads. 

p. 64. Face-painting. "Another point that plainly struck Shakspere, and 
disgusted him [coming from the country], in London society, was, the fashion of 
women the good, like the bad painting their faces, and wearing sham hair, 
which latter [tho' 'tis now happily gone out of fashion] has long offended many 
of us Victorian men too. He alludes to the face-painting, not only in this, his 
first play {Love's Labours Lost'], IV. iii. 259, 'painting and usurping hair,' but in 
his Sonnets also, 67, 1. 5 : 68, 1. 2-8, and again and again in his later plays. 1 " 
My Leopold Sh. Introd. p. xxiii. See the Montaigne note, p. 261 below 

" Maquerelle. . . Do you know Doctor Plaster-face? By this curde, hee is 
the most exquisite in forging of veines, sprightning of eyes, dying of haire, sleek 
ing of skinnes, blushing of cheekes, surphleing of breastes, blanching and bleach 
ing of teeth, that ever made an old lady gracious by torch-light, by this curd, 
law ! " 1604. Jn. Marston, The Malcontent, II. iv. Works, 1856, ii. 233. 

See also Drayton's Muses' Elysium (A. D. 1630), Nymphal VII., Works, 1793, 
p. 626, col. i, on the ' night -masks, plaster'd well within, to supp'e wrinkles,' 
the paper 

" In which was painting, both for white and red ; 
And next, a piece of silk, wherein there lies 
For the decay 'd, false breasts, false teeth, false eyes." 

i Two Gent. II. i. 55-58 : Meas. for Meas. III. ii. 80; IV. ii. 38 ; Ham'et, 
III. i. 148 ; V. i. 201 ; Ant. <Sr Cleop. I. ii. 18 ; Winter's Tale, IV. iii. 101, &c. 

258 Notes on pp. 67 70. 

p. 67. women's hair and painted faces. 
"These flaming heads with staring 

These wyers turnde like homes of 


These painted faces which they 


Can any tell from whence they 

cam ? 
Dan Sathan, Lord of fayned 

All these new fangeles did 

I 595' 6 - St. Gosson, Pleasant Quippes, Hazlitt's E. E. Pop. Poetry, 1866, p. 252. 

p. 68 : false hair: See Shakspere, Love's Labours lost, IV. iii. 259 ; Merchant 
of Venice, III. ii. 92-6 ; Henry V, III. vii. 60 ; Sonnets 68, 1. 2-8. 
" I cannot tell the greate foole hee is wise, 
Nor tell fowle ladies, they are wondrous faire ; 
I ne're applaude aboue heauns-spangled skies, 
The curFd-worne tresses of dead-borrowd haire. 

Like Northern blaste, I breathe my critick aire : 
I am noe Mirny ck ape ; I loathe and hate 
Each light-braind giddy-head, to Imytate." 

? 1611. W. Goddard. A Satyricall Dialogue, sign. B, back, 
p. 69, 1. 3 : cappe. See Petruchio's ridicule of the one brought for Katherine * ; 
and her ' gentlewomen wear such caps as these,' in the Taming of the Shrew, IV. 
iii. 63-70, and 81-5. And Kitely says in Every Man in his Humour, Ben Jon- 
son's Works, i. 28, col. I (see the note there) : 

"Our great heads 

Within this city, never were in safety 
Since our wives wore these little caps : I'll change 'em. 
I'll change em straight in mine : mine shall no more 
Wear three-piled acorns, to make my horns ake. " 
p. 69. Cawles : 

"These glittering cawles of golden 

Wherewith their heads are richlie 

Make them to seeme an angels mate 

In judgement of the simple sect : 
To peacockes I compare them 

That glorieth in their feathers 

bright." (Seep. 259, 271.) 

1595-6. St. Gosson, Pleasant Quippes, 1866, iv. 252. 
p. 70. Ruffes, Starch, Supportasses : see the woodcuts above. 

" This starch, and these rebating props, 
As though ruffes * were some rotten 

All this new pelfe now sold in 


In value true not worth a louse ; 
They are his dogs [the Devil's], 

he, hunter sharp ; 
By them a thousand he doth 

1595-6. Stephen Gosson, Pleasant Quippes, iv. 253. 

i "Why, this was moulded on a porringer ; 
A velvet dish : fie, fie ! 'tis lewd and filthy : 
Why 'tis a cockle or a walnut-shell, 
A knack, a toy, a trick, a baby's cap." 64-7. 
2 See the long and interesting note in Hazlitt, E. E. Pop. Poetry, iv. 252-3. 

Notes on pp. 70, 71. 259 

Gosson's 'rebating props ' were Stubbes's ' supportasses, ' I suppose. The 
Ruffs were got into shape by poking-sticks : 

' ' What lack ye ? What lack ye ? 
What is it you will buy ? 
Any points, pins, or laces, 
Any laces, points or pins ? 
Fine gloves, fine glasses, 
Any busks or masks ? 
Or any other pretty things ? 

Come, cheap l for love, or buy for money. 

Any coney, coney-skins, 

For laces, points, or pins ? 

Fair maids, come choose or buy. 

I have pretty poking- sticks, 

And many other tricks ; 

Come, choose for love, or buy for money." 

I $98, A. Munday and H. Chettle, Doivnfall of Robert, Earl of Huntingdon. 
Hazlitt's Dodsley, viii. 161. 

See the interesting extract from the Second Part of Stubbes's Anatomic about 
Peking-Sticks, Ruffs, &c., in my notes to Captain Cox or Laneham's Letter, 
1575, p. 72-3 (Ballad Soc.). I've already noted from Stowe, in Harrison, II, 
34*, that about the 16 Eliz., Novr. 1573-4, ' began the making of steele poking- 
stickes ; and vntill that time all Lawndresses used setting stick es, made of wood 
or bone.' 

p. 70, 1. I : wanton Stmpronians. There seems to be an allusion here to 
Sempronia, a Roman matron who took part in Cataline's conspiracy. Stubbes 
was perhaps thinking of Sallust's description of her, in some such words as 
these : ' libidine sic accensa Sempronia ut viros scepius peteret quant peteretur. ' 
Catalina, xxv. S. 

p. 70-1 : ruffs, These seem to have been succeeded by falling bands, 
unless the following passage is a 'double entente.' (See p. 244 above.) 

" Maquarelle. And by my troth, beauties, why do you not put you into the 
fashion? This is a stale cut ; you must come in fashion. Looke yee, you must 
be all felt fealt and feather a fealt upon your bare hair. Looke ye, these 
tiring thinges are justly out of request now : and do ye heare ? you must weare 
falling bands ; you must come into the falling fashion. There is such a deal a 
pinning these ruffles, when a fine cleaned/a// is worth all ; and agen, if you should 
chance to take a nap in the afternoone, your falling band requires no poting 
sticke to recover his forme. Believe me, no fashion to the falling, say I." 
1604. Jn. Marston, The Malcontent, V. iii. Works, 1856, ii. 284-5. 

p. 71-2. Stubbes's story of the gentlewoman of Antwerp is alluded to in 
Green's Tu Quoque, by John Cooke. 

" * * * for pride, the woman that had her ruff poak'd by the devil, is but 
a puritan to her. " Dodsley's Old Plays, ed. Reed, 1780, vol. vii. p. 19. S. 

p. 71. Women' s fashions. "1611. Wm. Goddard. A/ Satiry/call Dialo/gve 
or a shar/plye-invectiue conference, be/tweene Allexander the great, and/ that 
truelye woman-hater Diogyjnes. Imprinted in the Lowcountryes for allj such 

Bargain, deal : A. Sax. ceapian. 


Notes on pp. 71 73. 

gentlewomen as are not alto\geather Idle nor yet well OCVPYED. (I have this, & 
Goddard's other two known tracts in type, for private issue at a guinea each. ) 
[sign. E, back] "The gossiping vviues complaint 

against hir riche churlishe husband .... 

" Tivo thinges I loue ; two vsuall thinges 

they are ; 
Thefirste, newe-fashiond doathes I loue 

to ^ueare, 
Newe tires, newe ruffes ; I, and neive 

gesture too : 

In all newe fashions, I doe loue to goe. 
The second thing I loue, is this, I weene, 
To ride aboute to haue those newe doathes 

seene : 

At eu'rye gossipping I am at, still, 
And euer wilbe, maie I haue my will, 
For, at ons owne howse, praie, who is't 

cann see 
Howe fyne in newe-found fas frond tires 

wee bee ? 
Vnles our husbandes : faithe! but very 

fewe ! 
And whoo* d goe gaie, to please a husbands 

veiwe ? 

Alas, we wiues doe take but smale delight 
Yf none (besides our husbands] sees that 


It ioyes ourheartes, to heere an other man 
Praise this or that attire, that we weare 

p. 72 : starchCity Night Cap. 

Wee iocond are, o-nd think our sehies 

much graste 
Yfwe heare some one saie ' faire wenche, 

faithe, in waste 
This straight-girt gowne becomes you 

passing well ; 
From other Taylors, yours doth beare the 

Oh, her that well cann acte-out such 

sweete partes, 
Throwes-vp the lure which wynns our 

verye hartes. 
When we are stubborns't, then let men 

with skill 
RubUes well with th' oyle of praise ; and 

bend we will, 
That smoothe-fyne supple oyle of praise 

doth soften vs soe, 

As what ist then, we will not yield vnto ? 
Meetings and bratierye were my delight" 

Old Plays, vol. II, p. 309: 

" My chambermaid 
Putting a little saffron in her starch, 
I most unmercifully broke her head." Southey, Com. PL Bk. i. 514. 

p. 73: wings: starch, laundresses, &e. 

" Chloe , . And will the ladies be anything familiar with me, think you? 

Cytheris. O Juno ! why, you shall see them flock about you with their puff- 
wings, 1 and ask you where you bought your lawn, and what you paid for it? 
who starches you ? and entreat you to help 'em to some pure laundresses 2 out of 
the city." 1601. Ben Jonson, Poetaster, IV. i. Works, i. 236, col. 2. 

1 " That part of their dress which sprung from the shoulders, and had the 
appearance of a wing, inflated or blown up." See p. 241 above. 

2 " This is a hit at the Puritans, many of whom followed the business of tire 
women, clear-starchers, feather-makers, &c. It is not a little singular that while 
they declaimed most vehemently against the idol, Fashion, they should be 
among the most zealous in administering to its caprice. Jonson notices this with 
good effect in his Bartholomew Fair ; and Randolph ridicules it no less success 
fully in the commencement of his Muses' Looking- Glass. . ." 

Notes on pp. 73 75. 261 

P- 73'5- Women's Doublets, Gowns, &c. The Farthingales worn by Eliza 
bethan women are not denounct here, though they were by Latimer : 

"I think Mary had not much fine linen; she was not trimmed up as our 
women be now-a-days. I think indeed Mary had never a vardingal ; for she used 
no such superfluities as our fine damsels do now-a-days ; for in the old time 
women were content with honest and single garments. Now they have found out 
these round-abouts ; they were not invented then ; the devil was not so cunning 
to make such gear, he found it out afterwards. Therefore Mary had it not . . 
it is nothing but a token of fair pride to wear such vardingals ; and I therefore 
think that every godly woman should set them aside. St. Paul speaketh of such 
instruments of pride as was used in his time : Non tortis crinibus, ' Not with lay 
ing out the hair artificially ; ' Non plicatura capillorum, * Not with laying out the 
tussocks.' I doubt not but if vardingals had been used in that time, St. Paul 
would have spoken against them too, like as he spake against other things which 
women used at that time, to shew their wantonness and foolishness." 1552. 
Latimer, Sermon at Grimsthorpe. Remains, 1845, p. 108. 

"All high and more than humane Sciences are decked and enrobed with a 
Poeticall stile. Even as women, when their naturall teeth faile them, use some 
of yuorie, and in stead of a true beautie, or lively colour, lay-on some artificiall 
hew ; and as they make trunk-sleeves of wyre, and whale-bone bodies, backes of 
lathes, and stiffe bumbasted verdugals, and, to the open-view of all men, paint 
and embellish themselves with counterfeit and borrowed beauties ; so doth 
learning." 1603. J. Florio, Montaignes Essayes (writ. 1580) p. 301, ed. 1634. 

Stubbes doesn't seem to notice the Fans, Busks, Stays, Hoops, and Aprons, 
which Gosson condemns, though Stowe says (Harrison, Pt. II, p. 34*) that 
"Womens Maskes, Buskes, Mufs, Fanns, Perewigs, and Bodkins," having been 
invented "in Italy by Curtezans," came thro' France into England about the 
time of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, 24 Aug. 1572. So, as they were in use 
in Elizabeth's time, I print Gosson's stanzas about them : 

"This cloth of price, all cut in ragges, 

These monstrous bones that compasse armes ; 
These buttons, pinches, fringes, jagges, 

With them he [the Devil] weaveth wofull harmes. 
He fisher is, they are his baytes, 
Wherewith to hell he draweth huge heaps." 
Gosson, Pleasant Quippes, in Hazlitt's E. E. Pop. Poetry, iv. p. 254. 

fans. Gosson, p. 255. 

" Were fannes and flappes of feathers fond, 

To flit away the flisking flies, 
As taile of mare that hangs on ground, 
When heat of summer doth arrise, 
The wit of women we might praise, 
For finding out so great an ease ; 

But seeing they are stil in hand, 
In house, in field, in church, in street, 

262 Notes on p. 75. W omens tight-lacing. 

In summer, winter, water, land, 
In cold, in heate, in drie, in weet, 
I judge they are for wives such tooles, 
As babies are in playes for fooles. 

The baudie buske that keepes downe flat 

The bed wherein the babe should breed, 
What doth it els but point at that 

Which faine would have somewhat to feede ; 
Where bellie want might shadow vale, 
The buske sets bellie all to sale . . . 

[And] seeing such as whome they arme, 

Of all the rest do soonest yeeld, 
And that by shot they take most harme, 
When lustie gamesters come in field, 
I guess buskes are but signes to tell 
Where launderers for the campe do dwell. " 
I59S-6. St. Gosson, Pleasant Quippes, 1866, p. 255 6. 

Secret coats or stays, Gosson, p. 256. 

' ' These privie coates, by art made strong 

With bones, 1 with past, with such like ware, 
Whereby their backe and sides grow long, 
And now they harnest gallants are ; 
Were they for use against the foe, 
Our dames for Amazones might goe. 

But seeing they doe only stay 

The course that nature doth intend, 
And mothers often by them slay 
Their daughters young, and worke their end, 2 
What are they els but armours stout, 
Wherein like gyants, Jove they flout ? " 

1 " Winifride . . Oh, I could cracke my Whalebones, break my Buske, to 
Ihinke what laughter may arise from this." 1600 (ed. 1616), JackeDrum, Act IV. 
Simpson's School of Shakspere, ii. 182. 

2 John Bulwer in 1650 inveighs against the abuse of tight-lacing. Doctors 
and all sensible folk have done so ever since ; but English women whose God, 
Fashion is, and who regularly sacrifice to it their bodies and health, and often their 
souls still immolate their daughters and themselves on their Demon's shrine. 

"Another foolish affection there is in young Virgins, though grown big 
enough to be wiser, but they are led blind-fold by custome to a fashion pernitious 
beyond imagination ; who thinking a Slender-waste a great beauty, strive all that 
they possibly can by streight-lacing themselves, to attain unto a wand-like smalnesse 
of Waste, never thinking themselves fine enough untill they can span their Waste. 
By which deadly artifice they reduce their Breasts into such streights that they soon 
purchase a stinking breath ; and while they ignorantly affect an angust or narrow 
Breast, and to that end by strong compulsion shut up their Wastes in a Whale-bone 

Notes on p. 75. Women's Stays and Hoops. 263 

hoops, p. 257 (cp. crinolines, happily gone out of fashion, for ever, let us hope). 

" These hoopes, that hippes and haunch do hide, 

And heave aloft the gay hoyst traine, 
As they are now in use for pride, 
So did they first beginne of paine : 
When whores in stewes had gotten poxe, 
This French device kept coats from smocks. 

I not gainsay but bastards sprout 

Might arses greate at first begin ; 
And that when paunch of whore grew out, 
These hoopes did helpe to hide their sinne ; 
And therefore tub-tailes all may rue, 
That they came from so vile a crue. 

prison or little-ease ; they open a door to Consumptions, and a withering rottennesse. 
Hence such are justly derided by Terence in Eunucho. 

Haud similis virgo, est virginum nostrarum, quas matres student : Demissis 
humeris esse, vincto pectore, ut graciles fient. 

si qua est habitor paulo, pugilem esse aiunt, aeaucunt cibum, 

Tamet si bona est natura, reddunt curvatura junceos. 

So that it seems this foolish fashion was in request in the time that Terence lived. 

" Paraeus where he propounds Instruments for the mending such deformities, 
observes that the Bodies of young Maids or Girls (by reason they are more moist 
and tender then the bodies of Boyes) are made crooked in processe of time : 
Especially, by the wrenching aside, and crookednesse of the backbone ; the most 
frequent cause whereof is the unhandsome and undecent scituation of their bodies, 
when they are young and tender, either in carrying, sitting or standing (and 
especially, when they are taught to go too soon) saluting, serving, writing, or in 
doing any such like thing. In the mean while he omits not the occasion of 
crookednes, that happens seldome to the Country people, but is much incident 
to the inhabitants of great Towns and Cities, which is by reason of the straitnesse 
and narrownesse of the garments that are worn by them ; which is occasioned by 
the folly of Mothers, who while they covet to have their young Daughters Bodies 
so small in the middle as may be possible, pluck and draw their bones awry, and 
make them crooked." Anthropometamorphosis : Man Transformed, or the Arti 
ficial Changeling, etc., byj.[ohn]. B.[ulwer], 1650 

Bulwer also denounces the Absurd, tho' now happily abandona custom of 
swathing children in tight bands : 

"We in England are noted to have a most perverse custome of Swathing 
Children, and streightening their Breasts. Which narrownesse of Breast occa 
sioned by hard and strict swadling them, is the cause of many inconveniences 
and dangerous consequences. For, all the bones of new-bom Infants, especially 
the Ribs of the Breast, are very tender & flexible, that you may draw them to 
what figure you please ; which when they are too strictly swathed with Bands, 
reduce the Breast to so narrow a scantling, as is apt to endanger not only the 
health, but the life of children. For hence it is, that the greatest part of us are 
so subject to a Consumption and Distillations, which shorten our dayes, and bring 
us to an untimely Grave." 1650. Anthropometamorphosis : Man Transform'd ; 
or, the Artificial Changeling, etc. J.[ohn] B.[ulwer], p. 186. 

264 Notes on p. 75. Women s Hoops, Aprons, &c. 

If barreld bums l were full of ale, 
They well might serve Tom Tapsters turne ; 
But yeelding nought but filth and stale, 
No losse it were, if they did burne . . ." 


"These aprones white of finest thrid, 

So choicelie tide, so dearlie bought, 
So finely fringed, so nicelie spred, 
So quaintlie cut, so richlie wrought ; 
Were they in worke to save their cotes, 
They need not cost so many grotes. 

When shooters aime at buttes and prickes, 

They set up whites, and shew the pinne ; 
It may be, aprones are like tricks, 

To teach where rovers, game may winne. 
Brave archers soone will find the marke, 
But bunglers hit it in the darke." 

1 59S-& Stephen Gosson, Pleasant Quizes. Hazlitt's E. E. Popular Poetry, 
iv. 257-8. 

p. 74- Gown layed with lace, &c. 

" Girtred. . . O sister Mildred, though my father bee a low-capt tradesman, 
yet I must be a ladie, and I praise God my mother must call me ' Madam '. 
Does he come? Off with this gowne for shames sake ! off with this gowne ! let 
not my knight take me in the cittie-cut, in my hand ! . . I tell you I cannot 
indure it ; I must bee a lady ! Doe you weare your quoiffe with a London licket, 
your stamen peticoate with two guardes, the buffin gowne with the tuff-taffitie 
cape and the velvet lace ? I must be a lady, and I will be a lady ! I like some 
humors of the Citty dames well . . to eate cherries onely at an angell a pound, 
good ; to die rich scarlet, black, prety ; to line a grogarom gowne cleane through 
with velvet, tollerable ; their pure linen, their smocks of 3 li. a smock, are to be 
borne withall. But your minsing niceries, taffata pipkins, durance petticotes, 
and silver bodkins Gods my life, as I shall be a lady, I cannot indure it." 
1605. Jn. Marston, Eastward Hoe, I. i., Works, 1856, iii. 9. 

p. 75, 1. 13. Cost of dress. See Rowlands's " To Maddam Maske and Francis 
fan," as to how woods are cut down, and tenants rackt, to provide money for 
women's dress, &c., in his Knaue of Spades, ?i6n (Hunt. Club, 1874, P- 37) 
See too the extract from Bp. Pilkington in the Note for p. 81, below. 

1 An earlier satirist, Charles Bansley, in The Pryde and Abuse of Women, 
ab. 1550 (Hazlitt's Pop. Poetry, iv. 229), says 

" Downe, for shame, wyth these bottell arste bummes, 

And theyr trappynge trinkets so vayne ! 
A boun singe packsadel for the devyll to ryde on, 
To spurre theym to sorowe and payne." p. 238. 

Notes on pp. 75-7. Parents neglect of Children, &c. 265 

p. 75. Parents to blame. "Who seeth not how fondly fathers and mothers 
bring vp their children in cockering and pampering them ? from their infancie 
they bee giuen to none other thing but to pride, delicious fare, and vain idle 
pleasures and pastimes. 

" What prodigious apparel, what vndecent behauiour, what boasting, brag 
ging, quarelling, and ietting vp and down, what quaffing, feasting, rioting, play 
ing, dauncing and diceing, with other like fellowship that is among them, it is 
a wonder to see : and the parents can hereat reioice and laugh with them, and 
giue libertie to theire children to doe what they liste, neuer endeauouring to tame 
and salue their wilde appetites. What marueylle is it if they bee found thus 
naughtie and vicious, when they come to their full yeares and mans state, which 
haue of children been trayned and entered with such vice ? . . 

" Consider, I pray thee (good reader) what jolly yonkers and lusty [= lustfull] 
brutes, these wil be when they come to be citizens, and intermedlers of the 
common- welth, which by their fathers have beene thus wantonly cockered up, 
neuer correcting them, or chasting them for any faults and offences whatsoever ? 
What other thing but this, is the cause that there be now so many adulterers, 
vnchast, and lewde persons, and idle rogues? that we haue such plentie of dicers, 
carders, mummers, and dauncers ? and that such wickednesse, and filthy liuers 
are spred about in euery quarter, but onely naughty education and bringing vp. . . 

" Also the slacknesse and vnreadinesse of the magistrates to doe and execute 
their office, is a great cause of this : if they that vse tauernes, playing and walk 
ing vp and downe the streetes in time of a sermon ; if disobedient children to 
their parents, if dicers, mummers, ydellers, dronkerds, swearers, rogues, and 
dauncers, and such as haue spent and made away their liuing in belly cheare and 
vnthriftinesse, were straightly punished, surely there shud be lesse occasion giuen 
to offend, and also good men should not haue so great cause to complain of the 
maners of men of this age. Therefore, the magistrate must remember his office." 
Ab. 1577. Jn. Northbrooke, Against Dicing, Dancing, Plays and Interludes, &c. 
(Shakespeare Soc. 1843), p. 11-12. See too the Note for p. 186, below. 

p. 76-7. Nether stockes, korked shooes, &c. 

These worsted stockes of bravest die, 

And silken garters fring'd with gold ; 

These corked shooestobeare them hie, 

Makes them to trip it on the molde : 

They mince it with a pace so 


Like untam'd heifers, when they 

To carrie all this pelfe and trash, 
Because their bodies are unfit, 

Our wantons now in coaches dash, 
From house to house, from street to 

1595-6. St. Gosson, Pleasant Quippes 

for Vpstart Newfangled Gentlewomen, 

Hazlitt, 1866, p. 258. 

" Crispinell. Nay, good, let me still sit ; we lowe statures love still to sit, 
least when we stand, we may be supposed to sit. 

Tissefew. Dost not weare high corke shooes chopines ? [Cp. Hamlet, II. 
ii. 447.] 

Crisp. Monstrous on's. I am, as many other are, peec'd above, and peec'd 
beneath." 1605. Jn. Marston, The Dutch Courtezan, III. i. Works, 1856, ii. 147. 

266 Notes on pp. 77, 78. Womerts Shoes, Scents, &c. 

P- 77> 1. 2, pinsnets,1 pumps, thin shoes. See p. 247-8 above. I don't know 
pinsnet except in Stubbes. Pinson is common in early writers : see Way's edition 
of the Promptorium, p. 400, col. 2, and his note 3, which ought to be 4 : 'the 
pynson-showes, les eschapins Duwes .' In the Articles ordained on Deer. 31, 
1494, by Henry VII, in that ' As for the receaving of a Queene, and the Corona 
tion of her,' "when masse is donne, [in Westminster Abbey, the barefooted Queen 
is] to come downe againe to the highe altar, and there to bee howselled, and then 
to goe into a closett, and the Abbott to putt St. Edwards Pinsons on her 
feete." Household Ordinances (1791), p. 124. Mr. Heritage has sent me the 
following : " A Pynson hec pedibromita. e. focitur a pes, -dw, & brico, & mitos 
gutta." Catholicon. Addit. MS. 15,562, Brit. Mus. 

" Pedibomita / te. anglice (a pynson)." f. p. [feminine, 1st. decl.] Ortus 
Vocabulorum. W. de Worde. 1532. 

" Calcearium. A shoe, pinson, socke/' Withals. "Apinsone, osa."- 
Manipulus Vocab. " Pynson, sho, cafignon." Palsgrave, p. 254, col. 2 ; but 
"Cassignon: m. a pump, or thin-soled shoe." Cotgrave. " Soccatus. That 
weareth stertups or pinsons." Elyot. " Detrahere soccos alicui ; to pull off one's 
pinsons or his stertups." Cooper. " Calcearium. A shoe, pinson, or socke." 
Calceo. To put on shoes, sockes, or pinsons. ib. 

p. 77, 1. 10 from foot. Pomanders. 

"ist. Boy. Your only way to make a good pomander ; is this : Take an 
ounce of the purest garden mould, cleansed and steeped seven days in change of 
motherless rosewater; then take the best ladanum, benzoine, both storaxes, 
ambergris, civet, and musk : incorporate them together, and work them into 
what form you please. This, if your breath be not too valiant, will make you 
smell as sweet as my lady's dog." 1602 (pr. 1607), Lingua. Hazlitt's Dodsley, 
ix. 419. See the note there, referring to another recipe in Markham's English 
Housewife, p. 151, ed. 1631 ; also printed, from ed. 1675, P- IO 9> m Marston's 
Works, 1856, ii. 302. " Why, any sensible snout may wind Master Amoretto 
and his pomander." 1602. Lingua, Dodsley, ix. 181. 

p. 77, 1. IO from foot '.fragrant Pomanders. " Perfumed paste, generally rolled 
into a ball, but sometimes moulded into other forms : it was carried in the 
pocket, or hung about the neck, and was considered a preservative against 
infection. A silver case filled with perfumes was sometimes called a pomander." 
Dyce's Webster, ed. 1871, note on the Malcontent, V. i. p. 354. S. 

p. 78, 1. 2 : droye. " Droil. A drudge, or servant. North. See Malone's 
Shakespeare, xviii. 42; Tusser's Husbandry, p. 256." HaMiwelFs Dict.S. 

p. 78, 1. 3: pussle. Compare "Pucelle or puzzel, dolphin .or dogfish," 
I Hen. VI, I. iv. 107, Globe ed. " Puzel or Pussel, Dolphin or Dog-fish." 
Fol. 1623 . Ladislaus, king of Naples, fell in love with his physician's daughter, 
"kpuzell verie beautifull." Holinshed, ed. 1587, iii. 5457 1/52. S. "Then, 
three prety puzels az bright az a breast of bacon, of a thirtie yeere old a pees." 
1575. Laneham's Letter, my ed. p. 23. 

Notes on p. 78. Womeit* bare Breasts. 267 

p. 78 : naked breasts. See Harrison, Pt. i. p. 170. Cp. Ben Jonson's side-notes 
in his The Devil is an Ass, Works, ed. Cunningham, ii. 237, on the lines, 

. . . . "since Love hath the honour to approach 
These sister-swelling breasts and touch this soft 
And rosy hand." 

" Here he grows more familiar in his courtship. " " Wittipol plays with her paps, 
kisses her hands," &c. ; and in Cynthia; 's Revels, iii. 2, p. 168 (ed. Gifford), 
" Plays with his mistress's paps, salutes her pumps." P. A. D. 

" Bellula. Let pinching citty-dames orecloud their eyes : 
Our brests lie forth, like conduicts of delight, 
Able to tice the nicest appetite. 
Mistresse Pinckanie, shall I have this Fanne ? 

Pink. Madam, not this weake, do what I can." 

? 1590-1600, pr. 1610. Peele & Marston, Histrio-Mastix, Act III. R. Simp 
son's School ofShakspere, ii. 50. 

"Then silly old Fops, that kiss but like popes, 

And call us Night Walkers and Faries, 
Go fumble old Joan, and let us alone, 

And never come near our canary's : 
We'll wear our breasts bare, * and curl up our hair, 

1 Mr. Ebsworth's note is, ' The immodest exposure of the bosom had been 
assailed, not alone by the Puritans, but by many satirists, who could scarcely 
be deemed righteous over-much. But none of these had exceeded the stern 
rebuke uttered by Dante in the Purgatorio, Canto xxiii. : 

"O dolce frate, che vuoi tu, ch' io dica? 
Tempo future m' e gia nel cospetto, 
Cui non sara quest' ora molto antica," etc. 

' Thus rendered by H. F. Gary : 

" What wouldst thou have me say ? A time to come 
Stands full within my view, to which this hour 
Shall not be counted of an ancient date, 
When from the pulpit shall be loudly warn'd 
The unblushing dames of Florence, lest they bare 
Unkerchief d bosoms to the common gaze. * 
What savage women hath the world e'er seen, 
What Saracens, for whom there needed scourge 
Of spiritual or other discipline, 
To force them walk with covering on their limbs. 
But did they see, the shameless ones, what Heaven 
Wafts on swift wing toward them while I speak, 
Their mouths were op'd for howling : they shall taste 
Of sorrow (unless foresight cheat me here)." 

1 After the Restoration, in 1678, had appeared a pamphlet "Just and reason 
able Reprehensions of Naked Breasts and Shoulders" 

* On the Venetian courtesans' like undress, see Coryat's Crudities, 1611. 

268 Notes on p. 78. Women's bare Breasts. 

And shew our Commodes to the people ; 

But, as I'm a w , if that you talk more, 

We'll raise them as high as Bow-steeple." 

" The Vindication of Top Knots and Commodes," To 
the tune of London Top Knofs. Bagford Collec 
tion, i. 124 (908, 967). Ballad Society, 1876. 

Puppies and books were occasionally housd in the same soft receptacle as 
Stubbes's nosegays. Topsell's Four-footed Beasts (1607) says of the little 
Melitean or Sicilian dogs, "They are not above a foot, or half a foot long, and 
alway the lesser, the more delicate and precious. . . There be some wanton 
women which admit them to their beds, and bring up their young ones in their 
own bosomes, for they are so tender, that they seldom bring above one at a time, 
but they lose their life." ed. 1658, J. Rowland, M.D., p. 128. And Mr. R. 
Roberts cites from Richard Brath wait's The English Gentleman, 1630, 4to, 
p. 28 : 

"But alas; to what height of licentious libertie are these corrupte times 
growne ? When that Sex, where Modesty should claime a native prerogative, 
gives way to foments of exposed loosenesse ; by not only attending to the wanton 
discourse of immodest Lovers, but carrying about them (even in their naked 
Bosomes, where chastest desires should only lodge) the amorous toyes of Venus 
and Adonis: which Poem, with others of like nature, they heare with such atten 
tion, peruse with such devotion, and retaine with such delectation, as no subject 
can equally relish their unseasoned palate, like those lighter discourses." 

' So early as 1595, in Pleasant Quippes for upstart new-fangled Gentlewomen, 
Stephen Gosson had assailed a similar exposure, in Puritanical pride writing 
thus (Collier's Pref. to Gosson's School of Abuse, ed. 1841, p. xiii) : 

" These Holland smockes, so white as snowe, 

and gorgets brave with drawne-worke wrought, 
A tempting ware they are, you know, 

wherewith (as nets) vaine youths are caught," etc. 
' ' These perriwigges, ruffes armed with pinnes, 

these spangles, chaines and laces all ; 
These naked paps, the Devils ginnes, 

to worke vaine gazers painefull thrall : 
[He fowler is, they are his nets, 
Wherewith of fooles great store he gets. ] " 

' These satirists and cynics who are perpetually decrying immodesty of feminine 
apparel, are invariably themselves of impure dispositions. They have a prurient 
longing to offensively rebuke offence. 

" Fie on thee ! I can tell what thou would'st do . ... 
Most mischievous foul sin, in chiding sin : 
For thou thyself hast been a libertine, 
As sensual as the brutish sting itself : 
And all the embossed sores and headed evils, 
That thou with license of free foot hast caught, 
Would'st thou disgorge into the general world." 

As You Like It, Act ii. sc. 7.' 

Notes on p. 78. Kissing of Women. 269 

p. 78, 1. 7 : kissing. " I hold that the greatest cause of dissolutenesse in some 
women in England is this custome of kissing publiquely, for that by this meanes 
they lose their shamefastnesse, and at the very touch of the kisse there entreth 
into them a poison which doth infect them." [In Spain they don't do it] " because 
we are so wanton, that we need nothing to helpe our appetite, to make a thousand 
ill matches which would fall out if we should haue this occasion." 1623. 
J. Minsheu, Pleasant and Delightfull Dialogues > p. 51-2. On p. 39 he notes the 
sodomising of pages by their masters (see Harrison, Pt. I. p. 130), on which 
Marston has a long passage in his Scourge of Villanie, 1599, Works, 1856, iii. 
256-7. That kissing (smick-smack) was apt to lead to something further, see 
Lusty Juventus, 1550, Hazlitt's Dodsley, ii. 85 : 

" What a hurly-burly is here ! 
Smick smack, and all this gear ! 
You will to tick-tack, 1 I fear, 
If you had time : 

Well, wanton, well : 

Iwis I can tell 

That such smock-smell 

Will set your nose out of tune." 

See Beatrice's protest against the custom of indiscriminate kissing, in Marston's 
Dutch Courtezan (1605), Act III. sc. i ; Works, 1856, ii. 144. She's one of Sir 
Herbert's daughters, and says, " boddy a beautie ! tis one of the most unpleasing, 
injurious customes to ladyes ; any fellow that has but one nose on his face, and 
standing collor, and skirtes also lined with taffety sarcenet, must salute us on the 
lipps as familierly. Soft skins save us ! There was a stub-bearded John-a-stile, 
with a ploydens face, saluted me last day, and stroke his bristles through my 
lippes : I ha spent ten shillings in pomatum since, to skinne them againe," &c. &c. 
A. D. 1792, " there are many practices openly made use of betwixt the sexes which 
with us [the French] are considered as marks of the greatest familiarity. On the 
stage the actor applies his lips to those of the actress, when he salutes her ; the 
same is practised by the people in general ; the kiss of love, and the kiss of friend 
ship are impressed alike on the lips." H. Meister (Swiss by birth). Lettej-s on 
England, englisht 1799, p. 287-8. 

p. jB. Sweet smells of musks, &c. 

" Their odorous smelles of Muske so sweete, 

Their waters made of seemely sent, 
Are lures of Luste, and farre unmeete, 

Except where needes they must be spent." 

I579- W. A., A speciall Remedie against . . la-wlesse Love. Collier's BibL Cat. 
ii. 237. 

" Mercatore. [I do] lack some pretty fine toy, or some fantastic new knack ; 
For da gentlewomans in England buy much tings for fantasy . . . 

Gerontus . . As musk, amber, sweet-powders, fine odours, pleasant per 
fumes, and many such toys, 
Wherein I perceive consisteth that countryf's] gentlewomen's joys. 

1 See Meas. for Meas. t I. ii. 196. 

270 Notes on pp. 78, 79. Women s Toys, Scents, &c. 

Besides, I have diamonds, rubies, emeralds, sapphires, smaradines, opals, 
onacles, jacinths, agates, turquoise, and almost of all kind of precious 

And many mo fit things to suck a way money from, such green-headed wantons." 
1584. R. W., The Three Ladies of London, Hazlitt's Dodsley, vi. 330. 

Snuffe, the Clown of the Curtain Theatre, is more reasonable than Stubbes : 

' ' What smels sweete ? 

Muske, Ciuet, Amber, and a thousand thinges 
Long to rehearse, from which sweete odours springes : 
Flowers are sweete, and sweetest in my minde, 
For they are sweete by nature and by kinde. 
Faire Women that in bosoms nosegays weare, 
Kisse bvt their lippes, and say what sent they beare, 
Their breath perfume, their flowers sweetly smell, 
Both ioyned to her lippes, do exceeding well." 

1600. Quips upon Questions . . By Clunnyco de Curtanio Snuffe. F 4, back. 
I do not trust the evidence that has induced Mr. Ouvry, in his reprint, 1875, 
to assign the tract to John Singer : " Mr. Collier informs me that the name 
J. Singer was written in his own autograph [ ?] on the title-page of the volume. " 

p. 78-9. Feathers, wide-gowns, face-painting. 


Hat feather'd fowle is this that doth approach 
As if it were an Estredge in a Coach ? 
Three yards of feather round about her hat, 
And in her hand a bable like to that : 
As full of Birdes attire, as Owle, or Goose ; 
And like vnto her gowne, her selfe seemes loose *, 
Cri 'ye mercie, Ladie, lewdnes are you there ? 
Light feather'd stuffe befits you best to weare." (Sign. B 2, p. n.) 
1608. S. Rowlands, Humors Looking- Glasse (Hunterian Club, 1872) 

Gentleman, a verie friend of mine, 

Hath a young wife, and she is monstrous fine : 
Shee's of the new fantastique humor right, 
In her attire an angell of the light 
Is she an Angell ? I : it may be well, 
Not of the light, she is a light Angell. 
Forsooth his dome must suffer alteration, 
To entertaine her mightie huge Bom-fashion. 
A hood's to base, a hat, which she doth make 

1 " Tailor. Inprimis, a loose-bodied gown : 

Grumio. Master, if euer I said loose-bodied gowne, sow me in the skirts 
of it, and beate me to death with a bottome of browne thred : I said a gowne." 
? 1596-7. Shakspere, Taming of the Shrew, IV. iii. 135-8. Folio, p. 224, 
col. 2. 


Notes on pp. 79, 80. W omens Feathers, &c. 271 

With brauest feathers in the Estridge tayle, 

She scornes to treade our former proud wiues traces, 

That put their glory in their o[w]n fair faces ; 

In her conceit it is not faire enough, 

She must reforme it with her painters stufife ; 

And she is neuer merry at the heart, 

Till she be got into her leatherne Cart. 

Some halfe a mile the Coach-man guides the raynes, 

Then home againe ; birladie, she takes paines. 

My friend, seeing what humours haunt a wife, 

If he were loose, would lead a single life." 

The Humors that haunt a Wife (ib. B 3, back, p. 14). 

p. 79. Looking-glasses : mirrors in hats, &c. 

" Amorphus . . . Where is your page ? call for your casting-bottle, and 
place your mirror in your hat, 1 as I told you : so ! " 1600. Ben Jonson, 
Cynthia's Revels, II. i. 

p. 79 : bracelets, rings t &c. 

"and now, my honie Loue, 
Will we returne vnto thy Fathers house 
And reuell it as brauely as the best, 
With silken coats and caps, and golden Rings, 
With Ruffes and Cuffes, and Fardingales and things ; 
With Scarfes and Fannes, & double change of brau'ry, 
With Amber Bracelets, Beades, and all this knau'ry." 
? 1596-7. Shakspere, Taming of the Shrew, IV. iii. 52-8. Folio, p. 223,00!. 2. 

p. 80. Masks, face-painting, &c. 

" Peace, Cynick ; see, what yonder doth approach ! 
A cart ? a tumbrell ? No a badge'd coach. 
What's in't ? Some man ? No, nor yet woman kinde, 
But a celestiall angell, faire, refinde. 
The divell as soone ! Her maske so hinders me, 
I cannot see her beauties deitie, 
Now that is off, she is so vizarded, 
So steept in lemons juyce, so surphuled, 
I cannot see her face. Under one hoode 
Two faces : but I never understood 
Or saw one face under two hoods till now : 
'Tis the right semblance of old Janus brow. 
Her maske, her -vizard, her loose-hanging gowne 
(For her loose-lying body), her bright spangled crowne, 

1 Both sexes wore them publicly; the men, as brooches or ornaments in 
their hats, and the women at their girdles (see Massinger, vol. iv. p. 8), or on their 
breasts ; nay, sometimes in the centre of their fans, which were then made of 
feathers, inserted into silver or ivory tubes. Lovelace has a poem on his mis- 
tresses's fan, 'with a looking-glass in it.' Gifford, in Works, i. 160, col. 2. 

2J2 Notes on pp. 80, 81. Women s Masks, &c. 

Her long slit sleeves, stiffe buske, puffe verdingall, 

Is all that makes her thus angelicall. 

Alas ! her soule struts round about her neck ; 

Her seate of sense is her rebate set ; 

Her intellectuall is a fained nicenesse, 

Nothing but clothes and simpring precisenesse. 

Out on these puppets, painted images, 
Haberdashers shops, torch-light maskeries, 
Perfuming pans, Dutch ancients, glowe-worms bright 
That soyle our soules, and dampe our reasons light ! 
Away ! away ! hence ! coach-man, goe inshrine 
Thy new-glas'd puppet in port Esqueline ! " 
599. Jn. Marston, Scourge of Villanie. Works, 1856, iii. 283. 

p. 80. Visors made of veluet : Of Masks, Gosson says, Pleasant Quizes, 
E. E. Pop. Poetry, iv. 254 : 

". . on each wight, now are they scene, 

The tallow-pale, the browning-bay, 
The swarthie-blacke, the grassie-greene, 
The pudding red, the dapple graie, 
So might we judge them toyes 

What else do maskes but maskers show? 

And maskers can both dance and play : 

Our masking dames can sport, youknowe, 

Sometime by night, some time by day : 

'Can you hit it' 1 is oft their 


To keepe sweet beautie still in Deuse-ace 2 fals stil to be their 
plight. chance." 

" Higgen. We stand here for an epilogue 
Ladies, your bounties first ! the rest will follow ; 
For women's favours are a leading alms : 
If you be pleas' d, look cheerly, throw your eyes 
Out at your masks. 

Prigg. And let your beauties sparkle ! " 

1622. Fletcher. The Beggars Bush, Works, i. 231. 

p. 81 : makers of new fashions. Compare Massinger, in his Picture, 1629-30. 
Act II, sc. ii, p. 220, col. i, Moxon's ed. 

" Etibulus There are some of you, 

Whom I forbear to name, whose coining heads 
Are the mints of all new fashions, that have done 
More hurt to the kingdom by superfluous bravery, 
Which the foolish gentry imitate, than a war 
Or a long famine. All the treasure, by 
This foul excess, is got into the merchant, 
Embroiderer, silkman, jeweller, tailor's hand, 
And the third part of the land too, the nobility 
Engrossing titles only." 

1 Compare Rosaline: 'Thou canst not hit it, my good man,' Z. L. Lost, 
IV. ii. ; Ritson's Robin Hood, ii. 213 ; Wily BeguiVd (1602-3), in Hazlitt, p. 
254-5, and p. 371. 2 A male's genitals. 

Notes on p. 81. W omens Pride and Dress. 273 

p. 81. Heathen women an example to Christian ones. 

" And all dainty dames may here learn of these gentlewomen to set more by 
working at God's house than by trimming of themselves. Would God they 
would spend that on the poor members of Christ and citizens of this spiritual 
Jerusalem, that they wastefully bestow on themselves, and would pity their 
poverty something like as they pamper themselves ! St. Peter biddeth them 
leave their ' gold and frizzled hair, and their costly apparel ' and so modestly 
behave themselves that ' their husbands, seeing their honest behaviour, may 
be won ' to the Lord by them ; for so Sara and other holy women did attire 
themselves, &c. 

" But it is to be feared, that many desire rather to be like dallying Dinah than 
sober Sara. And if the husband will not maintain it, though he sell a piece of 
land, break up house, borrow on interest, raise rents, or make like hard shifts, 
little obedience will be shewed. Placilla the empress, the worthy wife of Theo- 
dosius the emperor would visit the sick folks in their houses herself, and help 
them ; would taste of their broths, how they were made, bring them dishes to lay 
their meat in, and wash their cups ; and if any would forbid her, she said she 
offered her labour for the empire, to God that gave it. And she would oft say to 
her husband, * Remember what ye were, and who ye be now, and so shall ye 
always, be thankful unto God.' It were comfortable to hear of such great 
women in these days, where the most part are so fine that they cannot abide to 
look at a poor body, and so costly in apparel that that will not suffice them in 
jewels, which their elders would have kept good hospitality withal. When 
Moses moved the people to bring such stuff as was meet for the making of God's 
tabernacle and other jewels in it, the women were as ready as the men, and they 
' brought their bracelets, ear-rings, rings, and chains, all of gold ; ' and the 
women * did spin with their own hands ' both silk and goats hair : they 
wrought and brought so much willingly, that Moses made proclamation they 
should bring no more. 

" Compare this people's devotion with ours that be called Christians, and ye 
shall find that all that may be scratched is too little to buy jewels for my mistress, 
though she be but of mean degree ; and if anything can be pulled from God's 
house, or any that serveth in it, that is well gotten, and all is too little for them. 
God grant such costly dames to consider what metal they be made of ! for if 
they were so fine of themselves as they would seem to be, none of these glorious 
things needed to be hanged upon them to make them gay withal. Filthy things 
need washing, painting, colouring, and trimming, and not those that be cleanly 
and comely of themselves : such decking and colouring maketh wise men to think, 
that all is not well underneath : content yourselves with that colour, comeliness, 
and shape, that God hath given you by nature, and disfigure not yourselves with 
your own devices ; ye cannot amend God's doings, nor beautify that which he 
hath in that order appointed." . . . 1575- Bishop Pilkington on Nehemiah 
(pr. 1585), Works (Parker Soc. 1842), pp. 385-387. 

p. 82, 1. IO from foot. In High Germany the Women use in effect one kind of 
apparel, &c. Munster (Cosmography, bk. iii, p. 325, ed. 1550) says that when he 
was a boy (circa 1497) his countrymen dressed plainly now they follow foreign 

274 Notes on p. 87. A Woman s Day. 

fashions, but the German women have returned to the ancient frugality in apparel 
which distinguished the men. ' ' Hse depositis multiplicibus & pjicatissimis 
peplis, quibus grand ia olim faciebant capita, unico tantum hodie uelantur, 
modestiusque incedunt. Satis honestus hodie est quarundam mulierum uestitus, 
nisi qu6d superne nimium excauatur." S. 

p. 87. Women's dress : its motive : 

" For, why is all this rigging and fine tackle, mistress, 
If your neat handsome vessels, of good sail, 
Put not forth ever and anon with your nets 
Abroad into the world ? It is your fishing. 
There, you shall choose your friends, your servants, lady, 
Your squires of honour. I'll convey your letters, 
Fetch answers, do you all the offices 
That can belong to your blood and beauty." 

1616. Ben Jonson. The Devilis an Ass, Act II. sc. i. p. 352, col. 2. 
p. 87. How the day's spent by Women : 

"Daily till ten a clocke a bed she lyes, 
And then againe her Lady-ship x doth rise, 
Her Maid must make a fire, and attend 
To make her ready ; then for wine sheele send, 
(A morning pinte) she sayes her stomach's weake, 
And counterfeits as if shee could not speake, 
Vntill eleuen, or a little past, 
About which time, euer she breakes her fast ; 
Then (very sullen) she wil pout and loitre, 
And sit downe by the fire some halfe an houre. 
At twelue a clocke her dinner time she keepes, 
Then gets into her chaire, and there she sleepes 
Perhaps til foure, or somewhat thereabout ; 
And when that lazie humour is worne out, 
She cals her dog, and takes him in her lap, 
Or fals a beating of her maid (perhap) 
Or hath a Gossip come to tell a Tale, 
Or else at me sheele curse, and sweare, and rale, 
Or walke a turne or two about the Hall, 
And so to supper and to bed : heeres all 
This paines she takes ; and yet I do abuse her ! 
But no wise man, I thinke, so kind would vse her. 2 . . ." 

1600,. S. Rowlands, A ivhole crew of kind Gossips, all met to be merry, sign. 
D 3 (Hunt. Club, 1876, p. 29). See the rest of this amusing piece, on the faults 
the Six Wives find with their Husbands, and the latters' answers finding fault 
with their Wives. 

1 Ironical. She has no title. 

2 See S Rowlands's sketch of a Jealous husband, in his Diogines Lanthorne, 
1607, sign. B 3 (ed. 1873, p. 13). 

Notes on p. 87. A IVomans Day. 275 

p. 87. And see in Rowlands's Looke to it : for, He Stable ye, 1604, the Idie- 
huswife, sign. E, back, p. 34, of the Hunterian Club reprint, 1872 : 

" TJVne, neate, and curious mistris Butter flie, 
Jj The Idle-toy to please an Idiots eye, 
You that wish all Good-huswiues hangM for why ; 
Your dayes work's done each morning when you rise, 
Put on your Gowne, your Ruffe, your Masske, your Chaine, 
Then dine & sup, & go to bed againe. 
You that will call your Husband ' Gull & Clowne,' 
If he refuse to let you haue your Will : 
You that will poute and lowere, and fret and frowne, 
Vnlesse his purse be lauish open still, 
You that will haue it, get it how he can, 
Or he shall weare a Vulcans brow, poore man, 
He Stabbe thee." 

Compare too an older complaint in The Schole- House of Women, 1541 (ect. 
1572), in Hazlitt's E. E. Pop. Poetry, iv. 111-112 : 

U Wed them once, and then adue, 
Farwel, all trust and huswifery ; 
Keep their chambers, and them 

self mew, 
For staining of their fisnamy 


And in their bed all day doo lye ; 
Must, once or twise euery week, 
Fain them self for to be sick. 

f Send for this, and send for that ; 
Little or nothing may them please ; 
Come in, good gossip, and keep 

me chat, 

I trust it shall do me great ease ; 
Complain of many asundry disease ; 
A gossips cup between vs twain, 
Til we be gotten vp again. 

IT Then must she haue maidens two or 

That may then gossips togither 

bring ; 

Set them to labour to blere the eye ; 
Them self wil neither wash ne wring, 
Bake ne brue, ne any thing ; 
Sit by the fire, let the maidens trot, 
Brew of the best in a halfpeny pot. 

IT Play who wil, the man must labour, 
And bring to house all that he may ; 
The wife again dooth nought but 


And holde him vp with yea and nay ; 
But of her cup he shall not assay, 
Other she saith, it is to thin, 
Or els, iwis, there is nothing in." &c. 

p. 87, 1. 10 from foot. Othersomc spende the greatest parte of the date, in sittyng 
at thedoore. "They [Englishwomen] sit before their doors, decked out in fine 
clothes, in order to see and be seen by the passers-by. '' Emanuel van Meteren's 
History of the Netherlands, in Rye's England as seen by Foreigners, p. 72 ; 
Harrison, Pt. I, p. Ixiii. S. 

"Butler. I am now going to their place of resi lence, situate in the choicest 
place of the city, and at the sign of the Wolf, just against Goldsmiths' Row [see 
Harrison, Part II, Forewords, l], where you shall meet me ; but ask not for 

276 Notes on p. 87. Shopkeepers Wives used. 

me, only walk to and fro ; and, to avoid suspicion, you may spend some con 
ference with the shopkeepers' wives : they have seats built a purpose im such familiar 
entertainment." 1607. G. Wilkins, The Miseries of Enforced Marriage, 
Hazlitt's Dodsley, ix. 537-8. 

That tradesmen us'd their wives as lures, seems certain. Compare, in 
Marston's Dutch. Courtezan (1605), Act III. sc. i. (Works, 1856, ii. 155). Mis- 
tresse Mulligrub speaking to Lionell, the man of Mister Burnish, a Goldsmith, 
about his master and mistress : 

"An honest man hee is, and a crafty. Hee comes forward in the world well, 
I warrant him ; and his wife is a proper woman ; that she is ! Well, she has 
ben as proper a woman as any in Cheape. She paints now, and yet she keeps 
her husbands old customers to him still. In troth, a fine-fac'd wife, in a wain- 
scot-carv'd seat, is a worthy ornament to a tradesmans shop, and an attractive, I 
warrant : her husband shall find it in the custome of his ware, He assure him." 
And at p. 157, Master Mulligrub says, 

"All thinges with me shall seeme honest that can be profitable. 
He must nere winch, that would or thrive or save, 
To be cald nigard, cuckold, cut-throat, knave ! " 

And in his Satyre I, 1598, Works, iii. 215, Marston says : 

" Who would not chuck to see such pleasing sport, 
To see such troupes of gallants still resort 
Unto Cornutos shop? What other cause 
But chast Brownetta, Sporo thether drawes ? " 

Machiavelli's Instructions to his Son how to make money and get on in life, 
which, if not meant as a Satire, is an utterly base and mean-in-spirit, tho' 
worldly-wise book says on this subject : 

" If t'hat thy wife be faire, and thou but poore, 
Let her stand like a picture at thy doore, 
Where, though she do but pick her fingers ends, 
Faire eies, fond lookes, will gaine a world of friends. - 
Taske her not to worke, if she be prettie ; 
Bid her forbeare ; her toyle makes thee pittie ; 
Shee may with ease, haue meanes for greater gaines, 
With rich rewards, and pleasure for her paines. 
Play at bo-peepe, see me and see me not ; 
It comes off well, that is so closely got ; 
And euermore say, ' aye ! well fare the vent 
That paies the charges of the house, and rent ! ' 
Come, come, tis no matter, be rul'd by this, 
The finest Dames doth some times do amisse, 
Yet walke demure, like puritants indeede, 
And earely rise to a Sermon for a neede, 
And make great shew of deuoutest praier, 
When she only goes to meete her louer. 

Notes on p. 87. Shopkeepers' Daughters and Maids. 277 

Turning backe, poore foole desires the text ; 
Shee tels him any thing that cometh next ; 
And turning o're the leafe to reade the verse, 
Scarse for laughing, one word can rehearse, 
But prettily turnes it off with some iest : 
He beares with all ; he knowes it is his best. 

If that thy wife be olde, thy Daughters yong, 
And faire of face, and of a fluent tongue, 
If by her sutors, siluer may be had, 
Beare with small faults ; the good will help the bad. 
Be not too seuere, time may mend their faults ; 
He is a foole, before a cripple haults ; 
Or he that findes a fault where gaine comes in, 
Tis pittie but his cheekes should e're look thin : 
What though thou knowst that vice doe gaine it all ; 
Will vertue helpe, when thou beginst to fall ? 
This is no world for vertuous men to thriue ; 
Tis worke enough to keepe thy selfe aliue. 
Let Wife and Daughters loue to make thee wealthie ; 
Thou knowst that gold will seeke to make thee healthie. 

If thy maid-seruants be kinde-hearted wenches, 
And closely make kinde bargins on the benches, 
Let them haue libertie, loue and pleasure ; 
All these are helpes to bring in thy treasure ; 
Let them laugh and be merrie ; it yeelds content j 
Thei'le humor all, till all their coyne is spent. 
If by their pleasures, may thy profit grow, 
Winke at a wanton who hath not beene so." 
1613. The Vneasing of Mac hiuils Instructions to his Sonne, p. 13-14. 

"The Answer to Machiavels Vneasing " says, ib. sign. F 2, back : 

" An honest minde in euery trade doth well, 
The winde blowes ill, that blowes the soule to hell. 
Doe not before the Diuell a Candle hold, 
Seeke no corrupt meanes for siluer or gold. 

If that thy wife be faire, be thou not foule, 
To let her play the Ape, and thou the Owle. 
Winke at no faults ; it is but misery, 
By bestiall meanes to releeue necessity. 
If thou bee a Husband, gouerne so thy wife, 
That her peeuish meanes worke not thy strife ; 
Giue her not too much lawe, to run before ; 
Too much boldnesse doth bring thy ouerthrow ; 
Yet abridge her not too much by any meane ; 
But let her still be thy companion. 

278 Notes on p. 87. Parents' Treatment of Children. 

And to thy daughter proue a better sire, 
Then [ than], like a hacknie, let her out to hire. 
What a greeuous case were this for thee, 
To extoll thy selfe to prosperity 
By such insatiat meanes ! a heauy sense 
Deseruing nought but hell for recompence." 

Then the Answer goes on to advise that austerity and distance between Father 
and Child which is in such markt contrast with our modern notions and practice, 
but is recommended in King Solomon 's Book of Wisdom, in my Adam Davie (E. 
E. T. Soc., 1878), and other early books on the treatment of children (see my 
Babecs Book, &c., E. E. Text Soc.) : 

"Like a kinde father, loue thy children deare, 
Yet to outward view let not loue appeare, 
Least too boldly they, presuming on thy loue, 
By audacious meanes doe audacious proue, 
Seeme not a companion in any case 
To thy children : learne them know who's in place, 
That due obedience to thee be done ; 
The end must nedes be good, that' swell begonne. 
Thus may thy children be at thy commaund, 
With willing heart, still helpefull at thy hand. 
Familiarity, contempt doth breed ; 
By no meanes doe thou stoope vnto thy seede : 
Whilst the twig is yong, bend it as thou list ; 
Once being growne, thei'll stubbornely resist, 
Caring not for parents nor their talking, 
Commending their owne wits ; age is doting. 
Looke well to youth and how their time is spent, 
Least thou by leasure afterwards repent . . . 
Vse no corrections in an angry vaine, 
Which will but vexe thee much, increase thy paine . . . 
The greefe is thine, when children goe astray ; 
Giue them not too much liberty to play, 
Least that they doe to a custome bring it, 
And euer after forbeare to leaue it." 
[sign. G 2] " Machiauels rules, let Machiauels reade ; 
Loue thou thy God ; his spirit be thy speede." 

p. 87-8. The following applies to a woman who keeps a shop herself : 

' ' Tell mistris minkes, shee that keepes the shop, 
Shee is a Ship that beares a gallant top ; 
Shee is a Lady for her louely face, 
And her countenance hath a Princes grace, 
And that her beautie hath inthrald thee soe, 

Notes on pp. 87, 88. Shopwomen, Gardens. 279 

Except shee yeelds remorse, shee workes thy woe ; 
Then cast thine eye vpon her beautious cheeke, 
Protesting that thou neuer saw'st the like : 
Her smooth forehead and her comly dressing ; 
Her louely Breasts, cause loues increasing ; 
Her luorie teeth, her lip and chin ; 
Her snow white hand, the like was neuer scene ; 
Her leg and foote, with her gate so comlie, 
Her apparel's worne so neate and seemely : 
Thus o're-worne with care thou mai'st seeme to be, 
Till thou hast made her proude herselfe to see ; 
Then she nods the head with smiling fauor, 
That thou shouldst bestow such loue vpon her. 
Then bite the lip, winke and hang the head, 
And giue a sigh, as though thy heart were dead ; 
And shew strange passions of affections sence, 
That she may pittie loue sirreuerence, 
Wishing her selfe worthie of thy fauor, 
Which is a meanes to gaine some thing by her. 
Thus let the issue of this cunning be, 
That from her purse, some profit come to thee, 
A peece of Sattin, Fustian, or some Stuffe, 
A Falling- Band, or a three Double-ruffe ; 
A Hat, a Shirt, a Cloack-cloath or a Ring, 
Kniues, Purses, Gloues, or some such prettie thing, 
Some-what hath some sauour, 'tis this gaine 
That still inuention giues his sweetest vaine." 
1615. The Vncasing of Machiuils Instructions to his Sonne, p. 11-12. 

p. 88, h 8 : t/tei have Gardens, &>c. Compare the description of Angelo's 
garden in Measure for Measure, IV. i. 28 33. In it was a garden-house, V.i. 212. 
Corisca says, " I have a couch and a banque ting-house in my orchard, Where 
many a man of honour has not scorn'd To spend an afternoon." Massinger's 
Bondman, ed. Gifford, 1840, Act I. sc. Hi. p. 93, col. I. S. 

"This yeare is like to prouefatall to such as followe the Garden Alleyes, for, as 
some haue gone before, so the rest are like to followe, and marre their drinking 
with an hempen twist vnlesse they leaue Harlotte-hunting, with more good will 
then Millers haue minde to morning prayer if the winde serue them in any corner 
on Sundaies." 1606. Anthony Nixon, The Black Yeare, C 3, back. 

In Skialetheia, 1598, mention is made of an old citizen, 

" who, comming from the. 

Curtaine [in Shoreditch] sneaketh in 

To some odde garden noted house of sinne ; " 

and West, in a rare poem, The Court of Conscience, 1607, tells a libertine, 
" Towards the Curtaine then you must be gon, 

2,80 Notes on pp. 88-90. Gardens, Harlots, &c. 

The garden alleyes paled on either side ; 
Ift be too narrow walking, there you slide." 

(See p. 308 below.) Halliwell's Illustrations, p. 38. 
Also in 1606, No-Body and Some-Body, Simpson's School of Shakspire, i. 352 : 

" Somebody doth maintaine a common strumpet 
Ith Garden-allies, and undid himselfe." 


p. 89, 90. Harlots &> Brothels. See S. Rowlands's Doctor Merrie-Man % 
1609, sign. C 3 (p. 21, Hunt. Club, 1877), and the fun she makes of the men 
she takes in : 

" I am a profest Courtezan, 
That Hue by peoples sinne : 
With halfe a dozen Puncks I keepe, 
I haue great comming in. 
Such store of Traders haunt my house, 
To finde a lusty Wench, 
That twentie Gallants in a weeke, 
Doe entertaine the French ; 
Your Courtier, and your Citizen, 
Your very rustique Clowne, 
Will spend an Angell on the Poxe, 
Euen ready mony downe. 
1 striue to Hue most Lady-like, 
And scorne those foolish Queanes, 
That doe not rattle in their Silkes 
And yet haue able meanes 
I haue my Coach, as if I were 
A Countesse, I protest, 
I haue my daintie Musicke playes 
When I would take my rest. 
I haue my Seruing-men that waite 
Vpon mee in blew Coates ; 

I haue my Oares that [do] attend 

My pleasure, with their boates : 

I haue my Champions that will fight, 

My Louers that do fawne : 

I haue my Hat, my Hood 1 , my Maske, 

My Fanne, my Cobweb Lawne ; 

To giue my Gloue vnto a Gull, 

Is mighty fauour found, 

When for the wearing of the same, 

It costs him twentie pound. 

My Garter, as a gracious thing, 

Another takes away : 

And for the same, a silken Goune 

The Prodigall doth pay. . . . 

Another lowly-minded youth, 

Forsooth my Shooe-string craues, 

And that he putteth through his eare, 

Calling the rest, bace slaues. 

Thus fit I Fooles in humours still, 

That come to me for game, 

I punish them for Venerie, 
Leauing their Purses lame." 

And see Macilente's chaff of Fastidious Brisk in prison, brought there by buy 
ing presents for smart ladies : 

"What, do you sigh? this it is to kiss the hand of a countess, to have her 
coach sent for you, to hang poniards in ladies' garters, to wear bracelets of their 
hair, and for every one of these great favours, to give some slight jewel of five 

1 "Alice. The poor common whores can have no traffic for the priuy rich 
ones ; your caps and hoods of velvet call away our customers, and lick the fat 
from us." 1616. Benjonson, Bartholomew Fair, IV. iii. Works, ii. 192, col. I. 

Notes on pp. 97, 98. Whoredom in London. 281 

hundred crowns or so : why, 'tis nothing ! Now, monsieur, you see the plague 
that treads on the heels o' your foppery : well, go your ways in, remove yourself 
to the two-penny ward quickly to save charges." 1599- Ben Jonson, Every Man 
out of his Humour, V. vii. ; Works, i. p. 138, col. 2. 

p. 97, 1. 13 : huggle, to embrace closely. 

" Lye still, lye still, thou little Musgrave, 

And huggle me from the cold." 

Little Musgrave and, Lady Barnard, 11. 61-2. Percy's Reliques of Ancient 
Poetry. S. 

p. 97. Cottages in euery lane end. Against this evil was passt, in 1589, the 
Act 31 Eliz. c. 7. " An acte againste erectinge and mayntayninge of Cottages. 
For the avoydinge of the great Inconvenience whiche are founde by experience to 
growe by the erectinge and buyldinge of great nombers and multitude of Cottage,' 
w>foVh are daylie more and more increased in manye parto of this Realme : Be it 
enacted . . That . . noe person shall, within this Realme of England, make 
buylde or erect . . any manner of Cottage for habitaabn or dwelling, nor con 
vert or ordeyne anye Buyldinge or Howsinge . . as a Cottage for habitac/on or 
dwellinge, unlesse the same person doe assigne and laye to the same Cottage or 
Buyldinge fower acres of Grownde at the least . . beinge his or her owne Free 
hold and Inheritaunce lienge nere to the said Cottage, to be contynuallie occupied 
& manured therewith, so longe as the same Cottage shalbe inhabited." The Penalty 
for breaking the Act was 10, and 405. a Month for keeping such a Cottage. 

p. 98. Whoredom to be punisht. 

" In this Treatise (louing countrimen) you shall see what . . . inconuenience 
may come by following flattering strumpets. I know not, I, what should be the 
cause why so innumerable harlots and Curtizans abide about London, but because 
that good lawes are not looked vnto : is there not one appointed for the appre 
hending of such hell-moths, that eat a man out of bodie & soule ? And yet 
there be more notorious strumpets & their mates about the Citie and the 
suburbs, than euer were before the Marshall was appointed : idle mates, I meane, 
that vnder the habit of a Gentleman or seruing man, think themselues free from 
the whip, although they can giue no honest account of their life." 1602. S. 
Rowlands, Greenes Ghost haunting Coniecatchers, sign. A 2, back (Hunterian 
Club, 1872, p. 4-5). 

Compare in C. Bansley's Pryde and Abuse of Women, ab. 1550, Hazlitt's E. 
Pop. Poetry, iv. 233 : 

Take no example by shyre townes, 
Nor of the Cytie of London : 

For therein dwell proude wycked 

The poyson of all this region. 

For a stewde strumpet can not so soone 
Gette up a lyght lewde fashyon, 

But everye wanton Jelot wyll lyke it 

And catch it up anon." 

And Latimer's 6th Sermon, in 1549, before Edward VI. : "O Lord, what 
whoredom is used now-a-days . . how God is dishonoured by whoredom in this 
city of London ; yea, the Bank [Southwark], when it stood, was never so 
common ! . . It is wonderful that the city of London doth suffer such whoredom 

2,82 Notes on pp. 99, 100. Whoredom to be punisht. 

unpunished . . . There is some place in London [the precinct of St. Martin-le- 
Grand], as they say, ' Immunity, impunity : ' what should I call it ! A privi 
leged place for whoredom. The lord mayor hath nothing to do there ; the 
sheriffs, they cannot meddle with it ; and the quest, they do not inquire of it : 
and there men do bring their whores, yea, other men's wives, and there is no 
reformation of it." Sermons, Parker Soc. 1844, p. 196. See the further extract 
in the note for p. 174, on p. 317 below. 

But that the complaint was in the country too, see the "manifolde Enormities " 
in Lancashire and Cheshire, about 1590: 

" XXV. Sundrie notoriowse vises abowndinge, by meanes of y e former con 
fusion in y e Ecclesiasticall state. 

1 . Vnlawfull and vnresonable vsurie, in no Cuntrie more Common. 

2. ffornication and Adttlterie in all sortes shamefully prostituted. [ ? practist.] 

3. Drunkennes maintayned by the multitude of Alehouses, and vnresonable 
strength of Ale soulde with owte sise of Statute : a vise altogether vnpunished, 
and not any way punishable that we knowe. (See the old Exeter regulations 
against it in Mr. A. Hamilton's Quarter-Sessions from Q. Elizabeth to Q. Anne.} 

4. Seditiowse and mutinowse talkinge vppon the Alebench, and openly in 
their street assemblies, tendinge to the depravinge of Religion and the ministerie 
now established, and to the advancement of Poperie and Popishe practises. 

5. Continuall sweringe and Blaspheminge the name of god in the mouthe of 
owlde and young, Riche and poore ; no way punished or punishable." 

Remains, Hist. 6 Lit. Chetham Soc. 1875, p. 12. 

p. 99 : punishment for Whoredom. Compare Latimer, last Sermon before 
Edward VI., in 1550 : "I would therefore wish that there were a law provided 
in this behalf for adulterers, and that adultery should be punished with death ; 
and that might be a remedy for all this matter. There would not be then so 
much adultery, whoredom, and lechery in England as there is . . I would wish 
that adultery should be punished with death ... If this law were made, there 
would not be so much adultery nor lechery used in the realm as there is. Well, 
I trust once yet, as old as I am, to see the day that lechery shall be punished : it 
was never more need, for there was never more lechery used in England than is 
at this day, and maintained. It is made but a laughing matter, and a trifle ; but 
it is a sad matter, and an earnest matter, for lechery is a great sin." Sermons, 
Parker Soc. 1844, p. 244 : and see the note there from Sir T. More and 
Dr. Legh. Harrison would have made adulterers slaves : I. 326. 

p. 100, 1. 9. There was a man whose name was IV. Ratsurb. " On the third of 
Februarie [1583-4] being sundaie, William Bruistar habardasher (a man of more 
than threescore yeares old) being lodged ouer the south-west porch of saint Brides 
church in Fleetstreet, with a woman named Marie Breame (whome the same Bruistar 
had bailed out of Bridewell) were both found smothered to death, in maner follow 
ing. On the same sundaie in the morning, a marriage being solemnized in that 
church, a strong sauour was felt, which was thought to haue beene the burning of old 
shooes or such like, in some gentlemans chamber there about, thereby to sup- 
presse the infection of the plague. But in the afternoone before euening praier, 
the parishioners espied a smoke to issue out of Bruistars chamber, and there vpon 

Notes on p. 101. Judgment on a Whoremonger. 2,83 

made hast to the dore, which they found fast locked, and were forced to breake it 
open, but could not enter, till they had ripped vp the lead and roofe of the cham 
ber to let out the smothering stench : which being doone,they found Bruistar dead, 
sitting on a settle by his beds side (in his apparell and close trussed) his right 
thigh & right arme vp to the elbow burnt or scorched with the fire of a small 
pan of coales that stood before him, but now being cleane quenched with the dampe 
or lacke of aire. The woman also laie dead ouer the pan, so that hir armes were 
likewise burnt, with the nether part of hir bodie before to hir brest, and behind 
to the shoulders, and nothing else in the chamber burnt, but the bottome of the 
settle whereon Bruistar sat. "Holinshed, ed. 1587, p. 1353, coll. I & 2, 11. 60 15. 
There were various surmises about this affair, but it was never explained. 
Pamphlets were written on it. S. Holinshed's account is, as usual, from Stow's 
Annales, ed. 1605, p. 1173. Stow adds: "Marie Breame had bene accused 
by her husband to be a nice [foolish, bad] woman of her bodie, but her husband 
being a bad man, and hauing spent faire and large possessions and all whatsoever, 
hauing but two pence left in his purse, hung himselfe on a tree, against a stone 
wall at Marten abbey in Surrey about Whitsontide, in Anno 1592." 

p. 101. See the fourth Gossip's complaint of her stingy gambling Husband, 
in S. Rowlands's Crewofkinde Gossips, 1609, sign. B 3 (Hunt. Club, 1876, p. 13) : 

u Looke, heere's the best apparrell that I haue, 
The very wedding Gowne my Father gaue. 
He [my Husband] neuer gaue me yet a paire of Gloues, 
I am beholding more to others loues 
Then vnto him, in honest manner tho, [irony] 
And (Gossips) I beseech you take it so. 
There are kinde Gentlemen, some two or three, 
And they indeed my louing Kinsmen be, 
Which will not see me want, I know it, I : 
Two of them at my house in Terme time lye, 
And comfort me with iests and odde deuice, 
When as my Husbands out a nights at Dice. 
For if I were without a merry friend, 
I could not Hue a twelue-month to an end ; 
One of them gaue me this same Ruffe of Lawne, 
It cost three pound, but last week in the Pawne, 
Do y* thinke my husband would haue bin so free ? 
Alas he neuer made so much of mee." 

(See the rest, about the Hat she sees in church, and the Husband's answer, 
p. 28.) 

p. 101. Wives live by whoredom. 

" Knockem. . . I'll provide you a coach to take the air in. 
Mrs. Littleivit. But do you think you can get one ? 

Knockem. O, they are common as wheelbarrows where there are great 
dunghills. Every pettifogger's wife has 'em ; for first he buys a coach that he 

284 Notes on p. 102. Gluttony, Drunkenness. 

may marry, and then he marries that he may be made cuckold in't ; for if their 
wives ride not to their cuckolding, they do them no credit." 1614. Ben 
Jonson, Bartholomew fair, IV. iii. Works, ed. Cunningham, ii. 192, col. 2. 


p. 102 : ghitton. " What good can the great gloton do w' his bely standing a 
strote, like a taber, & his noil toty with drink, but balk vp his brewes in ye middes 
of his matters, or lye down and slepe like a swine. And who douteth but y e the 
body dilicately fed, maketh, as y e rumour saith, anvnchast bed." d. 1535, Sir T. 
More, Works (\$*fl\ p. 100. R. Roberts. 

" London, look on, this matter nips thee near : 
Leave off thy riot, pride, and sumptuous cheer ; 
Spend less at board, and spare not at the door^ 
But aid the infant, and relieve the poor ; 
Else, seeking mercy, being merciless, 
Thou be adjudg'd to endless heaviness." 

Lodge & Greene's Looking- Glass for London 6 England, 
pr. 1594; p. 1 20, col. ii., ed. Dyce. 

p. IO2. Gluttony : see the ' Gluttone ' in Rowlands's lie Stabbe yee, 1604 
(1872, p. 36); S. Rowlands, 'To a Gormandizing Glutton', in his Knaue of 
Spades (1 \6\\), ed. 1874, p. 35; his Letting of Humours Blood (1600), ed. 
1874, p. 85. See too W. Averell, in 1588, on Gluttony and Drunkenness : 

" What should I speake of your two greatest Gods Tro\v<j>aaia and 7ro\U7ro<na, 
gluttonous feeding and excessiue drinking, by which you make a number, not men 
but beastes, that haue their soules but in stedde of salt, to keepe their bodies 
from noysome stincke, who, though they appeare men, are indeede but Ventres, 
that place their pleasure in long feeding, and their delight in strong drinking. 

" I [the Back] am not so changable in fashions, as you [the Belly] are choyse 
in dishes : what boyling, what baking, what roasting, what stewing, what curious 
and daintie consenting, what Syrropes, what sauces, with a thousand deuices to 
moue an appetite without necessitie, and charge nature without neede. I talke 
not of other effects that accompany your gluttonous bellie whew it is fant vfiih 
wine. What lasciuiousnes in wordes, what wantonnes in gestures, what filthines 
in deedes, what swearing and blaspheming, what quarrelling and brawling, what 
murder and bloodshed, nay what wickednes is not vntemperat belly subiect to, 
and most readie to accomplish ? 

"Besides, howe doth your gluttonie chaunge Natures cowlines into foule 
deformednes ? how do the eyes flame with fierines, the face flush with rednes, the 
hands shake wyth vnstedfastnes, and the feete reele through drunkeneses ? the 
head swimmes, the eyes dazell, the tongue stammers, the stomack is ouercharged, 
the body distempered, and the feeble legges ouerburdened, which beeing not able 

Notes on p. 102. Drunkenness. 285 

to beare an vnrulie Lord, doo lay him in y e durt like an ouer ruled slaue ; and so 
through your distemperature, your selfe not alone weakened, but the other 
members so diseased, as to reckon vppe the sicknesses and sores of which the 
Bellie is cause, were to purge the stables of Augea king of Elis, or to sette them 
downe which were neuer knowne to Auicen, Galien, Hippocrates, nor all the 
Phisitions that euer liued, so that by these meanes it may be saide, that a glut 
tonous Bellye makes rich Phisitions and fat Churchyardes." A meruailous 
combat of contrarieties, by W.[illiam] A.[verell] 1588, sign. B 2, back, B 3. 

p. 102. Drunkard : see S. Rowlands' sketch of one in his lie Stabbe yee, 
1604, C 3, p. 21 ; Diogines Lanthorne, 1607 (ed. 1873, p. 7-8) ; also his Epigrams 
21 and 22 in his Letting of Humours Blood, 1600 (ed. 1874, p. 27-8) ; and his 
praise of good liquor in Letting, &c., p. 76-8. On ' How to make Drunken folk 
Sober,' see Sir Wm. Vaughan's Naturall and Artificiall Directions for Health, 
1608. Compare also the Act : 

A.D. 1606-7. 4 James I, chap. v. "An Acte for repressinge the odious 
and loathsome synne of Drunckenes. Whereas the loathsome and odyous Synne 
of Drunkennes is of late growen into common use within this Realme, beinge the 
roote and foundacion of many other enonnious Synnes, as Bloodshed, Stabbinge, 
Murder, Swearinge, Fornicacion, Adulterye, and such lyke, to the great dishonour 
of God and of our Nacion, the overthrowe of many good Artes and Manuell 
Trades, the disablinge of dyvers Workmen, and the gen^rall ympowrishing of 
many good Subjects abusievely wasting the good Creatures of God : Be it there 
fore enacted . . That all and every person or p<<rsons which, after Fortie Dayes 
next followinge the end of this present Session of Parliament, shalbe drunke, and 
of the same Offence of Drunkennes shall be lawfullie convicted, shall for every 
such Offence forfeite and loose Fyve Shillinges . . to be paid within one week 
next after his her or their Conviccion thereof, to the Handes of the Churchwardens 
of that Parish where the Offence shalbe co;wmytted, who shalbe accompable 
therefore to the use of the Poore of the same Parishe. ." 

III puts a Penalty of 35. 4^., or the Stocke, on Persons found tippling, on 
View of any Mayor, Justices, &c. (On Church- Ales, &c., see p. 307-9 below. ) 

See too in Lupton's Sivquila (Aliquis), 1580, p. 57-60, the judgment on a 
rich drunkard and a poor one, in Nusquam or Nowhere, Lupton's ' Utopia ' : 
Ni ardl " A> th U churle > more churlish tha a hog or swine! for though 

dSunken sometimes they driue their fellowes from thz meat, and eate by 
th emselues, yet when they haue filled themselues sufficiently, they 
goe awaye, and leaue the reste, eate it who wil. But thou, greedie 
cormorant, when thou hast taken more than is sufficient, thou dost not only con 
sume more on thy selfe, but also the rest thou keepest from the poore hungrie 
brother, and wilt not leaue anye thing for him, as the swine doth. And now, 
seeing Gods lawe cannot moue thee to go vnto Heauen, I will see if our law can 
stay thee from Hel. Therfore, bycause thou hast so much welth thai thou 
cawst not tel how to bestow the same wel, and more liuing than thou art worthy 
A good iudge- of ' tnerefore J wil > according to the lawe made for drunkards, 
ment giuen vpon that thou shalt giue yerely during thy life, a prechers stipend 
a drunkarde. an> for hig better ma i ntenance . w j 


286 Notes on p. 102. A Drunkard's punishment. 

be bounde euery weeke, three times, during thy life, not only to 
Preach e^to* attend vpon thee one halfe houre at a time, then instructing thee 

preach to him (by the Scriptures) thy dutie to God and maw. and the way to 
3 times a week,] v * ; ' y y , 

saluation, persuading thee also from drunkewnesse, and shewing 

also howe detestable it is before God, and what is the gaine thereof ; But also 
[& 3 times a shall preache three dayes euery weeke in the parishe Churche 

week in his where thou dwellest. And thou shalt sitte also three market 
parish church. I ...... , , , 

dayes in the open Market, with a pot in thy hand, & a wryting 

market'dfys 3 on th >" forehead, as folio weth : ' This is the Drunkarde that 
with a pot in spente as muche dayly at the Tauernes and for wine, as tenne of his 
"* Drunkard" nexte neyghboures .did spende day lye in their houses? And this, 
on his forehead.] being ended, thou shalte remayne one halfe yeare in prison, and 
3. go to prison there thou shalt be taught to fast for thy long excesse : for 
for half a yeare. euerye Dinner thou shalte be allowed not aboue a grote, in breade, 
drinke, and meate : and thou shalte be allowed nothing but breade and 
drinke at night in steade of thy supper, whiche shall not be aboue the value of a 
pennye." The poor man who is a drunkard is to " sitte in the open market as 
the riche man did, but he shal not be imprisoned, , . he must not drinke in anye 
Tipling-house or Tauerne the space of one whole yeare after. And bycause he 
may be knowen, he shall weare on his bosome the picture of a swine, al that 
while, whensoeuer he shall be out of his owne house . . and euery Sondaye during 
that yere, he shal sit before the Pulpit al the Sermon tyme, to heare the word of 
God, and learne to auoyde drunkennesse. " Then, after complaining of the richer 
drunkards in England, Sivquila says " And the poorer sort, thoughe they are 
not so able as they (the rich), nor can not so conueniently as they, yet on the 
Sundaye at the furthest they wyll bee euen wyth them, (if one days drinking will 
serue) for they wyll so tipple almost al the daye, and perhaps the next night, 
that all their whole weekes worke will scantly paye their Sundayes shotte : but 
some of them (not worth verye much) if they worke one day, they will loyter and 
drinke three for it, (I will not saye they will be drunketwo and a halfe of the same.) " 

See also the extract on drunkards from Bullein in my Babees Book, p. 247, 
and Andrew Boorde's Introduction, my edn., p. 147, 149, 337-8. 

"And I would to God, that in our time also wee had not iust cause to 
complaine of this vicious plant of unmeasurable Boalling [bowl-ing] .... For it is 
not sufferable in a Christian Countrie, that men should thus labour with great 
contention, and strive, for the maistrie (as it were) to offende God, in so wilfull 
waste of his gratious benefits." 1570-1601. W. Lambarde. Perambulation of 
Kent, 1826 reprint, p. 320-1. 

"Awake, thou noblest drunkard Bacchus ; thou must likewise stand to me, 
if thou canst for reeling. Teach me, you sovereign skinker, how to take the 
German's upsy-freeze, the Danish rousa, the Switzer's stoop of rhenish, the 
Italian's parmizant, the Englishmans healths, his hoops, cans, half-cans, gloves, 
frolics, and flapdragons, together with the most notorious qualities of the 
truest tosspots, as, when to cast, when to quarrel, when to fight, and where to 
sleep : hide not a drop of thy moist mystery from me, thou plumpest swill-bowl; 
but, like an honest red-nosed wine-bibber, lay open all thy secrets, and the 
mystical hieroglyphic of rashers o' th' coals, modicums, and shoeing-horns, and 

Notes on p. 103. Fare in Edward PL's time. 287 

why they were invented, for what occupations, and when to be used." 1609. 
T. Dekker. Guls Hornbook, Prcemium, ed. 1862, p. 4. 

My friend Prof. Paul Meyer, in his interesting Preface to his edition of Le 
Dtbatdes Htrants d'Armes (ab. 1546), and John Coke's Answer to it (1550), for 
his Societ^ des Anciens Textes Francais, 1877, notes, that among the kindly 
remarks on England of the French Middle- Age writers for France and England 
were then nearly one, the only reproach was that A nglia potat ! , or Li mieldre 
buveor en Angleterre? though William of Normandy says in his Besant 3 that Pride 
has married in England her 3 eldest daughters, Envy, Lechery, Drunkenness. 
The most fertile source of early chaff against the English was the legend of their 
having tails, being Anglici caudati, as their apostle St. Augustine bare witness. 
See the article caudati in Du Cange ; A de Montaiglon, An$iennes Poesies Fran- 
faises VI, 347, &c. P. Meyer. See also Robert of Brunne's Chronicle. 

p. 103. England better in old times. See the other side of the question, in 
S. Rowlands's "Twas a merry world in the old time* in his A Fooles Bolt is 
sooneshot, 1614 (ed. 1873, Hunterian Club, p. 28-9). 

p. 103: rough fare of our Forefathers .* roots, pttlse, herbes, &c. Compare the 
Ploughman's food in Will's Vision, Text B, Passus VI, 1. 282, 321, p. 107-110, 
E. E. T. Soc. , ed. Skeat, bearing out this assertion, more or less. In Edward 
VI.'s time, Win. Forrest says in his Pleasaunt Poesye of Princelie Practise (Starkey's 
Life & Letters, E. E. T. Soc. 1878, Extra Series, ed. Herrtage) : 

MS. Reg. 170 III. If 61 (dated, on If 8, A. D. 1548). 
" So, for that Oxe whiche hathe beene the like solde, 
for ffortie shealingis no we takethe hee fyue pownde : 
yea, seauyn is more, I haue herde it so tolde : 
hee cannot els lyue ; so deeare is his grownde. 
Sheepe, thoughe they neauer so plentie abownde, 
suche price they beare whiche shame is to here tell, 
that scace the pooareman can bye a morsell. 

Twoe pense (in Beeif) hee cannot haue serued, 

other in Mutton, the price is so hye : 

vndre a groate hee can haue none kerued : 

so goethe hee (and his) to bedde hungrelye, 

and risethe agayne withe bellies emptie, 

whiche turnethe to tawnye their white englisch skyn, 

like to the swarthie coelored Fflawndrekyn. 

Wheare they weare valiaunt, stronge, sturdy & stowte, lif <5r, back.] 
to shoote, to wrastle, to dooe anye mannys feate : 
to matche all natyons dwell inge heere abowte, 
as hitherto (manlye) they holde the chief seate ; 

1 Reliquiae Antiquae, Wright & Halliwell, i. 5 (Cotton MS. Vesp. B xiii). 
Archives des Missions, 2nd series, iii. 183 (Digby MS. 53, Bodleian Library). 

2 Le Roux de Lincy, Livre des Proverbes, ii. 281. 

3 ed. Martin, 1. 2000-3 : cp. the editor's note on this passage. 

288 Notes on pp. 105, 116. Neglect of the Poor. 

if they bee pinched and weyned from meate, 
I wisse, O kynge, they, in penurye thus pende, 
shall not bee able thye Royalme to defende. 

Owre Englische nature cannot lyue by Rooatis, 
by water herbys. or suche beggerye baggage, 
that maye well serue for vile owtelandische Cooatis 
geeue Englische men meate, after their olde vsage, 
Beeif, Mutton, Veale, to cheare their courage ; 
and then I dare to this byll sett my hande : 
they shall defende this owre noble Englande.' 5 


p. 105. Stinginess of the Rich to the Poor. "The poore with vs, woulde 
thinke themselues happy, if they mighte haue a messe of potage, or the scraps 
that come from the Rich mens tables, two or three houres after they begin their 
dinner, or supper, and to haue the same giuen them at their doore. But many of 
The wicked and *^ e sa ^ e f i cn greedie guttes, caring for nothing, but for the hilling 
cruel vsing of and filling of their owne backe and bellie, can not be content to 
goe by their poore pitiful brethren and giue them nothing, but 
they will moste vncharitably and vnchristianly rebuke them, chide them, rattle 
them, yea, and threat them, that the poore, being checkt of them that shoulde 
chearishe them, are almost driuen to despaire." 1580. T. Lupton. Sivquila, 
p. 28-9. 

p. 116. Neglect of the poor. See Robert Copland's most interesting account 
of the Beggars, Ne'er-do-weels, and Unthrifts of Henry VIII's time in his Hye 
Way to the Spyttel Hous (The folk who come to St. Bartholomew's Hospital), 
about 1532-5 A.D., in Hazlitt's Popular Poetry, iv. 17-72. On the poor dying 
in the streets, and vagrants lying there, he says, p. 30-1 : 

' . . . I haue sene at sondry hospytalles 
That many haue lyne dead without the walles, 
And for lacke of socour haue dyed wretchedly^ 
Unto your foundacyon, I thynke, contrary. 
Moche people resort here, and haue lodgyng ; 
But yet I maruell greatly of one thyng, 
That in the nyght so many lodge without : 
For in the whatche whan that we go about, 
Under the stalles, in porches, and in doores, 
(I wote not whither they be theues or hoores, 
But surely,) euery nyght ther is found 
One or other lyeng by the pound, 
In the shepe-cootes, or in the hey-loft ; 
And at Saynt Barthylmews chyrch dore full ofte. 

Notes on pp. 116 118. Inclosures, Lawyers. 289 

And euen here by this brycke wall 

We do them fynd, that do bothe chyde and brail ; 

And lyke as bestes togyder they be throng, 

Bothe lame, and seke, and hole, them among, 

And in many corners wher that we go, 

Wherof I wondre greatly why they do so, 

But oftymes when they vs se, 

They do rewne a great deal faster than we." 

p. 1 1 6. Inclosures. See the series of extracts on this subject -in my Ballads 
from MSS., Part I, Ballad Society ; the Supplications edited by Mr. J. M. Cowper 
and me for the E. E. Text Soc., 1871, and his edition of Starkey's England in 
Henry VIIPs Time, E. E. Text Soc. 1871 j Harrison, Pt. I. p. 306-7, &c. &c. 
And let us always remember that Shakspere, before he died, " told Mr. J. Greene 
that he was not able to beare the enclosing of Welcombe ", the open landbrow 
since enclosed whence one best sees his Stratford. (Leap. Sh. Introd., p. cix.) 

" Where, by the way, the country Rook deplor'd 
The grip and hunger of his ravenous lord, 
The cruel Castrel, which, with devilish claws 
Scratcheth out of the miserable jaws 
Of thee, poor tenant, to his ruin bent, 
Raising new fines, redoubling ancient rent, 
And, by th' inclosure of old common land, 
Racks the dear sweat from his laborious hand ; 
Whilst he that digs for breath out of the stones, 
Cracks his stiff sinew, and consumes his bones . . 

and when he can no more, 

The needy Rook is turn'd out of the door, 
And lastly doth his wretchedness bewail, 
A bond-slave to the miserable jail." 
1604. M. Drayton, The Owl. Works, 1793, p. 568, col. 2. 

p. 117. Lawyers. See Harrison, Part I. p. 204-7; Father Hubbartfs 
Tales (1604) in the last volume of Dyce's Middleton, &c. The complaint starts 
from long before Piers Plowman (Text B, Prol. 1. 214-15, ed. Skeat), and even 
still continues, more or less. 

" Oh, the innumerabyl wyles, craftys, sotyltes and delayes, that be in the lawe, 
which the lawyers wil neuer spye, because of their priuate lucres sake ; wherby 
the comon welth is robbed. Thei be almost as euyl as the wicked bisshops and 
prestes of Antichryst, saue only that thei robbe us but of our temporal goodys, 
and not of our fayth." Ab. 1542. Hy. Brinklow, Complaynt of Roderick Mors, 
E. E. T. Soc. 1874, p. 21. 

p. 1 1 8. Dearth (dearness, cost). See my Stafford's Compendious Examina 
tion of certeyne ordinary Complaints, 1581. New Shaksp. Soc. 1876. 

" What saies the craftie Clowne in clowted shooes, 
Time was ordain'd to get, and not to loose. 


290 Notes on p. 119. Grasping Landlords, &c. 

What though the poore lye startling in the ditch ? 
It is the dearth of Corne makes Farmers rich." 
1613. The Vncasing of Machivils Instructions to his Sonne, p. 8. 

p. 119, 1. 1 2 from foot. Notwithstanding some mercilesse tygers, &c. "Sivqila. 
I knewe one that was empouerished bothe by the losse of the Sea, and by sureti- 
ship, yet notwithstanding he was caste into prison of his- cruel Creditors, who 
hauing not sufficient lefte to satisfie them, offered to giue them all that he hatlde, 
and to leaue himselfe nothing in the worlde but the simple clothes he went in 
(which were not worth the value of a Noble), and yet these mercilesse wretches 
wold not release him out of prison, but kept him there, saying, they woulde 
make Dice of his bones, if they hadde nothing else." Thomas Lupton's Sivqila t 
P 35- I 58o- S. See p. 293 below. 

p. 119. Covetous men buying tip poor men's land. 

' ' Cormerauntes, gredye guiles, yea, men that would eate vp menne, women, & 
chyldren, are the causes of Sedition ! They take our houses ouer our headdes, 
they bye our growndes out of our handes, they reyse our rentes, they leauie 
great (yea, vnreasonable) fines, they enclose oure commens ! . . we knowe not 
whyche waye to turne vs to lyue ... In the countrey we can not tarye, but we 
must be. theyr slaues, and laboure tyll our hertes brast, and then they must haue 
al. And to go to the cities we haue no hope, for there we heare that these 
vnsaciable beastes haue all in theyr handes. Some haue purchased, and some 
taken by leases, whole allyes, whole rentes, whole rowes, yea, whole streats 
and lanes, so that the rentes be reysed, some double, some triple, and some four 
fould to that they were wythin these .xii. yeres last past. Yea, ther is not so 
much as a garden grownd fre from them." 1550. R. Crowley, The Way to 
Wealth. Select Works, E. E. T. S., 1872, p. 132-3. 

Hear also Becon, who died in 1570: " The cause of all thys wretchednesse 

Gentlemen and beggery in the common weale are the gredy Gentylmen, whyche 

Shepmowgers. are s hepemongers and grasyars. Whyle they study for their owne 

priuate commoditie, the common weale is lyke to decay. Since they began to be 

shepe Maysters and feders of cattell we neyther had vyttayle nor cloth of any 

reasonable pryce. No meruayle, for these forstallars of the market, as they vse 

to saye haue gotten al thynges so into theyr handes, that the poore man muste 

eyther bye it at their pryce, or else miserably starue for hongar, and wretchedly 

dye for colde. For they are touched with no pity toward the poore. It is founde 

true in them that S. Paul wrighteth. Al seke their own aduawtage, 

and not those thinges which belong vnto lesu Christ. They 

whiche in tymes past wer wont to be fathers of the contry, are now pollers and 

pyllers of the contry. They which in times past wer wont to be the defenders 

of the poore, are now become the destroiers of the same. They by whow the 

common weale sometime was preserued, are now become the Caterpillers of the 

common weale, and suche as seme by their maners to haue made a solemne vow 

vtterly to subuert the common weale, and to procure y e final destruction of the 

same. They are insatiable woulfes. They know no measure. So they may 

reigne, they care not who suffer pain. So they may abound, they care not who 

Notes on p. 119. Avaritlous land-buyers, &c. 291 

fal to the grounde. So they may be enriched, they care not who be enpouerished. 
Thei ar right brothers of Cain, which had rather slea his brother Abel, thaw he 
should haue any part with him of worldly possessions. The wyse Gene. Hit. 
man sayeth the bread of the nedy is the life of the pore, he y l Ecde - ****&. [21] 
defraudeth him of it, is a mansleare. Do not these ryche worldlynges defraud 
the pore man of his bread, whereby is vnderstand al things neces- Bread what it 
sary for a mans lyfe, which through their insaciable couetousnes sel signifieth. 
al things at so hie price, and suffer townes so to decay that the pore hath not 
what to eate nor yet where to dwell ! What other are they thaw, but 
very mawslears ? They abhorre the names of Monkes, Friers, 
Chanons, Non;/es, &c. but their goods they gredely gripe." Becon, Jeiuel of Joy. 
Works, 1564, Vol. II. fol. xvi. back fol. xvii. S. J. Herrtage. 

1 Les gros poissons mangent les petis : Pro. Justly applyed to the vniust 
world, wherein the rich deuoure the poore, the strong the weake, the mightie the 
meane.' 1611. Cotgrave. 

p. 119: misers, or rich men, addingland to land. " Though all put their trust in 
God, with you, the most put their trust in themselues with vs : for if they did not, 
thei would not so greedily gather their goods togither, & lay lands to lands, houses 
to houses, and riches to riches, as they do. Some that are worth thousands, 
though they loke euery day to die, (being of such extreame age) haue so little trust 
and confidence in God, that gaue them all they haue, that they are so sparing to 
themselues, so niggardly to theyr neighbours, and so pinching to the pouertie, as 
though they should liue here euer, or else as though they had not ynough to fincle 
themselues one day." 1580. T. Lupton. Sivquila, p. 70-1. 

" What mettayle is this money that makes men so mad? 

What mischiefe is it thereby is not wrought ? 

What earthly thing is not therefore to be had ? 

What hath been so loved, but money hath bought ? 

What vertue, or goodness, of us so much sought ? 

'Who doth not wish for money,' each one doth say. 

How many for money have been robbed and murthered ? 

How many false witnesses, and for money perjured? 

How many wives from their husbands have been enticed ? 

How many maydens to folly for money allured ? 

How many for money have spirits and divells coniured ? 

How many friends, for money have beene mortall foes ? 

Mo mischieves for money then I can disclose ! 

How many kings and princes for money have been poisoned ? 

How many betrayers of their country for money every day ? 

How many for money from true iudgment are led ? 

Did not the prophet Balaam curse God's people for money ? 

Did not ludas, for money, his master Christ betray?" &c. &c. 
1578. T. Lupton, All for Money, in Halli well's Lit. of i6//fc &> i^th Centuries, 
p. 107. He also gives the other side of the question : 

" Pleasure. In what case were the worlde, were it not for money ? 
Without ioye and pleasure, better be dead then aliue : 

292 Notes on pp. 123 127. Usurers, &c. 

To liue like dome [dumb] goddes, who would not be wearie ? 
To satisfie mans nature with pleasures, I can contrive, 
But I conteyne them at this time and hower, 
Hawking and hunting, shooting and fishing, 
Eating and drinking, dysing and carding, 
Riding and running, swimming and singing, 
Daunsing and leaping, with all kinde of playing, 
Banketing with fine meates, and wine of all sortes, 
Dallying with faier women, with other kinde of sportes : 
All fine apparell that makes the heart ioye. 
With musicall instruments, both with man and boye. 
Thus no sporte or ioye wherein man hath solace, 
But I doe conteyne them, though money bring them to passe." 
1578. T. Lupton. All for money, sign. B.j. 

p. 123. Usury. See Harrison, I, p. 242. Also S. Rowlands, ' To Mr. 
Mony-bag the Vsurer' in his Knaue of Spades ( ? 1611), ed. 1874, p. 26 ; and his 
sketch of Usury in his Diogines Lanthorne, 1607 (Hunt. Club, 1873, p. 6-7). 

See the description of Avarice in Piers Plowman, Text B, Pass. v. p. 67-73, 
ed. Skeat, E. E. T. Soc., and specially lines 257-9 : 

" Hastow pite on pore men, }?at mote nedes borwe? 

IT I haue as moche pite of pore men, as pedlen? hath of cattes, 

pat wolde kille hem, yf he cacche hem myjte, for coveitise of her? 

"Simplicity. that vild Usury ! he lent my father a little money ; and for 

breaking one day, 

He took the fee-simple of his house and will quite away ; 
And yet he borrowed not half a quarter as much as it cost ; 
But I think, if it had been a shilling, it had been loste, 
So he kill'd my father with sorrow, and undoed me quite." 

^84. The Three Ladies of London, Hazlitt's Dodsley's Old Plays, vi. 259. 

See the list of books against Usury in 5th Series of N. 6 Q., x. 423, and xi. 63. 

p. 123. Every Begger almost is called Maister. See Lancelot's "MAISTER 
Launcelet" in the Merchant of Venice, II. ii. 51, and the extract illustrating it 
from Sir Thomas Smith's Commonwealth of England, bk. I, ch. 20 (founded on 
Harrison, I, 133, 137), which I printed in New Sh. Soc.'s Trans. 1877-9, p. 103-4. 
Also Shakspere getting his "yeoman" father arms, and making him a "gentle 
man " in 1596 (Leopold Shakspere Introduction, p. ciii) ; and p. 237, above. 

p. 124. Usury allow d by Law. The Act 13 Elizabeth, c. 8 which re vivd 
the 37 Hen. VIII, cap. 9, that had been repeald by 5 & 6 Edward VI, cap. 20 
authorizd the taking of 10 per cent, interest for money lent on loan or mort 
gage. The rate was reduced to 5 p. c. by the 12 Anne, St 2, ch. 16. 

p. 126-7. Prisoners for debt. 

" Fallace ... if he come with his actions upon you, Lord deliver you ! you 
are in for one, half-a-score year ; he kept a poor man in Ludgate once twelve 

Notes on p. 127. Prisons. Usurers. 293 

year for sixteen shillings. " 1599. Ben Jonson, Every Man out of his Humour^ 
V. vii., Works, i. 137, col. 2. 

"I am, Sir, a Keeper of the Counter, and there are in our wards above a 
hundred poore prisoners, that are like nere to come forth without satisfaction." 
1606. No-Body and Some-Body. Simpson's School of Shakspere, 1.307. In The 
Play of Stucley, 1605, ib. p. 228, the prison stink or plague is mentiond : 

" Will you so much annoy your vital powers 
As to oppress them with the prison stink 1 ? 
You shall not, if you love me, come so near. 
The place is mortally infected lately." 

"A prison . . is a Fabricke built of the same stuffe the Keepers of ft are 
made of, stone and iron : It is an vnwholesome full-stuffed humorous body, which 
hath an Hole in the posteriors of it, whence it vents many stinking, noysome and 
vnsauory smels, which is the onely cause there is such a perpetuall sicknesse and 
disease in it . . when Epimetheus opened Pandora's box, there did not more 
mischiefes and maladies flie out. of it into the world, then there is in this cursed 
place, for it hath more sicknesses predominating in it, then there are in twenty 
French Hospitals, or at the Bathe, in the spring or fall of the leafe." 1617. 
Wm. Fennor, The Compters Common-ivealth, or A Voiage made to an Infernall 
Hand long since discouered by many Caplaines, &c., Sign. C. (Fennor had been 
arrested for a debt of^ioo, and confined in the Compter. He describes interest 
ingly the place, the exacting jailers, the occupants of the two sides of the prison 
those who could afford to pay well for food and drink, and those who couldn't 
how they went on, how young men were duped and led into debt, &c. The 2nd 
edition in 1619 was calld Miseries of a Jaile, or A True Description of a Prison.) 

p. 127. I will make dice of his bones. The same phrase is used by Lupton (p. 
290, above), and Rowlands : 

" Greedy Vsurer. 

THou Fur-gown'd slaue, exceeding rich and olde, 
Ready to be deuowred of the Graue : 
Thou that wilt sell a soule, to purchase Gold, 
And gold, still gold, nothing but golde dost craue : 
Thou most extreame hard-harted cruell wretch, 
Whome Hell gapes for ; the Deuill comes to fetch. 

Thou that wilt not forbeare an howers time, 
But wilt a forfayture seueerely take : 
Thou that by crueltie to wealth dost clyme, 
And threatnest, Dice, of poor mens bones to make, 
Hauing that rustic gold vpon thy hand, 
For which, there's thousandes perish in the land, 

lie stabbe yee." 
1604. S. Rowlands, Looke to it : for, lie Stabbe ye, sign. B 3 ; p. 13, ed. 1872. 

1 " See Bacon, Nat. Hist. Cent. X no. 914. Besides the well-known black 
assizes at Oxford in 1577, there was a similar outbreak at Exeter in 1586. See 
Holinshed, IV. 868, and Leicester Correspondence, 224." 

294 Notes on pp. 128 131. Swearing. 

" Rayse Rentes apace, builde Houses, purchase Landes, 

Be alwayes raking with Oppressions handes. 

Thinke all is lawfull purchase, thou can'st catch 

from thy distressed friendles needy wretch, 

Buye thy poore neighbours House ouer his head, 

Turne him and's children out to begge their bread. 

Deale cruelly with those are in thy debt, 

And let them at thy handes no fauour get, 

Send them to Prison ; there in all distresse, 

To taste the mercie of the mercilesse. 

He shackle thee, for stirring handes or feete, 

Within a Coffin and a Winding-sheete." Ib. p. 43-4. 

"Thou that vauntest, and wilt make dice of thy debtor's bones ; be these the 
words of a man ? " Of Creditors, Minshul's Essayes and Characters of a Prison 
and Prisoners, 1618, ed. 1821, p. 29. S. 

p. 128. Scriveners. See T. M.'s Father Hubburtfs Tales in Dyce's Middle- 
tool's Works, vol. v. 


p. 129. Swearing. On this in 1303, see my Roberde of Brunne's Handlyng 
Synne, pp. 23-7, 88-92. In 1550, R. Crowley's Epigrams, p. 19. On the 
hunting oaths > 1544, see the Supplication to Henry VIII. in Four Supplications, 
E. E. T. Soc., 1871, p. 53: "What commessacyon / dronckenes / destable 
swearinge by all the partes of Christes bodye (and yet callynge them in scorne 
huntinge othes) extorcyon / pryde / couetuousnes / and suche other detestable vyce, 
raigne in this yowr realme / " 

In 1542, Andrew Boorde said in his Dyetary, my ed. p. 243, "in all the 
worlde there is not suche odyble swearyng as is vsed in Englande, specyally 
amonge youth & chyldren, which is a detestable thyng to here it, and no man 
doth go aboute to punysshe it." 

p. 131. Swearing. It was the fashion for gallants, not only to swear 
generally all round, but for each to have oaths special to himself. In Ben 
Jonson's Every Man out of his Humour (1599), I. i., Works, i. 73, " be sure you 
mix yourself still with such as flourish in the spring of the fashion, and are 
least popular [= vulgar] : study their carnage and behaviour in all; learn to 
play at primero and passage ; and even [when you lose] have two or three 
peculiar oaths to swear by, that no man else swears." And in Every Man in his 
flumour, I. iii, Cob says : " Well, should they do so much to me, I'd forswear 
them all, by the foot of Pharaoh ! There's an oath ! How many water-bearers 
shall you hear swear such an oath ? O, I have a guest [Bobadil] he teaches me 
he does swear the legiblest of any man christened : ' By St. George ! the foot 
of Pharaoh ! the body of me ! as I am a gentleman and a soldier ! ' such dainty 
oaths!" Ben Jonson's Works, i. 12. 

' // iure comme vn Gentilhomme. He sweares after a thousand pound a yeare.' 
// iure comme vn Abbe [viz. extreamly], chartier ; gentilhomme ; prelat [A 
Huguenot's comparison]. Like a Tinker, say we.' 1611. Cotgrave. 

Notes on pp. 133, 135. Swearing. 295 

"Old Jack of Paris-garden, canst thou get 
A faire rich sute, though fouly run in debt ? 
Looke smug, smell sweet, take up commodities, 
Keepe whores, fee bauds, belch impious blasphemies, 
Wallow along in swaggering disguise, 
Snuflfe up smoak-whiffs, and each morne, 'fore she rise, 
Visit thy drab ? Canst use a false cut die 
With a cleane grace and glib facilitie ? 
Canst thunder common oathes, like th' rattling 
Of a huge, double, full-charg'd culvering ? 
Then, Jack, troupe among our gallants, kisse thy fist, 
And call them brothers." 

I S99- J n - Marston, Scourge of Villanie, Works, 1856, iii. 295 ; and see on 
p. 281 : 

" What, meanst thou him that in his swaggering slops . 
Wallowes unbraced, all along the streete ? . . 

What ! that ringo roote ! 

Means't that wasted leg, puffe bumbast boot ? 
What, he that's drawne and quartered with lace ; 
That Westphalian gamon clove-stuck face ? 
Why, he is nought but huge blaspheming othes, 
Swart snout, big looks, mishapen Switzers clothes. 
Weake meager lust hath now consumed quite, 
And wasted cleane away his martiall spright ; 
Infeebling riot, all vices' confluence, 
Hath eaten out that sacred influence 
Which made him man." 

p. 133, 11. I, 2. Christes blessed bodie, no parte thereof shalbe left untornc, 
" Our blisful Lordes body thay to-tere." 
CHAUCER, Pardoneres Tale, 1. 12. Bell's ed. iii. 73. S. 
R. Copland says of the Beggars at their Suppers in Henry VIH's time, ab. 
I S3 2 -5> Hye Way to the Spyttel Hous, Hazlitt's Pop. Poetry, iv. 43 : 

" And there they reuell as vnthryfty braggers, 
With horyble othes swerynge as they were wood, [By Gods] 
Armes, nayles, woundes, herte, soule, and blood, 
Deth, fote, masse, flesshe, bones, lyfe, and body, 
With all other wordes of blasphemy, 
Bostynge them all in dedes of theyr myschefe, 
And thus passe the tyme wz'th daunce, hore, pipe, thefe. 
The hang-man shall lede the daunce at the ende, 
For none other ways they do not pretende. " 

p. 135, 1. 9. There was a certaine yong man dwellyng in Enlocnilshire, &c. 
A copy of Stubbes's poem here referrd to, is in the Lambeth Library, and was 
reprinted in the old Shakespeare Society's Papers, 1849, iv. 73-88. See my 
Forewords above. 

296 Notes on p. 136. Sunday bear baiting, &c. 

p. 136, 1. 13. Therewas also a woman in the Citie ofMunidnol [= Londinum\ 
S*c> " The 1 1. of February, Anne Aueries, widow, for swearing her selfe for a litle 
money that she should haue paid for sixe pound of towe, at a shop in Woodstreete 

*57 6 - u f London, fell immediatly downe speechlesse, casting vp at her 
eth penury, mouth in great abundance, and with horrible stinke, the same matter 
which by natures course should haue bene voided downewards, till she died : a 
terrible example of Gods iust iudgement vpon such as make no conscience of 
falsly swearing against their brother." Stow's Annales, ed. 1605, p. 1152. S. 


p. 136. Keeping of Sunday (the Christian) as identified with the Sabbath 

As to Stage-playes, see the extract from Gosson's Schoole of Abuse under 
Theatres, below. As to Fairs and Markets, Harrison, I, p. 344, and the passage, 
ab. 1584, quoted by Mr. J. M. Cowper in his Crowley's Select Works, E. E. T. 
Soc., 1872, p. xxiv : 

"Go to alehouses on the Saboth daies: there is as well sold all kinde of 
loosenesse as vitayles. Go to Greenes : there is myrth that would wounde a 
Christian mans heart with heauinesse. Goe to Fayres : there is a shewe and 
traffike, as well of all lewdnesse as of wares. Yea, goe to all other places, both 
in City and countrey ; and what shall you see, but so many euils that prouoke 
God to the powryng forth of most fearefull iudgements, the Theaters, Parish 
garden, Tauernes, streetes, fieldes, all full and prophanely occupied, and this 
chiefly on the Saboth day." The Vnlawfull Practises Of Prelates Against Godly 
Ministers, &c., sign. B 3, back. See p. 310, below. 

Crowley himself says in his One and thyrtye Epigrammes, 1550 (ed. 1872, 

p. 9) : 

" How hallow they the Saboth, that do the tyme spende 

In drynkinge and idlenes tyll the daye be at an ende, 128 

Not so well as he doeth, that goeth to the plowe, 
Or pitcheth vp the sheues from the carte to the mowe." 132 

And at p. 16-17 " of Bearbaytynge," he writes : 

" What follye is thys, to kepe wyth daunger 

A greate mastyfe dogge and a foule ouglye beare? 376 

And to thys onely ende to se them two fyght 

Wyth terrible tearynge : a full ougly syght. 380 

And yet me thynke those men be mooste foles of all, 
Whose store of money is but verye smale, 384 

And yet euerye Sondaye they will surely spende 
One penye or two, the bearwardes lyuyng to mende. 388 

At Paryse garden, eche Sunday e, a man shall not fayle 
To fynde two or thre hundredes for the bearwardes vaile. 392 

One halpenye a piece they vse for to giue, 
When some haue no more in their purse, I belieue." 396 

Notes on p. 136-7. Sunday Dancing and Baiting. 297 

So too Arthur Golding, in his ' Discourse upon the Earthquake ' on April 6, 
1580 : " The Saboth dayes and holy dayes, ordayned for the . . speciall occupy 
ing of our selves in all spirituall exercizes, is spent full heathenishly in tavernmg, 
tipling, gaming, playing, and beholding of Beare-baytings and Stage-playes, to 
the utter dyshonor of God, impeachment of all godlynesse, and unnecessarie 
consuming of mennes substances, which ought- to be better employed." (From 
Collier's Stationers* Registers, ii. 118, and my Captain Cox, p. 68.) 

The Dancing on Sunday had Queen Elizabeth's countenance. This is how 
Sunday, July 10, 1575, was spent at Kenilworth, during Leicester's entertain 
ment of the Queen there : 

' On Sunday : the forenoon occupied (az for the Sabot day) in quiet and 
vacation from woork, & in diuine seruis & preaching at the parish church : 
The afternoon in excelent muzik of sundry swet instruments, and in daunting of 
Lordes and Ladiez, and oother woorshipfull degrees, vttered with such liuely 
agilitee & commendabl grace, az, whither it moought be more straunge too the 
eye, or pleazunt too the minde, for my part indeed I coold not discern : but 
exceedingly well waz it (me thought) in both." P. 12 of my edition of Captain 
Cox, or Lanehanfs Letter, Ballad Soc. 1871. 

Laneham's capital description of the bearbaiting at Kenilworth (ib> p. 16-17) 
is well known, but J. Hooker's lifting of part of it "It waz a sport very 
plezaunt" to " a goodly releef" bodily into his continuation of Holinshed's 
Chronicle, ed. 1587, vol. iii. p. 1582, col. I, I have not seen noted. 

p. 137. Beare bay ting on tJie Saboth day. 

" What else but gaine and Money gote 

maintaines each Saboth day 
The bayting of the Beare and Bull ? 

What brings this brutish play ? 
What is the cause that it is borne, 

and not controlled ought, 
Although the same of custome be 

on holy Saboth wrought ? 
Now sure I thinke tys gaine or spite 

gainst good and godly lyfe." 

1569, E. Hake. Newes out oj Pffwles Churchy arde, sign. E. 6, back, ed. 1579. 

The Sabbath day, says Kethe's Sermon at Blandford, 1570, "the multitude 
call their revelying day ; which day is spent in bulbeatings, bearebeatings, bowl 
ings, dicyng, cardyng, daunsynges, drunkennes and whoredome . . in so much 
as men could not keepe their servauntes from lyinge out of theyr owne houses the 
same sabbath-day at night." Hazlitt's Brand, i. 158, note I. See p. 301 below. 

p. 137. What comes of being at Church when you ought to be at Bear-baiting. 
" Of sayeng seruice, quod I, this is much like as at Beuerlay late, whaw much of 
the people beyng at a bere baytyng, the church fell sodeinly down at euensonge 
tyme, and ouer whelmed some that than were in it : a good felow, that after 
herde the tale tolde, ' lo quod he, now maie you see what it is to be at euen- 
song whan ye should be at the bere baytynge.' How be it, the hurt was not ther 
in beinge at euensonge, but in that the churche was falsely wrought." Sir T. 
More (died 1535), Works, p. 208, ed. 1557. R. Roberts. 

Compare Dr. M. Busch's Bismarck in the Franco-German War, 1870-1, i. 
221-2 (1879) : 

"And the 'keeping holy the Sabbath-day,' said the Chief [Bismarck], that 

298 Notes on p. 137. Sunday Bearbaitings, &c. 

is a perfectly horrible tyranny. I remember, when I first went to England, and 
landed in Hull, that I began to whistle in the street. An Englishman, whom I 
had got acquainted with on board, told me that I must not whistle. ' Pray, sir, 
do not whistle ! ' ' Why not ; is whistling forbidden here ? ' ' No, ' said he, ' it 
is not forbidden ; but it is the Sabbath ! ' This so disgusted me that I at once 
took my ticket by another steamer going to Edinburgh, [out of the frying-pan into 
the fire, eh ?] as I did not choose not to be able to whistle when I had a mind to." 

p. 137. Bearbaiting, & 3 c., on Sundays. See the Act I Car. I [A.D. 1625], 
Ch. I. An Acte for punishing of divers abuses committed on the Lordly day 
called Sunday. " Forasmuch as . . the holy keeping of the Lordly day is a 
principall part of the true Service of God, which in very many places of this 
Realme hath beene and now is pn>faned and neglected by a disorderlie sort of 
people, in exercising and frequenting Bearebaiting, Bullbaiting, Enterludes, 
common Playes, and other unlawfull exercises and pastimes uppon the Lordly 
day ; And for that many quarrelkr, bloodshedd^r and other great inconueniences 
have growen by the resort and concourse of people going out of their owne 
Parishes to such disordered and unlawfull exercises and pastimes, neglecting 
Divine service both in their own Parishes and elsewhere ; Be it enacted . . that 
from and after fortie dayes next after the end of this Session of Parliament there 
shalbe no meetings assemblies or concourse of people out of their owne Parishes 
on the Lordly day within this Realme of England, or any the Dominions thereof, 
for any sports or pastimes whatsoever ; nor any Bearebaiting, Bullbaiting, 
Enterludes, common Playes or other unlawfull exercises or pastimes used by any 
person or persons within their owne Parishes, and that every person and persons 
offending in any the pranisses, shall forfeit for every offence three shillings foure 
pence, The same to be employed and converted to the use of the poore of the 
Parish where such offence shall be committed ..." (This Act was confirmd 
and continued by later ones.) 

p. 137. Prophanation of the Sabot h. 

About 1542, says Henry Brinklow, Complaynt of Roderick Mors, E. E. T. 
Soc., 1874, p. 62-3, after the Latin service, "the people depart the church as 
empty of all sprytual knowledge as thei came thether. And the rest of the day 
thei spend in all wanton and vnlawful gamys, as dyse, cardys, dalyeng with 
wemen, dansing, and such lyke." The fact that Sunday amusements were 
inheritances from Popery, no doubt made them doubly offensive to the Reformers 
and the Puritans. 

22 July 1566 22 July 1567. 

lacye Recevyd of Alexandre lacye for his lycense for pryntinge of a 

ballett the abuse of ' y* sabooth of the lorde &c/ .... iiij d 
Arber's Transcript of the Stationers Registers, i. 328. 

(1578-9.) 28 February. 

Jhon hynde Lycenced vnto him vnder thandes of the wardens ij ballades, 
thone Dialogewise betwene William Wax-wise and Walter 
Wold-be- wanton concerning thabuse of the Sabothe Daye. thother 
the lamentacon of a synner troubled in conscyence . . . viij d 

(Ib. ii. 348.) 

Notes on p. 137. Sunday Fairs, &c. 299 

"For further proof whereof, I call towitnesse the Theaters [Burbage's], Cur- 
tines [in Shoreditch] Heauing 1 houses, Rifling boothes, Bowling alleyes, and 
such places, where the time is so shamefully mispent, namely [= specially] the 
Sabaoth dales, vnto the great dishonor of God, and the corruption and vtter 
distinction of youth." 1579. T. F., Newts from the North, ed. 1585, sign. F 4, 
quoted in my Thynne's Animadversions, E. E. T. Soc., 1875, p. cxxxv. (Mr. 
Collier absurdly attributed the Newes to Francis Thynne.j 

God worst "And trust me, I am of that opinion, that the Lord is neuer so il 
Sabbotk dales serued as on the holie-daies. For then hel breakes loose. Then 
wee permit our youth to haue their swinge ; and when they are out of the sight 
of their maisters, such gouernment haue they of themselues, that what by il com- 
panie they meete withal, & il examples they learne at plaies, I feare me, I 
feare me, their harts are more alienated in two houres from virtue, than againe 
maie wel be amended in a whole yeare." 1580. A second and third blast of 
ret rait from plaies and Theaters (ed. Hazlitt, 1869), p. 135. 

Fairs. Harrison, in Part II. p. 101, complains that the "paltrie fairs . . 
tendeth to the corruption of youth . . whereby they often spend, not onelie the 
weeke daies, but also the Lords sabbaoth in great vanitie and riot." See too 
the notes on p. 152, &c., that follow below. 

Fairs &* Markets on Sundays. Compare the then expired Act, 22 Hen. 
VI. cap. 5 (englisht). "Considering the abominable Injuries and Offences 
done to Almighty God, and to his Saints, always Aiders and singular Assisters in 
our Necessities, because of Fairs and Markets upon their high and principal 
Feasts, as in the Feast of the Ascension of our Lord ... in the Day of Whit 
sunday, in Trinity Sunday, with other Sundays . . and on Good Friday 
accustomably and miserably holden and used in the Realm of England ; in 
which principal and festival Days, for great earthly Covetise, the People is wil 
fully more vexed, and in bodily Labour toiled, than in other ferial Days, as in 
fastening and making their Booths and Stalls, bearing and carrying, lifting and 
placing their Wares outward and homeward, as though they did nothing remember 
the horrible Defiling of their Souls in buying and selling, with many deceitful 
Lyes, and false Perjury, with Drunkenness and Strifes, and so specially with 
drawing themselves and their Servants from divine Service : the . . King . . 
hath ordained That all Manner of Fairs and Markets in the said principal Feasts 
and Sundays, and Good-Friday, shall clearly cease from all shewing of any 
Goods or Merchandises, necessary Victual only except, upon Pain of Forfeiture 
of all the Goods aforesaid . . the Four Sundays in Harvest except . . ." 

Sabbath Doings. See in 1579, T. F.'s Newes from the North. Cap. 14. .. 
"For I haue partely shewed you heer, what leaue and libertie the common people, 
namely 2 youth, haue to follow their own lust and desire in all wantonnes and 
dessolution of life. For further proof wherof, I call to witnesse the Theaters, 

1 Robbing: "toheuea bough, to robbe or rifle a boeweth [booth]." 1567- 
J. Harman, Caueat : Rogues, their pelting Speche : p. 84, E. E. T. Soc., 1869. 

2 specially. 

300 Notes on pp. 139, 141. Keeping of Sunday. 

Curtines 1 , Heauing houses, Rifling boothes, Bowling alleyes, and such places, v 
where the time is so shamefuly mispent, namely 2 the Sabaoth daies, vnto the 
great dishonor of God, and the corruption and vtter distruction of youth " (ed. 
1585, sign. F. 4). With other extracts, in my edition of F. Thynne's Animad 
versions, p. cxxxv. 

" But what is he that may not on the Sabbath-day attend to hear God's word, 
But he will rather run to bowls, sit at the alehouse, than one hour afford, 
Telling a tale of Robin Hood, sitting at cards, playing at skittles, or some 

other vain thing, 

That I fear God's vengeance on our heads it will bring." 
1584. The Three Ladies of London. Hazlitt's Dodsley's Old Plays, vi. 28. 

p. 139, 1. 13. it chaunced that a certaine Jeiue." In this yere [43 Hen III.] 
fell that happe of the Jewe of Tewkysbury, whiche fell into a gonge vppon the 
Saterdaye, and wolde not for reuerence of his sabbot day be plucked out ; 
wherof heryng the Erie of Glouceter, that the Jewe dyd so great reuerence to 
hys sabbot daye, thought he wolde do as myche to his holydaye, whych was 
Sondaye, and so kept hym there tyll Monday, at which season he was found dede." 
Fabyan. Quoted in Prompt. Parv., s. v. Goonge. According to Munster (Cos 
mography, bk. III. p. 738, ed. 1550) this happened in Germany in 1270. Respect 
for the Sabbath made the Jews reject their unfortunate brother's entreaties to 
be released. Munster says that it was Conrad, bishop of Magdeburg, earl of 
Sternenberg, " Judaeis multuw fuit infestus," who indulged in this vile jest, 
which the Jew seems to have survived. S. 

p. 141, I. 7 from foot. Theopompus mingled Moyses law with his writinges. 
He [Demetrius Phalereus] told him [Ptolemy Philadelphus] that "Theopompus 
was desirous of writing somewhat about them [the Jewish laws], but was thereupon 
disturbed in his mind for above thirty days' time ; and upon some intermission of 
his distemper, he appeased God [by prayer] as suspecting that his madness pro 
ceeded from that cause. Nay, indeed, he further saw a dream, that his distemper 
befel him while he indulged too great a curiosity about divine matters, and was 
desirous of publishing them among common men ; but when he left off that 
attempt, he recovered his understanding again. Moreover he informed him of 
Tlieodectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it was reported, that when, in a 
certain dramatic representation, he was desirous to make mention of things that 
were contained in the sacred books, he was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes ; 
and that upon his being conscious of the occasion of his distemper, and appeas 
ing God [by prayer], he was freed from that affliction." Whiston's Josephus, 
Antiq. XII. ii. 13, vol. ii. p. 148, ed. 1818. S. 

1 See note for p. 144 on p. 304 below. 2 specially. 

Notes on pp. 140 146. Theatres, Players. 301 


p. 140, &c. Stage- Plays, Bearbaiting, &>c., on Sundays. 

" The Sabboth days and holy days ordained for the hearing of God's word to 
the reformation of our lives, for the administration and receiving of the Sacra 
ments to our comfort, for the seeking of all things behooveful for body or soul at 
God's hand by Prayer, for the minding of his benefits, and to yield praise and 
thanks unto him for the same, and finally, for the special occupying of ourselves 
in all spiritual exercises, is spent full heathenishly, in taverning, tippling, gaming, 
playing and beholding of Bear-baiting and Stage plays to the utter dishonour of 
God, impeachment of all godliness, and unnecessary consuming of men's sub 
stances which ought to be better employed." Liturgical Services, time of Queen 
Elizabeth, p. 574, Parker Soc. 

p. 144. Theaters & curtens. James Burbage's " Theatre" in Finsbury 
Fields, near Bishopsgate St., built ab. 1577, and said to have been the first 
regular theatre built (but see Harrison, I, Appendix I to Forewords, p. liv), 
and the Curtain, built before 1579, in or near the present Curtain Road close by. 

p. 140-6. Here are a few extracts from a rare tract in the Lambeth Library, 
made before Mr. Hazlitt reprinted it in his Roxburghe Library (1869), English 
Drama and Stage, 1543-1664. 

"A second and third blast 1 / of ret rait from plates] and Theatres:/ the one 
whereof was sounded by a r<?-/uerend Byshop dead long since 2 ;/ the other by a 
worshipful and] zealous Gentleman/ now aliue :/ One showing the filthiness of 
plaies in/ times past ; the other the abhomination of/ Theaters in the time present :/ 
both expresly prouing that the Common-weale is/ nigh vnto the cursse of God ; 
\f\\e.r&-lineitherplaiersbemadeof, or I Theaters ma.m-/tained./ Set forth by Anglo 
phile Eutheo. / Ephes. 5, verse 15, i6./ Take heede therefore that ye walke circum- 
spectlie, not I as vnwise, but as wise, redeeming the time,\ because the daics are euil./ 
Allowed by auctoritie/ 1580 

"Evils of travelling players. Since the reteining of these Caterpillers [Players], 
the credite of Noble men hath decaied, & they are thought to be couetously per 
mitting their seruants, which cannot Hue of thewselues, and whome, for neerenes 
they wil not maintaine, to liue at the deuotion or almes of other men, 
bold passing from countrie to countrie, 3 from one Gentlemans house to another, 
beggers. o ff erm g their seruice, which is a kind of beggerie. Who in deede, to 
speake more trulie, are become beggers for their seruants. For cowmonlie 
the goodwil men beare to their Lordes, makes them drawe the stringes of their 
purses to extend their liberalitie to them, where otherwise they would not. 

" By such infamous persons much time is lost ; and manie daies of honest trauel 
are turned into vaine exercises. Wherein is learned nothing but abuse ; poore men 

1 Gosson's Schoole of Abuse was the first. 

2 Salviano, Bp. of Massilia, ab. 470. De Gubernatione Dei, bk. vi, 

3 county to county. 

302 Notes on p. 146. Theatres, Satan s Chapels. 

lining on their handie labor, are by them trained vnto vnthriftines ; schoolers, 
by their gaudes are allured from their studies. 

"Thus the people are robbed ; youth corrupted ; the Sabboth prophaned : and 
of all these euils, who are counted the vpholders, but the Noble, who of right 
Traiane the should establish the lawe of the Roman Traiane, who commanded 
Emperor. t ^ a t n o plaier, iester, nor iugler, should be admitted in his Common- 
weale to pick the purses of his subiects, but that they should either learne some 
occupation to mainteine themselues in their owne houses, or otherwise be 
banished out of Rome. But now, such like men, vnder the title of their maisters, 
or as reteiners, are priuiledged to roaue abroad, and permitted to publish their 
Temples mametree l in euerie Temple of God, and that throughout England, 
with plates, vnto the horrible contempt of praier. So that now the Sanctuarie is 
become a plaiers stage, and a den of theeues and adulterers." p. 75-8. A second 
and third blast of relrait from plaies and Theaters, 1580. 

" Whosoeuer shal visit the chappel of Satan, I meane the Theater, shal finde 
Theaters the there no want of yong ruffins, nor lacke of harlots, vtterlie past al 
Satan. * ' shame : who presse to the fore-frunt of the scaffoldes, to the end to 
showe their impudencie, and to be as an obiect to al mens eies. 8 Yea, such is 
their open shameles behauior, as euerie man may perceaue by their wanton 
gestures, wherevnto they are giuen ; yea, they seeme there to be like brothels of 
The open the stewes. For often, without respect of the place, and company which 
f harlots benold them, they commit that filthines openlie, which is horrible to 
at plaies, be done in secret ; as if whatsoeuer they did, were warranted. For 
neither reuerence, iustice, nor anie thing beside, can gouerne them " (ed. Hazlitt, 

P- 139). 

Against (p- no.) " As I haue had a saieng to these versi-fieng Plaie-makers, 

training vp go must j iik ew i se deale with shameles inactors. When I see by 

oj bates to .... . . 

plaies. them yong boies, inclining of themselues vnto wickednes, trained 

vp in filthie speeches, vnnatural and vnseemlie gestures, to be brought vp by 
(p. in) these Schoolemasters in bawderie, and in idlenes, I cannot chuse, but 
with teares and griefe of hart lament. 

" O with what delight can the father behold his sonne bereft of shamefastnes, 
Plaiers the & trained vp to impudencie ! How proane are they of themselues, 
schoolemaisters and apt to receiue instruction of their lewde teachers, which are the 
schoolTof e Schoolemasters of sinne in the schoole of abuse ! what do they 
abuse. teach them, I praie you, but to foster mischiefe in their youth, that 

it maie alwaies abide in them, and in their age bring them sooner vnto hel ? 

" And as for those stagers themselues, are they not commonlie such kind of men 
Disposition in their conuersation, as they are in profession ? Are they not as 
"for^hTmost vari - a bl e ^ n hart, as they are in their partes ? are they (p. 112) not 
part. good practisers of Bawderie as inactors ? Liue they not in such sort 

1 maumetrie, idolatry. 

2 Cp. the ironical Actors Remonstrance in 1643: "we shall for the future 
promise never to admit into our six-penny-roomes those unwholesome inticing 
Harlots that sit there meerely to be taken up by Prentizes or Lawyers Clerks, nor 
any female of what degree soever, except they come lawfully with their husbands 
or neere allies." (Hazlitt, ib. p. 65.) 

Notes on p. 146. Players, infamous folk. 303 

themselues, as they giue precepts vnto others ? doth not their talke on the stage 
Platers can declare the nature of their disposition ? doth not euerie one take that 
not better p ar j- w hich is proper to his kind ? doth not the Ploughmans tong 
than to the walke of his plough j the Sea-faring man of his mast, cable, and 
ante ton. ga ^ e . ^ g^ier o f ^is harnes, speare, and shield ; & bawdie mates 
of bawdie matters ? Aske them, if in their laieng out of their partes, they choose 
not those partes which is most agreeing to their inclination, and that they can 
best discharge ? And looke what euerie of them doth most delight in, that he 
can best handle to the contentment of others. If it be a roisting, bawdie, and 
lasciuious part, wherein are vnseemelie (p. 113) speeches, & that they make choise 
of them as best answering, & proper to their manner of plaie : maie we not 
saie, by how much he exceedes in his gesture, he delightes himselfe in his part ? 
& by so much it is pleasing to his disposition and nature ? If (it be his nature) 
to be a bawdie plaier, & he delight in such filthie & cursed actions, shal we not 
thinke him in his life to be more disordered, and to abhor virtue ? . . . . 

" If the good life of a man be a better instruction to repentance than the tong, or 
words, why do not plaiers, I beseech you, leaue examples of goodnes to their pos- 
teritie ? But which of them is so zealous, or so tendereth his owne saluatiow that 
he doth amend himselfe in those pointes, which, as they saie, others should take 
heede of ? Are they not notoriouslie known to be those men in their life abroade, 
as they are on the stage, roisters, brallers, il-dealers, bosters, louers, loiterers, 
ruffins ? So that they are alwaies exercised in plaieng their parts, and practising 
wickednes ; making that an art, to the end they might the better gesture it in their 
partes. For who can better plaie the ruffin thaw a verie ruffian ? who better the 
Chiefe end l uer > t ^ ian ^ e Y w ^ 10 ma ^ e ^ a common exercise ? To conclude, the 
of piaies. principal end of all their interludes is, to feede the world with (p. 116) 
infamous sights & fond pastimes ; to wriggle in good earnest the monie out of 
persons other mens purses into their owne hands. What shall I saie ? They 
are infamous men." (End of the Blast extracts. ) 

"Those also haue offended in wantonnesse, that giue themselues libertie 
to be present at, and see, such things as bee practises of wantonnesse, as 
stage-playes y which serue for nothing but to nourish filthinesse ; and where they 
are most vsed, there filthinesse is most practised ; where the man is cloathed 
with womans apparell ; and that ordinarily is put in vse, which the Lord 
condemneth as an hainous abomination. Deut. (22. 5.) This is a way to 
breede confusion of sexes, and it is a plaine belying of the sexe." 1615. [R. 
Cleaver] Exposition of the Ten Commandments, p. 299. 

On the ' light-taylde huswiues' at the Globe in 1600, see John Lane in my 
Tell-Troth volume, 1876, p. 133, and the note on p. 199; also Harrison, Pt. I. 
p. Ixxix, Ixxx. 

"as enterlude-plaiers, you shal now see them on the stage, play a King, an 
Emperor, or a Duke ; but they are no sooner off the stage, but they are base 
rascals, vagabond abjects, and porterly hirelings, which is their naturall and 
originall condition." 1603. J. Florio, Montaignes Essayes (French, 1580), ed. 
1634, p. 140. 

" Players shal haue libertie to be as famous in pride and idlenes, as they are 
dissolute in liuing, and as best in their marriages for communitie, as vnhappie in 

304 Notesonpp. 144 147. Men and girls at Theatres. 

their choyces for honesty." 1606. Anthony Nixon, The Black Yeare, C 3. 
" There shall be also as much strife among Players, who shall haue the greatest 
Auditory, as is warre among the foure knaues at Gardes, for superioritie. " Ib. B 
2, back. 

p. 144, at foot. Gosson has an amusing passage in his Schoole of Abuse, 1579 
(old Shakesp. Soc., 1841, p. 25), on men's behaviour to girls at the theatre or 
play-house, and their making it a place for picking one another up on Sundays : 

"In our assemblies at playes in London, you shall see suche heaving and 
shooving, suche ytching and shouldering, to sytte by women ; suche care for their 
garments that they be not trode on ; suche eyes to their lappes, that no chippes 
lighte in them ; such pillowes to their backes, that they take no hurte : suche 
masking in their eares, I know not what ; suche geving them pippins l to passe 
the time ; such playing at foote saunt without cardes ; such ticking, such toying, 
such smiling, such winking, and such manning them home when the sportes are 
ended, that it is a right comedie to marke their behaviour, to watch their con- 
ceates, as the catte for the mouse, and as good as a course at the game it selfe, to 
dogge them a little, or follow aloofe by the printe of their feete, and so discover 
by slotte where the deare taketh soyle. 

"If this were as well noted as il scene, or as openly punished as secretely 
practised, I have no doubt but the cause woulde be seared, to drye up the effect, 
and these prettie rabbets verye cunninglie ferretted from their borrowes. For 
they that lacke customers all the weeke, either because their haunt is unknowen, 
or the constables and officers of their parish watch them so narrowly that they 
dare not queatche, to celebrate the Sabboth, flocke too theaters, and there keepe 
a generall market of bawdrie. Not that any filthinesse, in deede, is committed 
within the compasse of that ground, as was once done in Rome, but that every 
wanton and [his] paramour, everye man and his mistresse, every John and his 
Joane, every knave and his queane, are there first acquainted, and cheapen the 
inarchandise in that place, which they pay for else where, as they can agree. 
These wormes, when they dare not nestle in the pescod at home, find refuge 
abrode, and ar hidde in the eares of other mens corne." 

p. 144-5. playhouse. See chapter vi. of Dekker's Guls Hornbook, 1609, 
" How a Gallant should behave himself in a Playhouse." 


p. 146. Lords of Misrule. See Brand's Popular Antiquities, ed. Ellis, 1841, 
i. 272-8 (Stubbs is the chief authority), and ed. Hazlitt, 1870, i. 272-281 : the 
latter has several valuable fresh extracts. 

p. 147. Lords of Misrule in the Churchyard. 

"Whether the minister and churchwardens have suffered any lords of misrule 
or summer lords or ladies, or any disguised persons, or others, in Christmas or 

1 See the extract from Gosson's Playes confuted (ab. 1580) in Harrison, Pt. I. 
p. Ixxx : ' they give them pippines ; they dally with their garments,' &c. 

Notes on pp. 148, 149. May-games. 305 

at May-games, or any morris-dancers, or at any other times, to come unreverently 
into the church or churchyard, and there to dance or play any unseemly parts, 
with scoffs, jests, wanton gestures or ribald talk, namely {= specially] in the time 
of Common Prayer. . . ." 1576. Arch-Bishop Grindal, Articles for the 
Province of Canterbury i Remains^ p. 175, Parker Soc. 1843. 

" . . . . that their churches and chapels be kept clean and decently, that 
they be not loathsome to any, either by dust, sand, gravel, or any filth ; and 
that there be no feasts, dinners, or common drinking kept in the Church ; and 
that the Church-yard be well fenced, and cleanly kept, and that no folks be suf 
fered to dance in the same." 1571-2. Bishop Grindal, Injunctions at York for 
the Laity, Remains, 1843, p. 135. 

p. 148-9. Maie games. See the latter part of the extract from Northbrooke, 
in the note for p. 155, below, p. 314. Compare Herrick's kindlier account: 
" Come, my Corinna, come ; and comming, marke 
How each field turns a street ; each street a parke 
Made green, and trimm'd with trees : see how 
Devotion gives each house a bough, 
Or branch : each porch, each doore, ere this, 
An arke, a tabernacle is 
Made up of white-thorn neatly enterwove ; 
As if here were those cooler shades of love. 
Can such delights be in the street, 
And open fields, and we not see't ? 
Come, we'll abroad ; and let's obay 
The proclamation made for May : 
And sin no more, as we have done, by staying ; 
But, my Corinna, come, let's goe a Maying. 
There's not a budding boy, or girle, this day, 
But is got up, and gone to bring in May. 
A deale of youth, ere this, is come 
Back, and with White- thorn laden home. 
Some have dispatcht their cakes and creame, 
Before that we have left to dreame : 
And some have wept, and woo'd, and plighted troth, 
And chose their priest, ere we can cast off sloth : 
Many a green-gown has been given ; 
Many a kisse, both odde and even : 
Many a glance too has been sent 
From out the eye, love's firmament : 
Many a jest told of the keyes betraying 
This night, and locks pickt, yet w'are not a Maying." 

HerrkVs Hesperides (1869), p. 70. 

I remember getting up before sunrise, forty years ago, on the First of May 
and eight succeeding mornings, and washing my face in dew to take away 
freckles, for which washing in May-dew nine mornings together was said to be a 
cure. R. Roberts. 


306 Notes on pp. 149, 150. May games, &c. 

p. 149. Maygnmes. Stafford, in l$8l, says that these, and wakes, revels, 
wagers at wrestling, &c., had been ' layde downe now', p. 16 of my N. Sh. Soc. 
edition. He can have meant only ' partly disused. ' 

"Littlewit. He was a baker, sir, but he does dream now, and see visions j 
he has given over his trade. 

Qiiarlous. I remember that too : out of a scruple he took that, in spiced 
conscience, those cakes he made, were served to bridales, maypoles, morrices, and 
such profane feasts and meetings. His Christian name is Zeal-of-the-land." 
1614. Ben Jonson, Bartholomew Fair, I. i. ; Works, ed. Cunningham, ii. 152, 
col. i. 

"Well, syr, after theez horsmen, a liuely morisdauns^ according too the 
auncient manner, six daunserz, Mawdmarion, and the fool." 1575. Laneham's 
Letter, p. 22 of my edition. 

p. 150. Church- Ales, or Whitsun-Ales. See Brand's Pop. Antiq. i. 157-161, 
ed. Ellis, 1841, and ed. Hazlitt, 1870, i. 156-172. 'For Scot-Ales, Give- Ales, 
Sect-Ales, Bride- Ales, Clerk- Ales, &c., see Archceologia, xii. 11-17.' 

Church- Ales on Sundays : ' by an order made in July, 1595, at a Sessions held 
in the Chapter House . . It is declared that all " Church or parish ales, revels, 
May- games, plays, and such other unlawful assemblies of the people of sundry 
parishes unto one parish on the Sabbath day and other times, is a special cause 
that many disorders, contempts of law, and other enormities are there perpetrated 
and committed, to the great profanation of the Lord's ' Saboth,' the dishonour of 
Almighty God, increase of bastardy, and of dissolute life, and of very many other 
mischiefs and inconveniences, to the great hurt of the commonwealth." It is 
therefore ordered that these assemblies shall be abolished on the Sabbath ; that 
there shall be no drink "used, kept or uttered" upon the Sabbath, at any time 
of the day, nor upon any holiday or festival in the time of divine service or 
preaching of the Word ; nor at any time in the night season ; nor yet that there 
shall be " any Mynstralsy of any sort, Dauncying, or suche wanton Dallyances," 
used at the said May-games,' &c. 'In January 1599, the justices took a long 
step further, and having discovered that many inconveniences "which with 
modestie cannot be expressed," had happened in consequence of these gatherings, 
they ordered that parish ales, church ales, and revels should thenceforth be 
utterly suppressed. A market which had been held on the " Saboth" at East 
Budleigh, was also abolished.' 1878. A. H. A. Hamilton, Quarter Sessions 
from Q. Elizabeth to Q. Anne, p. 28-9. 

And under James I ' An order of Easter 1607 declares that church ales, 
parish ales, young men's ales, clerks' ales, sextons' ales, and all revels, are to be 
utterly suppressed. Yet we find as late as 1622 that the war against them was 
still being carried on.' Ib. p. 73. 

"An other sorte of blynde shauelings . . preache muche holynes and Gods 
seruice to stande in their holy oyle / holy creame / holy water / holy asshes / hal- 

1 See Gifford's Ben Jonson, Vol. i, pp. 50, 51, 52, and ChappelFs Popular 
Music, pp. 130135. W. C. 

Notes on p. 150. Ale-drinking, &c. 307 

lowed bedes / mumblynge of a numbre of psalmes in Laten / keepinge of church 
ales, in the whiche, with leappynge / daunsynge / and kyssyng / they maynteyne the 
profett of their churche (to the honoure of God, as they both saye and thyncke)." 
. A Supplication to . . Kynge Henry the Eyght. E. E. T. Soc. 1871, p. 41. 

p. 150. Ale sold in Churches, &c. 

" Item, whether upon the holy-days there be kept in the Church or Church 
yard any market, buying or selling, with such doings as becometh neither the 
day nor the place." ? Ab. 1550. Bishop Hooper, Injunctions (?) in his Later 
Writings (Parker Soc. ), p. 142. 

" Item, that the churchwardens do not permit any buying, selling, gaming, 
outrageous noises, tumult, or any other idle occupying of youth, in the church, 
church-porch or church -yard, during the time of common prayer, sermon, or 
reading of the homily." ? Ab. 1550. Bishop Hooper, Later Writings (Parker 
Soc.), p. 129. 

"Ye shall not keep, or suffer to be kept, in your parsonage or vicarage 
houses, any alehouses, tippling-houses, or taverns, nor shall sell ale, beer or 
wine." . . . 1571-2. Bishop Grindal, Injunctions at York for the Clergy, p. 
130, Parker Society. 

"The Churchwardens shall not suffer any pedler, or others whatsoever, to set 
out any wares to sale, either in the porches of churches or in the church-yards, 
nor any where else on holy days or Sundays, while any part of divine service is 
in doing, or while any sermon is in preaching." 1571-2. Bishop Grindal, 
Injunctions at York for the Laity, Remains, p. 138, Parker Society. 

p. 150, 1. 19. Hufcap. See Harrison, I. 295 : "there is such headie ale & 
beere in most of them [markets], as for the mightinesse thereof, among such as 
seeke it out, is commonlie called huffecap, the mad dog, father whoresonne, 
angels food, dragons milke, [go by the wall, stride wide, and lift leg, (1587)] 
&c. . . It is incredible to saie how our maltbugs lug at this liquor, euen as pigs 
should lie in a row, lugging at their dames teats, till they lie still againe, and be 
not able to wag." 

I thought at first that the huftie-tuftie of Snuffe, the Clown of the Curtain in 
1600, was this Huf-cap : but the extract below, from T. Nash, in his Haue with 
you to Saffron Walden, sign. L 4, shows that Snuffe used the word for an exclama. 
tion, "jolly," or the like. " Who's the Foole now ? " asks Snuffe, and answers, 
his drunken friend who got robbd on his way to the Curtain theatre in Shoreditch : 

" My friend was pleasant, drinking all the day, 
With huftie-tuftie, let vs all be merrie, 
Forgetting how the time did passe away : 
Such is mans folly, making himself wearie. 
But now attend, and I will tell the rest, 
How my friends follie he could scarce disgest. 

When he was beaten with a Brewers washing bittle 
Or had in deed almost quite burst his thombe, 
Or had behelde the Diudl, where he did tipple, 

308 Notes on p. 150. Church Ales, &c. 

Or (the old word) was drunke, marke what did come. 
Thus it fell out, as he him selfe did say, 
He to the Curtaine went, to see a Play. 

His friendes went with him, and as wise as hee, 
Yet wiser as it chaunst, for he went reeling ; 
A tottering world it was, God wott, to see 
My friend disguisde thus without sense or feeling. 
Here a fell downe, and vp againe, God wott, 
Backward and forward staggring like a sott. 

A soberer man than he, or girle or boy, 
I know not who for he him selfe not knowes 
Begins to looke into this goodly toy, 
And, to teach him wit, this deede at pleasure showes : 
Into his pocket diues, and being alone, 
Pursse, hat, cloake, frow my drunken friend was gone." 
1600. Quips upon Questions, sign. B 4, back, and C I. 

huffty tujfty, adv. bravely, finely. 

" I haue a tale at my tungs end if I can happen vpon it, of his hobby horse 
reuelling & dominering at Audley-end, when the Queene was there : to which 
place Gabriell [Harvey] (to doo his countrey more worship & glory) came ruffling 
it out huffty tuffty in his suite of veluet." 1596. T. Nashe, Haue with you to 
Saffron-walden, sign. L 4, back. 

(I've unluckily mislaid my other extracts on the names for being drunk.) 

p. 150. Church-ales. "There were no rates for the poor in my grand 
father's days 1 ; but for Kington St. Michael (no small parish) the church-ale at 
Whitsuntide did the business. In every parish is (or was) a church-house, to 
which belonged spits, crocks &c. , utensils for dressing provision. Here the house 
keepers met, and were merry, and gave their charity. The young people were 
there too, and had dancing, bowling, shooting at butts &c., the ancients sitting 
gravely by and looking on. All things were civil and without scandal. This 
church-ale is doubtless derived from the ayairai, or love-feast, mentioned in the 
New Testament." Aubrey's Introduction to the Survey of Wiltshire^ in his 
Miscellanies (Library of Old Authors), pp. 216-17, S. 

p. 150. Church- Ales & Dancing. Compare the Bride-Ales : 
" Early in the morning the wedding people begynne to exceade in superfluous 
eating & drinkyng | wherof they spytte vntill the halfe sermon be done. And 
whan they come to the preaching | they are halfe dronke j some altogether | 
therefore regard they nether the preaching ner prayer | but stonde ther onely 
because of the custome. Such folkes also do come vnto the Church with all 
maner of pompe and pryde | & gorgiousnesse of rayment and lewels. They 
come with a greate noyse of basens & drommes | wher-with they trouble the 

Say about 1600. Aubrey was born in 1626, and died about 1697. 

Notes on pp. 150, 152. Bride-Ales and Wakes. 309 

whole church | & hindre them in matters pertayninge to god. They come in to 
the lordes house | as it were into an house of merchaundise | to lay forth theyr 
wares & offre to sell themselues vnto vyce and wickednesse. And euen as they 
come to the Church | so go they from the Church agayne | lyght | nyce J in 
shamefull pompe and vayne wantonesse." (Fol. 50.) Fol. Ivi, ed. 1552. 

" After the bancket and feast | there begynneth a vayne | madd | and vn- 
manerly fashiow. For the bryde must be brought in to an open dauncing place. 
Then is there such a renninge | leapinge | and flynging amonge them | then is 
there such a lyftinge vp and discoueringe of the damesels clothes and of other 
wemens apparell | that a man might thinke | all these dauncers had cast all 
shame behinde the** | and were become starke madde, and out of theyr wyttes | 
and that they were sworne to the deuels daunce. Then must the poore bryd 
kepe foote with all dauncers | & refuse none | how scabbed | foule | dronckew | 
rude and shameles soeuer he be. Then must she oft tymes heare and se much 
wickednesse | & many an vncomely word. And that noyse and rombling 
endureth euen tyll supper. 

"As for supper, looke how much shameles and dronken the evening is more 
then the morning, so much the more vice, exces, and misnurture is vsed at the 
supper. After supper, must they begin to pype and daunce again of anew. And 
though the young persons (being weary of the bablyng noyse and inconvenience) 
come once towards their rest, yet can they haue no quietness. For a man shall 
find vnmanerly and restles people that wyll first go to their chamber doore, and 
there syng vicious and naughty balates, that the devil may have his whole 
triumphe now to the vttermost." 1541. Miles Coverdale, The Christian State 
of Matrinwnye, fol. 51 (sign. H i, Fol. Ivii, ed. 1552). 

"fye vpont, what a miserable thing tis to be a noble Bride! there's such 
delayes in rising, in fitting gownes, in tyring, in pinning Rebatoes, in poaking, 
in dinner, in supper, in Reuels, & last of all in cursing the poore nodding fidlers 
for keeping Mistris Bride so long vp from sweeter Reuels, that, oh I could 
neuer endure to put it vp without much bickering." 1602. T. Dekker, 
Satiromastix. Works, 1873, i- *&> 

" As for matrimony, that hath also corruptions too many .... Other petty 
Abuses things out of the book we speak not of, as that women, contrary to the 
accidental ru l e of the Apostle, come, and are suffered to come, bareheaded, with 
bagpipes and fiddlers before them, to disturb the congregation ; and they must 
come in at the great door of the church, else all is marred." 1570-160x3. 
Archbp. Whitgift, Works, vol. iii. p. 353, Parker Soc. 

p. 152. Wakes and Feasts. See Brand's Popular Antiquities, ii. i-io, ed. 
Ellis, 1841, and ii. i-io, iii. 7-8, ed. Hazlitt, 1870. 

' Wakes : a very old English custom. The 35th of Elfric's Canons is : 
" ye ought not to make merry over dead men, nor to hunt after a corpse, unless ye 
be invited to it. When ye are invited, forbid the heathenish songs of laymen, 
and thear loud cackling, and do not eat & drink over the body in their heathenish 
manner." (Quoted from Wilkins's Concilia, Vol. i, p. 255, by Chappell, in his 
Introduction to Old English. Ditties, p. 81.)' 

310 Notes on p. 152. Wakes, Sunday Fairs, &c. 

The above are the real Irish wakes, not those on the eve of Saints' Days 
when the people danced in the churches or church-yards through the night. W. C. 

p. 152. wakes, &c. See The Chetham Miscellanies, Vol. V. Ed. F. R. 
Raines (Chetham Society). The Athenaum Review*, August 12, 1876, says : 
"The first article in the collection is a Report on 'The State, Civil and Ecclesi 
astical, of the county of Lancaster,' made by certain of the clergy about 1590. l 
.... The authors of the Report were for the most part men of Puritan leanings, 
but there is nothing particularly strange or grotesque in the complaints they make. 
We know from many other sources that the rough-and-ready manner in which 
the Reformed doctrines and discipline had been planted in the county palatine of 
Lancaster had cruelly wounded the feelings of many, and that the first result of a 
change so violent was an alarming amount of godlessness. Almost every clause 
of this old paper shows that the bonds of authority had become terribly relaxed, 
and that there was no strong public opinion on the side of moral order to keep 
loose persons in check. Not only do we find that the mediaeval custom of hold 
ing fairs and markets on Sunday was still usually retained, and that ' wackes, 
ales, greenes, maigames, rushbearinges, bearebaites, doveales, bonfires, [and] all 
maner vnlawful gaming, pipeinge, and daunsing, and such like, ar in all places 
freely exercised vppon y e Sabboth, ; but that the persons who professed to con 
form to the worship of the English Church frequently did so in such a manner as 
to show their contempt for her ritual, some walking about and talking, others 
laughing during prayers, 2 while the more devout evinced their adherence to the 

1 " The manifolde Enormities of the Ecclesiasticall state in the most partes of 
the Countie of Lancaster j and many of them in som partes also of Cheshire 
[about the year 1590] . . . . 

" V. Faires and Marketes in most Townes ar vsually kepte vppon the 
Sabboth : by occasion whereof divine Service in the Forenoone is greatly 

" VI. Wackes, Ales, Greenes, Maigames, Rushbearinges, Bearebaites, Dove- 
ales, Bonfiers, all maner vnlawfull Gaming, Pipinge and Daunsinge, and suche 
like, ar in all places frely exercised vppon y e Sabboth." 

2 Compare Sir Thomas M ore's complaint of the Irreverent behaviour at Prayer 
in his Popish day : he died in 1535. Works (1557), p. 1359. ' Out of al, most 
true is y e old said saw, thai the outward behauior & cowtinaunce is a plain expresse 
mirror or ymage of y e minde, in asmuche as by y e eyes, by y e chekes, by y 9 
eye liddes, by y e browes, by y e handes, by y e fete, & finally by y e gesture of 
y e whole body, right well appereth, how madly & fondly y e minde is set & dis 
posed. For as we litle passe how smal deuociow of hart we come to pray wz't^al, 
so dooe we litle passe also howe vndeuoutli we go forward therin. And albeit 
we wold haue it seme, y 11 on y e holye daies we go more gorgeously apparelled 
then at other times onely for y e honor of god, yet y e negligent fashion y* we 
vse, a greate mainy of vs, in y e time of our praier, doth sufficiently declare, (be we 
neuer so lothe to haue it so knowew & apparaunte to the world) y* we do it 
altogether of a peuysh worldly pride. So carelessly do we euen in y e church 
somewhiles sole^mely iet to & fro, & other whiles faire & softly sette vs down 
again. And if it hap vs to kneele, then either do we knele vpow y e tone knee, & 
lene vpow y e tother, or els will wee haue a cushion layd vnder thew both, yea & 
sometime, namely if we be any thyng nyce & fine) we cal for a cushiow to beare 
vp our elbowes to, & so, like an olde rotten ruynouse house, be we fain therwith 
to bee staide & vnderpropped. And thew further do we euery way discouer, 

Notes on p. 152. Popish funeral customs. 311 

suppressed religion by crossing themselves, beating their breasts, and telling their 
beads in secret. At the time when service was going on, it was common for 
the unreclaimed people who remained without, to assemble in the churchyard 
or the streets hard by, and to amuse themselves with clamorous shouting and 
throwing stones upon ' the leades of the churche.' l 

" The ancient burial customs seem to have been retained almost without alter 
ation, as far as the change of circumstances would permit. When the body was 
laid out preparatory to burial, it was surrounded, by night and by day, with burn 
ing candles, the church bells were rung to warn the neighbours to pray for the 
soul of the departed, and all the neighbours who visited the corpse were wont 
to say a Pater Noster or a De Profundis. The wayside crosses, which have now 
nearly all been swept away either by the reforming zeal of our predecessors or 
the carelessness of more modern time*, seem then to have been common; for these 
Lancashire clergy tell us that at funerals 'they carie the corse towardse the 
churche all garnished with crosses, which they sett downe by the way at everie 
crosse, and there all of them devowtly, on theire knees, make prayers for the 

"This custom of affixing small crosses to the bier or the pall lingered long. 
We have heard of it being followed late in the last century. ' The Obsequy of 
faire Phillida,' a ballad in the Roxburghe collection (Ballad Soc. ix. 345), is 
adorned with a woodcut of a funeral, which, from the dresses of the bearers and 
grave-digger, cannot be much older than 1640. There we find the coffin or bier, 
(it is not easy to say which it is), covered with a tight-fitting pall, on which are 
fastened in an irregular manner seventeen small crosses in circles. 

" The intense dislike of the Roman Catholic population for the English burial 
service is shown by the fact that when the body was brought to the churchyard, 
they were accustomed to ' overtreate the minister to omitt the service,' and 
bury the body themselves without religious rites. If, however, the clergyman 
insisted upon performing his duty, the friends were in the habit of going away, 
as they refused absolutely to join in or be present at the service. 

"Secret marriages and baptisms are complained of, though the memorialists 
do not seem to have felt the evil of them so bitterly as they did many other things 
of less consequence. To us, for whom all these things are but matters of history, 
these unregistered marriages and baptisms are of far more import than the cere 
monial which gave so much pain to the compilers of the Memorial. It is well 
known that throughout the whole of the north of England in the sixteenth and 

how far wide our mind is wawdriwg from god. We clawe our head, we pare oure 
nailes, we picke our nose, & say therwhiles one thing for an other, sith what is 
said or what is vnsaid both hailing cleane forgotten, we be fain at al aduentures 
to ayme what we haue more to say. Bee we not ashamed thus madly demeaning 
our selfes both secretly in our hert, & also in our doings opewly in such wise to 
sew for soucor vnto god, being in so gret danger as we be, & in such wise to pray 
for pardow of so many horrible offences, & ouer y* in suche wise to desire him to 
preserue vs fro/;/ parpetuall dawnaciow ? so y* this one offence so vnreuerently to 
approch to y e high maiesty of God, al had we neuer offewded him before, wer 
yet alone wel worthy to bee punished." R. Roberts. 

1 The next page was set by the compositor in mistake, but is let stand. 

312 Notes on p. 152. Heralds at Funerals. 

seventeenth centuries the more devout among the Roman Catholics were wont to 
have these rites performed by their own priests. One consequence is that now 
they are, in many cases, entirely incapable of proof. The Bodleian list of York 
shire Roman Catholics in 1604 furnishes numerous examples of these secret 
marriages, and is in some instances the only evidence we have that such marriages 
were ever contracted. They usually took place far from home, before a few 
chosen and faithful witnesses only. Here is an instance, notable as relating to 
one of the higher gentry of the county of York : * Secret mariage. Richard 
Cholmley, Esquier, maryed with Mary Hungate, in the presence of John Wilson, 
William Martin, Hugh Hope, and Christopher Danyell, in a fell with a Popish 
priest. ' The lady and her lover dare not be wedded at home, for fear of spies ; 
so they met by appointment at some wild place on the moorlands, where a priest, 
at the risk of his life, was found ready to perform the marriage rite. . . . 

"In the volume are the letters of Randal Holme and Leonard Smethley, the 
deputy heralds who acted in Lancashire and Cheshire in the reign of James the 
First. . . 

"Both master and man were constantly in trouble with the gentry in their 
dominions on the subject of fees. When the Herald's College was incorporated, 
it took upon itself not only the regulation of arms, but also the ordering of those 
sumptuous funerals in which the bad taste of our forefathers delighted. If a great 
man died, the body was sometimes kept lying in state for weeks. More fre 
quently, however, the remains were privately interred, without pomp or heraldic 
display, and some time afterwards a magnificent hearse was erected in the church, 
hung round with the arms, crest, and motto of the dead and his ancestors, and 
the family retainers went at night by torch -light to hear a funeral sermon in 
praise of the virtues of the deceased. For all this display, heraldic knowledge was 
needed; yet so perverse were the gentry around that, instead of employing Holme 
and Smethley to superintend the pageant and paint the banners, they often engaged 
what the senior deputy herald calls ' poor snaks, hedge-paynters, and, I take it, 
plasterers,' to do their blazonry for them. This was unbearable to the men in 
authority, who were defrauded of their fees ; and long and bitter were their com 
plaints to the authorities in St. Paul's Churchyard, urging that sharp measures 
should be taken with the arms-painters, and that the people who had these 
stately funerals provided for their relatives should be compelled to pay the 
accustomed fees to Messrs. Holme and Smethley, whether they availed them 
selves of their services or not." 

As to Sabbath-keeping in early days in Arbroath and Scotland, note : 
" It is the common opinion that the strict observance of Sunday, for which the 
Scotch people are remarkable, came in with the Reformation, and that the prac 
tice, so far from having become more stringent as time went on, has been relaxed 
in modern days. This is, of course, a mistake. In 1564, we find the council of the 
town ordering that ' thair be na mercats upon the sabouith day before audit 
[eight] hours, noder flesh nor uder merchandeis on pain of viij 5 .' Mr. Hay 
truly remarks that we should think it passing strange were a town council now 
adays to give tacit consent to holding public markets at any hour on the Sunday. 
It is curious, too, at so early a date to find Sabbath used to indicate the dies 
dominica. Inaccurate, however, as the term is, the Reformation is not responsi- 

Notes on pp. 154, 155. Dancing. 313 

ble for coining it, but only for bringing it into common use. The town records 
of Beverley in 1456 ninety-eight years before this contain a memorandum of 
how a certain John Johnson was fined fourpence because he housed corn on the 
Sabbath ' Hospitabat frumentum .... die Sabbatti.' (Poulson's Beverlac. I. 
219.) It was, as the author points out, a considerable time after the establishing 
of the reformed faith before the custom of holding markets and other such assem 
blies on Sunday was discontinued. 

" We have come across many instances in England of parish meetings being 
held, and churchwardens' accounts audited, on Easter Sunday late in the reign 
of Elizabeth, and far down into that of her successor. Though the Scotch did 
not enter on their course of strictness so early as some have thought, they cer 
tainly did at length surpass in that particular all other people on earth, unless it 
were some of the New England settlements. It would, we should imagine, be 
impossible to parallel the following from the records of the most Protestant town 
in Germany, Holland, or Scandinavia : 

'"On the 5th December, 1732, the barbers in the Town compeared before the 
session in answer to their citation ; and record bears, " Being accused of profaning 
the Sabbath-day by shaving people and dressing their wigs before and in time of 
the sermon, [they] confessed their faults, upon which they were exhorted to reform, 
under the pain of being publicly censured." ' " Athenceum, August 19, 1876, on 
G. Hay's Hist, of Arbroath. 

In Messrs. Cotton and Woollcombe's Gleanings from the Municipal and 
Cathedral Records relative to the City of Exeter, 1877, there are many convictions 
during the Puritan time for baking on the Lord's Day, and for heating an oven 
on it. Travelling on Sunday was forbidden, and punisht with the stocks ; and 
a barber was brought up for " tryming a man on the Lords Day, about tenn 
o'clocke in the forenone in sermon time." Athentzum, September 15, 1877, 
P- 332- 

p. 154. Dancing. See p. 297 ; T. F.'s Newes from the North, 1597, as to 
the Dancing School ; and Northbrooke's Treatise [against] Dicing, Dauncing, 
Vaine Playes or Enterluds, 1577, old Sh. Soc. reprint, 1840, p. 113-148. 

p. 155 : kissing. See note on this at p. 269, above. 

p. 155 : dancing. Busino,of the Venetian Embassy at Jas I's Court in 1617 
1618, speaks thus of the dancing before the King : Quart Rev. Oct. 1857, p. 
424. Harrison, Part II. , p. 58*. " The masque began. [Ben Jonson's Pleasure 
reconciled to Virttie, Twelfth Night, 1617-18]. . .At last twelve cavaliers in masks, 
the central figure always being the prince, ' chose their partners and danced every 
kind of dance, the last being the Spanish dance in single pairs, each cavalier with his 
lady ; and at length, being well nigh tired, they began to flag, whereupon the king, 
who is naturally choleric, got impatient, and shouted aloud, " Why don't they 
dance ? What did you make me come here for ? Devil take you all ; dance ! " On 
hearing this, the Marquis of Buckingham, his majesty's most favoured minion, 
immediately sprang forward \ cutting a score of lofty and minute capers with so much 
grace and agility, that he not only appeased the ire of his angry sovereign, but, 
moreover, rendered himself the admiration and delight of everybody. The other 

314 Notes on pp. 155, 171. Dancing. Bawdy Songs. 

masquers, being thus encouraged, continued successively exhibiting their prowess 
with various ladies ; finishing in like manner with capers, and by lifting their 
goddesses from the ground.' " 

See also a tract of 19 leaves in the Lambeth Library : " A Treatise of Daunses 
wherin it is shewed that they are as it were accessories and dependants (or 
thinges annexed) to whoredome; where also by the way is touched and proved 
that Playes are joyned and knit togeather in a rancke or rowe with them . . Anno 
1581." Hazlitt's Handbook, p. 137. Also "A Dialogue agaynst light, lewde, 
and lascivious dauncing : wherein are refuted all those reasons which the common 
people vse to bring in defence thereof. Compiled and made by Christopher 
Fetherston. Eccle. 9. 4. Use not the companie of a woman that is a singer and 
a dauncer, least thou be intrapped in her snares. Imprinted at London by 
Thomas Dawson, 1582." 8vo. 46 leaves. Bodleian (Douce). Hazlitt's Hand 
book, p. 195. 

" Age. What woulde these fathers say nowe, if they were presently aliue, to 
see the wanton and filthie daunces that are now vsed, in this cleare day and light 
of" the Gospell? What Sabboth dayes, what other dayes are there, nay, what 
nightes are ouerpassed without dauncing among a number at this time ? In 
summer season, howe doe the moste part of our yong men and maydes, in earely 
rising and getting themselues into the fieldes at dauncing ? what foolishe toyes 
shall not a man see among them ? what vnchast countenances shall not be vsed 
then among them? or what coales shall there be wanting that may kindle 
Cupid's desire ? truly none. Through this dauncing, many maydens haue been 
vnmaydened, whereby I may saye, it is the Storehouse and nurserie of bastardie. 
What adoe make our yong men at the time of May ? Do they not vse night 
watchings to rob and steale yong trees out of other men's grounde, and bring 
them home into their parishe with minstrels playing before ? and when they haue 
set it vp, they will deck it with floures and garlandes, and daunce round (men 
Exod. 32, 6. an( i women togither, moste vnseemly and intolerable, as I haue 
i Cor. 10, 7. proued before) about the tree, like vnto the children of Israeli, that 
daunced about the golden calfe that they had set vp," &c. 1577. John North- 
brooke, A treatise against Dicing, Dancing, etc., ed. 1840, p. 175-176. 
p. 171 : bawdy songs, 

" He hath all that to villany belongs, 
The hugest number of such baudy songs, 
You euen would wonder (Gossips, this is plaine) 
That any man could beare them in his braine. 
He hath a song cald, Mistris, will you do ? : [i] 

And My man Thomas did me promise to, [to is too] [2] 

1 Mr. Ebsworth kindly identifies these songs : 

(2) " My man Thomas 

Did me promise 
He would visit me this night. 
Thomas .] ' I am here, love ; 

Tell me, dear love ; 
How I may obtain thy sight. 

Maid.] Come up to my window, love ; 
Come, come, come ! 

Come to my window, my dear ; 
The wind nor the rain 
Shall trouble thee again, 

But thou shalt be lodged here." 

Notes on p. 171. Bawdy Songs. 315 

He hath the Pinnace rigd %vith silken saile, [3] 

And. pretty Birds, with Garden Nightingale, [4, 5] 

lie tye my Mare in thy ground a new way, [6] 

Worse then the Players sing it in the Play, [? what Play] 

Besse for abuses, and a number more, [7] 

That you and I haue neuer heard before. 

And these among those wenches he doth learne, 

Which by actiuity their liuings earne. 

His Crownes vpon them frankly he bestowes, 

Not caring for his wife, or how she goes." 

1609. S. Rowlands, A Crew of kind Gossips, sign. C 2 (Hunt. Club, 1876, 
p. 19). 

On 2, 3, 6 of these Mr. Wm. Chappell says:" See my Popular Music, p. 
738, for My Man Thomas, A Pinnace riggd, and /'// tie my mare : 

' A pinnace rigg'd with silken sail, 

What is more lovely than to see ? 
But still to see, is small avail ; 
I must aboord, as thinketh me.' 

It is full of double meanings." In Pop. Mus., p. 738, are 6 lines and the music of 

Two other verses are elsewhere sung ! 
by Old Merrythought : 

" Go from my window, love, go ; 

Go from my window, my dear : 
The wind and the rain 
Will drive you back again, 

You cannot be lodged here. 

Tye the Mare, Tom, boy ! 

Begone, begone, my juggy, my puggy, 
Begone, my love, my dear ! 
The weather is warm 
'Twill do thee no harm ; 
Thou can'st not be lodged here." 

(3). " A pinnace rigg'd with silken 
saile " is extant in an early MS. (time 
noted, before 1609), belonging to a friend 
of mine. I will print it soon in The 
Amanda Group of Bagford Poems, for 
the Ballad Society. 

" A pinnace rigg'd with silken saile, 
What is more lovely then to see ? 
But still to see is small availe : 
I must aboord, as thinketh mee. 
To see is well, 
But more to tell 

Lackes more then sight, you will agree." 
(etc. four other verses. ) 

(6) I have the Catch I'le tye my Mare 
in thy ground." There is also another, 

of earlv 
date . (I) j haye (certaiiy Qf |6w J 

' Mistress, since you so much desire ; " 
probably resembling " Mistress will 
you do?" (7) I believe that "Besse 
for abuses " I also have a clue to ; and 
I know of one "Pretty Nightingale," 
[of date 1575, 

" Litle pretty nightingale, 

Among the braunches greene, 
Geue us of your Christmasse ale, 
In the honour of Saint Steven." 

But this is a " Mock " to the original 
which I possess from an early MS., 
beginning thus : 

"The lytyll prety nyghtyngale, 

Among the levys grene, 
I wolde I were with hur all nyght, 
But yet ye wot not whome I mene," 
etc., etc. 

(4) I have also one song beginning 
" Ye pretty birds that chirp and sing;" 
but its date is much later in the I7th 
century : the author was not scrupul 
ous in availing himself of elder sugges 
tions, and occasionally would '.' convey, 
the wise it call ! " J. W. Ebsworth. 

316 Notes on p. 173. Games and Sports. 

My man Thomas, of which 12 lines were sung in Fletcher's Monsieur Thomas, 
Act III. sc. iii (B. & F.'s Works t 1839, i. 481, col. i). See too the note for 
p. 185, below, p. 319. 

Compare the following cancelld entry in the Stationers' Registers, Arber's 
Transcript, ii. 576 : 

7. marcij [1590-1] 

Thomas Gosson Entred for his copie a ballad of a yonge man that went a 
Cancelled out of oa y in &c - Abe11 J effes to be his P rinter hereof Provyded 
the book, for the alwayes, that before the publishinge hereof the vndecentnes be 
vndecentues of it , -A 

in Diuerse verses, reformed , VJ* 


p. 173 : games and sports. Here is a list of them in 1600 : 
" Man, I dare challenge thee to throw the sledge, 
To iumpe or leape ouer a ditch or hedge, 
To wrastle, play at stooleball, or to runne, 
To pitch the barre, or to shoote off a gunne : 
To play at loggets, nine holes, or ten pinnes, 
To trie it out at foot-ball by the shinnes ; 
At Ticktacke, Irish, Noddie, Maw, and Ruffe ; 
At hot-cockles, leape-frogge, or blindman-buffe ; 
To drinke halfe pots, or deale at the whole canne ; 
To play at base, or pen-and-Ynk-horne sir Ihan : 
To daunce the Morris, play at barly-breake : 
At all exploytes a man can thinke or speake : 
At shoue-groute, venter-poynt, or crosse and pile : 
At beshrow him that's last at yonder style." 

1600. S. Rowlands, The Letting of Humours Blood in the Head-vaine, D 4, 
back (ed. 1874, p. 64). On these and other games see Hazlitt's Brand, 
vols. i., ii. Also Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy. The Act 33 Hen. VIII., 
ch. 9, 8, says: "noe manner of person . . shall for his or their gayne, lucre 
or lyvinge, kepe ... or maynteyne any common house, alley or place of 
bowlinge, Coytinge, Cloyshe, Coyles, halfe bowle, Tennys, Dysing, Table, or 
Cardinge, or any other manner of Game pnrtiibite by anye estatute here 
tofore made, or any unlaufull newe game nowe invented or made, upon payne 
to forfeit and pave for everie day kepinge . . or sufferinge any suche Game to 
be . . playde . . fourtie shillings ..." By II "noe manner of Artyfycer 
or Craftey man of any handy crafte or occupaczon, husbandman, apprentice, 
laborer, smrawnte at husbandrye, jorneyman or s^rvaunte of artyficer, mariners, 
fysshermen, watermen, or any s^rvyngman, shall . . playe at the Tables, Tennys, 
Dyce, Gardes, Bowles, Clashe, Coytinge, Logatinge, or any other unlawful!, 
Game, out of Christmas, under peyne of twentye shillings to be forfeyt for everie 

Notes on pp. 174, 175. Dicing, Football. 317 

tyme, And in Christmas to playe at anye of the said Games [only] in their 
maisters houses or in their maisters presence : and also that noe manner of person 
shall at any tyme playe at any bowle or bowles in open places out of his garden 
or orcharde, under the peyne for everie tyme so offendinge to forfeyt vjs. viij^.'' 
15 and 16 provide for Servants playing Cards Dice & Tables by License of 
their Masters, & give Noblemen, & Landholders of ,100 a year, power to license 
their Servants to play in their Houses, Gardens or Orchards ' Gardes, Dyce, 
Bowles or Tennys.' 33 Henry VIII was from 22 April 1541 to 21 April 1542. 

p. 174. Dicing. " O how happie were it for your Posteritie, if the Innes of 
the Court were farre from the Dyeing-houses, or Dicyng-houses with their 
Originall, the Deuill . . . These Houses (outwardly) are of the substance of 
other Buildinges, but within are the Botches and Byles of abhomynation : they 
are lyke vnto deepe Pittes, couered with smoothe Grasse, of which, men must 
be warned, or els they can hardly auoide that their eye can not discouer." 1586. 
Geo. Whetstone, ThcEnemieto Vnthryftinesse . . A Perfect Mirrour for all 
Maiestrates, A 3, back. (A very disappointing book, which professes to discover 
'the vnsufferable Abuses now raigning in our happie English common wealth,' 
but only quotes the abuses in Rome which Alexander Severus tried to put down, 
and gives no details of them in England. He had brothels shut from sunset to 
sunrise, that the frequenters of them might be seen, &c.) 

Latimer, in his 6th Sermon before Edward VI, in 1549, says : "There be such 
dicing houses also, they say, . . . where young gentlemen dice away their thrift ; 
and where dicing is, there are other follies also . . Men of England, in times past, 
when they would exercise themselves . . were wont to go abroad in the fields a 
shooting ; but now it is turned into [boiling, 1562] glossing, gulling and whoring 
within the house, The art of shooting . . hath been Gods instrument whereby 
he hath given us many victories against our enemies ; but now we have taken up 
whoring in towns, instead of shooting in the fields." Sermons, Parker Soc. 1844, 
p. 196-7. 

p. 175. Football. Cp. Laneham's Letter, 1575, on the sports, &c., at Kenil- 
worth Castle : the bridegroom is * lame of a leg, that in his youth was broken at 
football, ' p. 2 7. " Fatal Accident at a Football Match. An inquest was held yester 
day evening by Mr. Bedford, the coroner for Westminster, at the Board-room, 
Eburybridge, Pimlico, touching the death of Mr. Sydney James Henniss Branson, 
aged 21, a medical student, residing at 7, South Eaton-place, Eaton-square, which 
occurred under the following sad circumstances : Mr. Maurice Chilton, medical 
student, deposed that he resided with the deceased at the above house, and on the 
afternoon of Wednesday week last they were, with a great many others, taking 
part in a football match at Battersea-park, and at about four o'clock a young gen 
tleman named Baily had seized the football and was running with it swiftly across 
the ground, when the deceased immediately ran after him, but had scarcely 
reached him when he stumbled and fell to the ground. He caught hold of Baily's 
leg and dragged him down upon him, the latter falling with considerable force 
upon deceased's chest and stomach. Deceased was picked up by his companions 
and taken in an insensible state to the porter's lodge, where he remained an hour, 
and was afterwards taken home in a cab with witness's assistance. In witness's 

3i 8 Notes on p. 175. Football. 

opinion Mr. Baily's falling was quite the consequence of deceased pulling 
him. Mr. Charles Henry Baily, sub-lieutenant, Royal Naval College, Green 
wich, was called, and stated that deceased was a stranger to him. On that after 
noon he scarcely knew deceased was running after him, but recollected being 
caught suddenly round the legs, and falling with his knees on deceased. Mr. 
Bertram Pink, surgeon, stated he lived in the same house, and saw deceased when 
brought home. Without doubt he had an internal rupture, and some injury to 
the abdomen. He had him put to bed, inflammation (the result of the injury) 
set in next day, from which he died on Monday. The jury returned a verdict of 
* Accidental Death,' agreeing with the coroner that it was deceased's own impru 
dence which had caused the death." Daily News, March 19, 1875. 

"Shocking Football Accident at Derby. On Saturday afternoon a match 
took place at Derby, under the Rugby rules, between the Derby Wanderers 
and a Birmingham football club. The ground was hard, owing to the frost 
of the previous night. During the play, one of the Birmingham players named 
Matthew Wilcox made a 'charge,' but missed his mark and fell. Before he 
could recover himself another player fell across him, and he became insensible. 
Various means used to recover him failed, and he was conveyed upon a shutter 
to the infirmary, where it was discovered that the lower cervical vertebrae were 
dislocated. Under surgical treatment he recovered consciousness, and his friends 
were telegraphed for, but the case is considered hopeless." Daily News, March 

20, 1876. 

" Football and the Rugby Rules. The accident to Mr. Matthew Wilcox, 
of Birmingham, in a football match at Rugby, having terminated fatally, an 
inquest was held yesterday. The deceased was a jeweller of Handsworth, 
and was twenty-five years of age. He was one of the (Birmingham) Moseley 
Club, who played the Derby Wanderers at Parker's-field Ground last Saturday. 
Mr . Thomas Hill, solicitor, deposed that deceased picked up the ball, and, run 
ning with it towards the goal, was collared by an opponent named Champion, 
and both fell, deceased, who appeared to turn a somersault, being undermost, 
with the whole weight of his opponent on the back of his neck. He tried to 
rise, but could not. Mr. IlifFe, surgeon, directed him to be taken to the Infirmary. 
Mr. Andrew Champion (Wanderers), and Thomas Bent and W. Matthews 
(Moseley Club), gave similar evidence. The house surgeon at the Infirmary 
stated that deceased was suffering from complete paralysis arising from disloca 
tion of the lower cervical vertebrae. He lingered until 11.30 on Sunday night, 
when he died. A verdict was returned of 'Accidental Death.' The sad affair 
has created a profound impression in Derby, where football is much played. In 
connection with this matter, Mr. T. Budworth Sharp, of Smethwick, a friend of 
the deceased, writes to the Birmingham Daily Post, giving the following list of 
serious injuries sustained, owing to the Rugby rules, in one Birmingham Club 
(the Handsworth) in one season alone : ' I. A broken thigh and leg, bent to 
an angle of about 45 degrees. We put the player into a cab, sent him off to the 
hospital, where he remained some months. 2. Some dislocations about the 
collar-bone. 3. A broken collar-bone. 4. Some serious internal ruptures, 
necessitating the use of a truss and gentle exercise for some years. 5. Some 
broken bones in the ankle : sent to hospital for some weeks, and since on 

Notes on pp. 175 185. Games. 319 

crutches. 6. Injuries to the chest. 7. Serious injury to the knee-joint ; laid up 
for three weeks. Nos. 4 and 5 are brothers ; Nos. I and 6 are twin brothers ; 
and No. 7 is the writer.' Mr. Sharp adds that this list was written in April, 
1875, and was then put aside at the request of certain members of the club, one 
of whom was the unfortunate Matthew Wilcox." Daily News, March 22, 1876. 
Other deaths, and lots of accidents, have been reported since. Here's the last, 
from the Echo, Feb. 10, 1879, p. 3, col. I : 

" Killed at Football. Yesterday a youth died at Tunstall from a kick received 
at a football match played between the Tunstall and Goldenhill (North Stafford 
shire) teams, at Tunstall, a few days before. Play was very rough, and Herbert 
Whitedock, one of the Goldenhill team, was kicked in the stomach. He was con 
veyed from the ground in a state of unconsciousness, and succumbed after much 
suffering. It is not known who made the fatal foul." 

p. 175. On gaming and dice, leading to robbery. See S. Rowlands's 
' All's Fish that comes to net ' in his Knaue of Spades ( ? 1611), ed. 1874, p. 14 ; 
also his Satyres, p. 59, in his Letting of Humours Blood, 1600, ed. 1874; and the 
extract from Latimer in Note for p. 174, above, p. 317. 

p. 177. Bearbaiting. See the extracts above, p. 296-8, 301. * 

p. 179. Accident at the Bear-Garden. Stowe says Annales, Eight persons 
1605, p. 1173 "The same 13. day of Januarie, being sonday, about }^a^/^ tke 

foure of the clocke in the afternoone, the old and vnderpropped scaf- scaffold at 

the Bear 
folds round about the Beare garden, commonly called Paris garden, garden. 

on the Southside of the riuer of Thamis ouer against the citie of London, ouer- 
charged with people, fell suddenly downe, whereby, to the number- of eight 
persons, men and women, were slaine, and many others sore hurt and bruised, to 
the shortening of their Hues. A friendly warning to such as more delight them- 
selues in the crueltie of beasts then in the works of mercie, the fruits of a true 
professed faith, which ought to be the sabboth dales exercise." 

p. 184 : wrestling -in the City of London : "On Bartholomew day, for the 
Wrastling. So many Aldermen as doe dine with the Lord Maior, and the Sheriffes, 
The meet- are apparelled in their Scarlet Gownes lined ; and after dinner, their 
T lg ifiu 16 ' horses are brought to them where they dined. And those Aldermen 

house on Bar- which dine with the Sheriffes, ride with them to the Lord Maiors 
tholomew day. h ouse> f or accompanying him to the Wrastling. When as the 
Wrastling is done ; they mount their horses, and ride backe againe thorow the 
Fayre, and so in at Aldersgate, and then home againe to the Lord Maiors house. 
The next day (if it be not Sunday) is appointed for the Shooting, and the service 
The Shoot- performed as upon Bartholomew day ; but if it bee Sunday, the 
ing day. Sabbath day, it is referred to the Monday then following." 1633. 
Continuation of Stowe's Suruay, p. 651, col. 2. 

p. 185 : bawdy songs, &c. (See p. 314-16, above.) 
" . . our own children . . the first words 

We form their tongues with, are licentious jests : 
Can it call 'whore,' cry ' bastard ' ? O then, kiss it ! 

320 Notes on po. 185, 186. Song-writers, &c. 

A witty child ! can't swear ? The father's darling ! 
Give it two plums. Nay rather than't shall learn 
No bawdy song, the mother herself will teach it ! " 
1598-1601. B. Jonson, Every Man in his Humour, II. iii. Works, i. 22, col. I. 

p. 185. Bableries, &c. " & in truth, what leasings will not make-shyfts inuent 
for money? What wyl they not faine for gaine? Hence come our babling 
Ballets, and our new found Songs and Sonets, which euery rednose Fidler hath 
at his fingers end, and euery ignorant Ale knight will breath forth ouer the potte, 
as soone as his braine waxeth hote. Be it a troth which they would tune, they 
enterlace it with a lye or two to make meeter, not regarding veritie, so they may 
make vppe the verse ; not vnlike to Homer, who cared not what he fained, so 
hee might make his Countrimen famous . . . sith they obtaine the name of our 
English Poets, and thereby make men to thinke more baselie of the wittes of our 
Countrey, I cannot but turne them out of their counterfet liuerie, and brand them 
in the foreheade, that all men may know their falshood." 1590. T. Nashe, 
The Anatomic of Absurditie, B 4. 

p. 1 86 : putting good Laws into practice. Idle fellows and rascals. 
Queene E. "Queene Elizabeth in the xiii and xviii yeres of hir gracious reygne, 
an. 14 &* 18 |- wo ac tes were made for ydle, vagrant, and maisterlesse persons, 
that used to loyter, and woulde not worke, shoulde, for the first offence, haue a 
hole burned through the gristle of one of his eares, of an ynche compasse j and, 
for the seconde offence committed therein, to be hanged. 

"If these and such lyke lawes were executed iustlye, truly, and seuerely, (as 
they ought to be), without any respect of persons, fauour, or friendshippe, this 
dung and filth of ydleness woulde easily be reiected and cast oute of thys com 
mon wealth ; there would not be so many loytering, ydle persons, so many 
ruffians, blasphemers, and swingebucklers, so many drunkardes, tossepottes, 
whooremaisters, dauncers, fydlers, and minstrels, diceplayers, and maskers, 
fencers, theeves, enterlude players, cut purses, cosiners, maisterlesse seruauntes, 
jugglers, roges, sturdye beggars, counterfaite Egyptians, &c. as there are ; nor 
yet so many plagues to bee amongst vs as there are, if these dunghilles, and filthe 
in common weales were remoued, looked vnto, and cleane caste out by the 
Industrie, payne, and trauell of those that are sette in authoritie and haue gouerne- 
mente." 1577- John Northbrooke, A treatise against Dicing, Dancing, Plays, 
and Interludes, with other idle Pastimes, ed. 1840, p. 76. See too the end of the 
note for p. 75, above, p. 265. 




(Dn <Saint0'-Jla2)$ anb 


A. a 1553, 



The Popish Kingdome, or reigne of Antichrist, written in Latine 

verse by Thomas NAOGEORGUS (or KIRCHMAIER), and 

englyshed by Barnabe GOOGE. . . Anno 1570." 



[THOMAS KIRCHMAIER: one of the most violent Protestant writers of the 
i6th century, born in 1511 at Straubingen, in Bavaria. Following the custom of 
his time, he changed his name for that of Nao-Georgos two Greek words, 
having the same meaning. He embraced the reformation of Luther, and did not 
cease to declaim against what he termed the superstitions of the Romish Church, 
with a virulence which harmed him even in the opinion of the sensible members 
of his own community. [This is written by a Papist.] He had imagination, 
power, and much wit. From the number of his productions we can judge of the 
great facility with which he worked. He knew a good deal of Greek, and we 
possess several translations by him. After having exercised the functions of 
pastoral minister in various villages in Germany, and having called down upon 
himself the censures of the Consistory of Weimar, he died on the 29th December, 
1563, at Wisbach, in the Palatinate. The curious seek for his works with great 
eagerness, and this reason has induced us to give a complete list of them. I. 
Trag. nova, Pammachius, Wittemberg, 1538, in 8 of 81 leaves. II. Tragoedid 
nova, Mercator seu Judicium l (Bale, 1540), in 8 of 75 leaves. This work has 
been translated into French under this title : Le Marchand converti, tragedie 
nouvelle en laquelle la vraie et la fausse religion, au paragon Tune de Fautre, sont 
ati vif represents, etc. (Geneve), 1558; in 8 1561, in 12 with the " Comldie du 
Pape malade et tirant a safin " (by Theod. de Beze), 1585, in two parts in 1 6 ; 
1591 in 16, 1594 in 12. The translation of the ''''Marchand Converti" is 
attributed to J. Crespin. III. Incendia, seu Pyrgopolynices, tragedia recens nata, 
nephanda quorundam papistici gregis exponens facinora, Wittemberg, 1541, in 
8 of 49 leaves, without the title-page ; republished under the same date, in 8 
of 56 leaves. This was Kirchmaier's rarest work, but it has been republished in 
the ' Politica imperialia ' of Goldast, p. 1112 ; IV. Hammanus, trag. nova sumpta 
e Bibliis (Leipzig), 1543, in small 8 ; V. Hieremias, trag. nova, expropheta Hier- 
emia sumpta (Bale), 1551, in 8; VI. Judas Iscariotes, trag. nova et sacra; adjuncts 
sunt dua Sophoclis iragedice, Ajax flagellifer et Philocletes, carmine versoe (Stutt- 
gard), 1552, in 8, rare; VII. Agricultures sacra libri V., ibid, 1550, small 8 ; 
VIII. Regnum papisticum, 1553, small 8 of 173 pages, original edition; the 
same, with other works, Bale, Oporin, 1559, in 8 of 343 pages, without count 
ing 1 6 unnumbered leaves with the Errata and Index (see Brunei, Manuel du 
libraire); IX. Explanatio Enchiridionis Epicteti, Strasbourg, 1554, in 8; X. 
Satyranim libri V prior es, his sunt adjecti de animi tranquillitate duo libelli^ Bale, 
1555, in 8; XI. De dissidiis c omponendis libri duo; adjuncta est Satyra in J. 
della Casa, ibid, 1559, in 8 ; XII. Annotationes in canonicam Joannis primam 
epistolam, 1544, in 8 ; XIII. Confutatio de bello germanico in pedionetum, trime- 
tris scazonibus ; XIV. De Infantum ac parvulorum salute, deque Christi dicto : 
" Sinite parvulos venire ad me," etc. Conclusions, 145, Bale, 1556, in 8 ; XV. 
Epitome ecclesiastic orum dogmatum, carmine hexametro heroica. Kirchmaier has 
translated several of Dion Chrysostom's "Discourses" from Greek into Latin, 
Paris, 1604, fol. ; several Pieces of Isocrates, Plutarch (Bale, 1556, in 8 ), and the 
letters of Synesius (ibid, 1558, in 8 ), those of Phalaris, ibid, 1558, in 8. Some 
works by him are to be found in the Delicuz poetarum Germanorum t vol. 4. 
Biographie Universelle, 2nd edition.] 

* Tragoedia, in qua, in conspectu ponuntur apostolica et papistica doctrina. 



The Popish Kingdome. 
The fourth booke. 

[ Tfa Sidenotes of the original are in italics.} 

AS Papiftes doe beleue and teach the vaynefl things that bee, 
So with their do&rine and their fayth, their life doth iump 
Their feafts & all their holidayes they kepe throughout the 


Are full of vile Idolatrie, and heathenlike appeare : 4 

Whereby though they do nothing teach, but Ihould their doctrine hide, 
(Which yet in volumes more than one, may openly be fpide) 
Thou eafily mayft knowe whether true Catholikes they bee, 
And onely truft in Chrift, and keepe th'aflured veritee. 8 

Be therefore here a perfite ludge, and all things warely way, 
With equall ballance, for before thine eyes I here will lay 
Moft plainly, though not all (for who is able that to tell,) 
But fuch as beft are knowne to vs in Germanie that dwell. 12 

And firft betwixt the dayes they make no little difference, 
For all be not of vertue like, nor like preheminence. 
But fome of them Egyptian are, and full of ieopardee, 
And fome againe befide the reft, both good and luckie bee. 16 

Like diffrence of the nights they make, as if th'almightie king, 
That made them all, not gracious were to them in euery thing. 
Befide they giue attentiue eare to blinde Aftronomars, 
About th'afpe6ts in euery howre of fundrie mining ftars : 20 

And vnderneath what Planet euery man is borne and bred, 
What good or euill fortune doth hang ouer euery hed. 
Hereby they thinke afluredly to know what mall befall, 
As men that haue no perfite fayth nor truft in God at all : 24 

But thinke that euery thing is wrought and wholy guided here. 
By moouing of the Planets, and the whirling of the Speare. 
No vaine they pearfe nor enter in the bathes at any day, 
Nor pare their nayles, nor from their hed do cut the heare away : 28 
They alfo put no childe to nurfe, nor mend with doung their ground, 
Nor medicine do receyue to make their crafed bodies found, 

[leaf 44l 

Papists' Feasts 
and Holidays are 
idolatrous and 

They don't trust 
in Christ alone. 

Con. 26. q. 7. 
Si quis, Non 
obner. Quis. 
q. 2. Nos pla 
net. Sed&illua 
q. 5. Non liceat. 

They attend to 
the Aspects of 
the Stars, and 
think folk's for 
tunes are ruld by 
the Planets. 

They'll not be 
bled, bathe, or 

take medicine, 

without looking 

to the Moon's 


[leaf 44, back] 


On Christmas 
eve, boys and 
girls knock at 
every door, wish 
the inmates a 
happy year, and 
get fruit and 
pence from them. 

Wanton girls try 
to find out their 
husbands' names 
by Onions, 

and their 
husbands' natures 
by Faggots. 


Some think all 

[leaf 45] 

the wine is turnd 

to water, and 

back again. 

Others watch for 


3 Masses are 
sung ; 

324 Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 

Nor any other thing they do, but earneftly before 

They marke the Moone how {he is placde, and flandeth euermore : 32 

And euery planet ho we they rife, and fet in eche degree, 

Which things vnto the perfite fayth of Chrift repugnant bee. 

Which firft I ihowe, leaft in my courfe I (hould be driuen plaine, 

To call to minde thefe fooliihe toyes, now to my theame againe. 36 

Three weekes before the day whereon was borne the Lorde of grace, 
And on the Thurfday Boyes and Girles do runne in euery place, 
And bounce and beate at euery doore, with blowes and luftie fnaps, 
And crie, the aduent of the Lorde not borne as yet perhaps. 40 

And wilhing to the neighbours all, that in the houfes dwell, 
A happie yeare, and euery thing to fpring and profper well : 
Here haue they peares, and plumbs, & pence, ech man giues willinglee, 
For thefe three nightes are alwayes thought, vnfortunate to bee : 44 
Wherein they are afrayde of fprites, and cankred witches fpight, 
And dreadful! deuils blacke and grim, that then haue chiefeft might. 
In thefe fame dayes yong wanton Gyrles that meete for mariage.bee, 
Doe fearch to know the names of them that fhall their huibandes bee. 
Foure Onyons, flue, or eight, they take and make in euery one, 49 
Such names as they do fanfie moft, and beft do thinke vpon. 
Thus neere the Chimney them they fet, and that fame Onyon than, 
That firft doth fproute, doth furely beare the name of their good man. 
Their huibandes nature eke they feeke to know, and all his guile, 53 
When as the Sunne hath hid himfelfe, and left the ftarrie ikies, 
Unto fome woodftacke do they go, and while they there do ftande, 
Eche one drawes out a faggot fticke, the next that commes to hande, 
Which if it ftreight and euen be, and haue no knots at all, 57 

A gentle hulband then they thinke mall furely to them fall. 
But if it fowle and crooked be, and knottie here and theare 
A crabbed churl im hulband then, they earneftly do feare. 60 

Thefe things the wicked Papiftes beare, and fuffer willingly, 
Bicaufe they neyther do the ende, nor fruites of faith efpie : 
And rather had the people mould obey their foolifh luft, 
Than truely God to know, and in him here alone to truft. 64 

Then comes the day wherein the Lorde did bring his birth to palfe, 
Whereas at midnight vp they rife, and euery man to Maife. 
This time fo holy counted is, that diuers earneftly 
Do thinke the waters all to wine are chaunged fodainly : 68 

In that fame houre that Chrift himfelfe was borne, and came to light, 
And vnto water ftreight againe, tranfformde and altred quight. 
There are betide that mindfully the money ftill do watch, 
That firft to aultar commes, which then they priuily do fnatch. 73 
The Prieftes leaft other mould it haue, takes oft the fame away, 
Whereby they thinke throughout the yeare to haue good lucke in play, 
And not to lofe : then ftraight at game till daylight do they ftriue, 
To make fome prefent proofe how well their hallowde pence wil thriue. 
Three Mafles euery Prieft doth fing vpon that folemne day, 77 

With offrings vnto euery one, that fo the more may play. 

Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 325 

This done, a woodden childe in clowtes is on the aultar fet 

About the which both boyes and gyrles do daunce and trymly iet, 80 

And Carrols fing in prayfe of Chrifl, and for to helpe them heare, 

The Organs aunfwere euery verfe, with fweete and folemne cheare. 

The Prieftes doe rore aloude, and round about the parentes ftande, 

To lee the fport, and with their voyce do helpe them and their hande. 

Thus woont the Corilants perhaps vpon the mountaine Ide, 85 

The crying noyfe of lupiter new borne with fong to hide, 

To daunce about him round, and on their brafen pannes to beate, 

Leaft that his father finding him, mould him deftroy and eate. 88 

Then followeth Saint Stephens day, whereon doth euery man, 
His horfes iaunt and courfe abrode, as fwiftly as he can. 
Until 1 they doe extreemely fweate, and than they let them blood, 
For this being done vpon this day, they fay doth do them good, 92 
And keepes them from all maladies and ficknefie through the yeare, 
As if that Steuen any time tooke charge of horfes heare. 

Next lohn the fonne of Zeledee hath his appoynted day, 
Who once by cruell tyraunts will, conftrayned was they fay 96 

Strong poyfon vp to drinke, therefore the Papiftes doe beleeue, 
That whofo puts their trufl in him, no poyfon them can greeue. 
The wine befide that halowed is, in worlhip of his name, 
The Prieftes doe giue the people that bring money for the fame. 100 
And after with the felfe fame wine are little manchets made, 
Agaynfl the boyftrous winter ftormes, and fundrie fuch like trade. 
The men vpon this folemne day, do take this holy wine, 103 

To make them ftrong, fo do the maydes to make them faire and fine. 

Then comes the day that calles to minde the cruell Herodes ftrife, 
Who feeking Chrift to kill, the king of euerlafting life, 
Deftroyde the little infants yong, a beaft vnmercilefle, 
And put to death all fuch as were of two yeares age or lefTe. I oS 

To them the finfull wretcheffe crie, and earneftly do pray, 
To get them pardon for their faultes, and wipe their finnes away. 
The Parentes when this day appeares, doe beate their children all, 
(Though nothing they deferue) and feruaunts all to beating fall, 112 
And Monkes do whip eche other well, or elfe their Prior great, 
Or Abbot mad, doth take in hande their breeches all to beat : 
In worfhip of thefe Innocents, or rather as we fee, 
In honour of the curled king, that did this crueltee'. 116 

The next to this is Newyeares day, whereon to euery frende/ 
They coftly prefents in do bring, and Neweyeares giftes do fende. 
Thefe giftes the hufband giues his wife, and father eke the childe, 
And maifter on his men beftowes the like, with fauour milde. 120 
And good beginning of the yeare they wifhe and wilhe againe, 
According to the auncient guile of heathen people vaine. 
Thefe eight dayes no man doth require his dettes of any man, 
Their tables do they furnilh out with all the meate they can: 124 
With Marchpaynes, Tartes, & Cuftards great, they drink with flaring 
They rowte and reuell, feede and feaft, as merry all as Pyes : [eyes, 

and a wooden 
Child drest up, 
set on the altar. 
Boys and Girls 
daunce and sing 
round it, 
the Priests roar, 
and the Parents 

Saint SteueH. 
Dec. 26. 
Horses are gal- 
lopt till they 
sweat, to keep 
em well all the 

Saint lohn. 
Dec. 27. 

Pries tiJiallow 
wiiie, and sell it, 

and make Man 
chets with it, 
against storms. 

[leaf 45, back] 
Dec. 28. 

Parents beat 
their children, 
servants and 
Monks beat one 

Nnvyeares day. 

Gifts are made 
to every one. 

For 8 days no 
man asks a debt. 
Great feasting 
goes on. 

Tivelfe day. 
January 6. 

Every set of 
friends chooses a 
King, and has a 

Children choose 
a Prince too. 

[leaf 46] 

Every house 
holder makes a 
big cake, and 
puts a penny in 
it. It's cut up, 

and the man who 
gets the penny, 
is King, and is 
lifted up to the 
roof to make 
crosses on the 
rafters, against 

At night, 
Frankincense is 
burnt, and all the 
family smoke 
their noses and 
eyes in it, to keep 
'em sound. 

Then they carry 
the pan in pro 
cession round 
the house, to 
keep witches off. 

They foretell the 
year's weather 

326 Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 

As if they {hould at th'entrance of this newe yeare hap to die, 

Yet would they haue theyr bellyes full, and auncient friendes allie, 128 

The wife mens day here foloweth, who out from Perfia farre, 
Brought gifts and prefents vnto Chrift, conducted by a ftarre. 
The Papiftes do beleeue that thefe were kings, and fo them call, 
And do affirme that of the fame there were but three in all. 132 

Here fundrie friendes togither come, and meete in companie, 
And make a king amongft themfelues by voyce or deftinie : 
Who after princely guife appoyntes, his officers alway, 
Then vnto fealting doe they go, and long time after play : 136 

Upon their hordes in order thicke the daintie dimes ftande, 
Till that their purfes emptie be, and creditors at hande. 
Their children herein follow them, and choofing princes here, 
With pompe and great folemnitie, they meete and make good chere : 
With money eyther got by Health, or of their parents eft, 141 

That fo they may be traynde to knowe both ryot here and theft. 
Then alfo euery houfholder, to his abilitie, 

Doth make a mightie Cake, that may fuffice his companie : 144. 

Herein a pennie doth he put, before it come to fire, 
This he deuides according as his houiholde doth require, 
And euery peece diftributeth, as round about they ftand, 
Which in their names vnto the poore is giuen out of hand : 148 

But who fo chaunceth on the peece wherein the money lies, 
Is counted king amongft them all, and is with fhowtes and cries 
Exalted to the heauens vp, who taking chalke in hande, 
Doth make a crofle on euery beame, and rafters as they ftande: 152 
Great force and powre haue thefe agaynft all iniuryes and harmes 
Of curfed deuils, fprites, and bugges, of coniurings and charmes. 
So much this king can do, fo much the Croffes brings to pafle, 
Made by fome feruant, maide, or childe, or by fome foolifh afle. 156 
Twife fixe nightes then from Chriftmaffe, they do count with diligence, 
Wherein eche maifter in his houfe doth burne vp Franckenfence : 
And on the Table fettes a loafe, when night approcheth nere, 
Before the Coles, and Franckenfence to be perfumed there: 160 

Firft bowing downe his heade he ftandes, and nofe and eares, and eyes 
He fmokes, and with his mouth receyue the fume that doth arife : 
Whom followeth ftreight his wife, and doth the fame full folemly, 
And of their children euery one, and all their family : 164 

Which doth preferue they fay their teeth, and nofe, and eyes, and eare, 
From euery kind of maladie, and ficknerte all the yeare. 
When euery one receyued hath this odour great and fmall, 
Then one takes vp the pan with Coales, and Franckenfence and all, 
An other takes the loafe, whom all the reaft do follow here, J 69 

And round about the houfe they go, with torch or taper clere, 
That neither bread nor meat do want, nor witch with dreadful charme, 
Haue powre to hurt their children, or to do their cattell harme. 172 
There are that three nightes onely do perfourme this foolilli geare, 
To this intent, and thinke themfelues in fafetie all the yeare. 

Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 327 

To Chrift dare none commit himfelfe. And in thefe dayes befide, 
They iudge what weather all the yeare lhali happen and betide: 176 
Afcribing to ech day a month, and at this prefent time, 
The youth in euery place doe flocke, and all appareld fine, 
With Pypars through the ftreetes they runne, and ling at euery dore, 
In commendation of the man, rewarded well therefore : 180 

Which on themfelues they do beftowe, or on the Church, as though 
The people were not plagude with Roges and begging Friers enough. 
There Cities are, where boyes and gyrles togither ftill do runne, 
About the ftreete with like, as foone as night beginnes to come, 184 
And bring abrode their waflell bowles, who well rewarded bee, 
With Cakes and Cheele, and great good cheare, and money plentiouflee. 

Then commes in place faint Agnes day, which here in Germanic, 
Is not fo much efteemde, nor kept with fuch folemnitie : 188 

But in the Popifh Court it ftandes in palling hie degree, 
As fpring and head of wondrous gaine, and great commoditee. 
For in faint Agnes Church vpon this day while Malfe they ling, 
Two Lambes as white as fnowe, the Nonnes do yearely vfe to bring: 
And when the Agnus chaunted is, vpon the aultar hie, 193 

(For in this thing there hidden is a folemne myfterie) 
They offer them. The feruaunts of the Pope when this is done, 
Do put them into Pafture good till (hearing time be come. 196 

Then other wooll they mingle with thefe holy fleefes twaine, 
Whereof being fponne and dreft, are made the Pals of pairing gaine : 
Three fingars commonly in bredth, and wrought in compaffe fo, 
As on the Bilhops moulders well they round about may go. 200 

Thefe Pals thus on the fhoulders let, both on the backe and breft, 
Haue labels hanging fomething lowe, the endes whereof are dreft, 
And typte with plates of weightie lead, and vefture blacke arayde, 
And laft of all to make an ende, with knots are furely ftayde. 204 
O ioyfull day of Agnes, and to Papiftes full of gaine, 
O precious worthie Lambes, O wooll moft fortunate againe. 
O happie they that fpin and weaue the fame, whofe handes may touch 
This holy wooll, and make thefe Pals of price and vertue fuch. 208 
For by the fame the Bilhops haue their full aucthoritie, 
And Metropolitanes are forced, thefe dearely for to buie. 
Beftowing fometime eight, or ten, yea thirtie thoufand crownes, 
Ere halfe the yeare be full expirde, for thefe fame pelting gownes. 212 
Ne can they vfe the Pall that was their predicelfors late, 
Nor play the Bilhop, nor receyue the Primates hie eftate, 
Till that he get one of his owne : with fuch like fubtiltie, 
The Pope doth all men powle, without refpect of Simonie. 216 

Perchaunce fuch force doth not in thefe fame holy Lambes remaine, 
Nor of it felfe the wooll fo much, nor all the weauers paine, 
As thefe fame powlers feeme to fay : for thus thefe palles being wrought, 
Are ftreight waies to S. Peters Church by hands of Deacons brought, 
And vnderneath the aultar all the night they buryed lie, 221 

Among faint Peters reliques and faint Paules his fellow bie. 

[leaf 46, back] 

Young men 
dresst-up. go 
singing thro the 
streets with 

Saint Agnes. 
Jan. 21. 

Is kept at Rome 

2 snow-white 
lambs are offerd 
on the altar, 

then put to grass 
and shorn ; and 
their wool is 
made into narrow 

with labels tipt 
with lead. 

These Palls, 
Bishops and 
Archbishops are 
forc't to buy at 
high prices. 

[leaf 47] 

The Palls are 
put under the 
altar in St. 
Peter's, among 
his relics, for one 
night, and thence 

are thought to 
draw heavenly 
p ower. 

Foul deceits ! 

What holy thing 
hav'n't the 
Papists turnd to 

They say these 
Palls were insti 
tuted by St. 
Peter's successor. 

[leaf 47, back] 

C andelmasse . 
Feb. 2. 

Big Tapers are 
blest in Church, 
then lighted, put 
out, and kept to 
light against 
thunder, devils, 
and spirits that 
walk by night. 

Blase. Feb. 3. 

The Holy-Water 

328 Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 

From hence the facred iuyce they draw, and powre celeftiall, 

As if the holy ghoft mould giue thefe Clarkes his vertue all. 224 

Straunge Reliques fure, and bodies eke of paffing fan&itie, 
That to fuch lowfie clokes can giue fo great au6thoritie. 
Who would not more efteeme you nowe then when you here did liue, 
When as no clokes at all you did vnto your Bifhops giue, 228 

Nor fed fo many paunches great, nor fliauen companies, 
With foule illufions and deceytes and mameleffe futtelties ? 
Now filuer do you giue and heapes of golde togither rake 
From euery realme, and for a denne of theeues prouifion make. 232 
Farre be it from me that I mould thus of you beleeue or fay : 
But what fo holy in this worlde hath bene, or is this day, 
That this fame wicked Papacie doth not conuert to gaine ? 
Th'almightie Lord himfelfe aboue in fafetie cannot raigne. 236 

Now here the Papiftes do declare from whom at firft did fpring, 
The vfe of this fame pelting Pall, and this vnfeemely thing. 
And here a thoufand lyes they make, from auncient fathers olde, 
They fay the firft inuention came, ne dare they yet be bolde 240 
To burthen Peter with the fame, for feare they faint in proofe, 
But do reiect, not probably, yet farther of aloofe. 
Such folly and ambicion great, whereat you wonder may. 
For Linus he that Peter firft fucceeded as they fay, 244 

And guyded next the fea of Rome, firft tooke this fame in hande, 
That woollen garment might in fteede of lynnen Ephod ftande. 
But where was Agnes at this tyme ? who offred vp and how, 
The two white Lambes ? where then was Maffe as it is vfed now ? 
Yea where was then the popifh ftate, and dreadfull Monarchee ? 249 
Sure in faint Aujlens time, there were no Palles at Rome to fee : 
When Bimops all had equall powre, although as ftories tell, 
The romifhe Bifhop did the reaft in worthinefle excell. 252 

Thus Papiftes neuer count it iharne, nor any fault to lie, 
So they may get great fummes of golde, and rayfe their kingdome hie. 

Then comes the day wherein the virgin offred Chrift vnto 
The father chiefe, as Moyfes law commaunded hir to do. 256 

Then numbers great of Tapers large, both men and women beare 
To Church, being halowed there with pomp, & dreadful words to heare. 
This done, eche man his Candell lightes, where chief eft feemeth hee, 
Whofe taper greateft may be feene, and fortunate to bee : 260 

Whofe Candell burneth cleare and bright, a wondrous force and might 
Doth in thefe Candels lie, which if at any time they light, 
They fure beleue that neyther ftorme nor tempeft dare abide, 
Nor thunder in the fkies be heard, nor any deuils fpide, 264 

Nor fearefull fprites that walke by night, nor hurts of froft or haile, 
How eafily can thefe fellowes alt thefe hurly burlyes quaile ? 
That needlelfe is it nowe to put their truft in Chrift alone, 
Or to commit all things to him that fittes in chiefeft throne. 268 

Then followeth good fir Blafe, who doth a waxen Candell giue, 
And holy water to his men, whereby they fafely liue. 

Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.V. 1553. 329 

I diuers Barrels oft haue feene, drawne out of water cleare, 
Through one fmall blefled bone of this fame holy martyr heare : 272 
And caryed thence to other townes and Cities farre away, 
Ech fuperftition doth require fuch earneft kinde of play : 
But in the meane time no man ieekes for Chrifl and God aboue, 
Nor dare content themfelues to haue his fauour and his loue. 276 
f Now when at length the pleafant time of Shrouetide comes in place, 
And cruell falling dayes at hande approch with folemne grace : 
Then olde and yong are both as mad, as gheftes of Bacchus feafl, 
And foure dayes long they tipple fquare, and feede and neuer reaft. 
Downe goes the Hogges in euery place, and puddings euery wheare 
Do fwarme : the Dice are fhakte and toft, and Gardes apace they teare : 
[n euery houfe are ihowtes and cryes, and mirth, and reuell route, 
And daintie tables fpred, and all be fet with gheftes aboute : 284 

With fundrie playes and Chriftmafle games, & feare and Ihame away, 
The tongue is fet at libertie, and hath no kinde of flay. 
All thinges are lawfull then and done, no pleafure pafTed by, 
That in their mindes they can deuife, as if they then mould die : 288 
The chiefeft man is he, and one that moft deferueth prayfe, 
Among the reft that can finde out the fondeft kinde of playes. 
On him they looke and gaze vpon, and laugh with luftie cheare, 
Whom boyes do follow, crying foole, and fuch like other geare. 292 
He in the meane time thinkes himfelfe a wondrous worthie man, 
Not mooued with their wordes nor cryes, do whatfoeuer they can. 
Some fort there are that runne with ftaues, or fight in armour fine, 
Or fhew the people f oolifhe toyes, for fome fmall peece of wine. 296 
Eche partie hath his fauourers, and faythfull friendes enowe, 
That readie are to turne themfelues, as fortune lift to bowe. 
But fome againe the dreadfull fhape of deuils on them take, 
And cha/e fuch as they meete, and make poore boyes for feare to quake. 
Some naked runne about the ftreetes, their faces hid alone, 301 

With vifars clofe, that fo difguifde, they might be knowne of none. 
Both men and women chaunge their weede, the men in maydes aray, 
And wanton wenches dreft like men, doe trauell by the way, 304 
And to their neighbours houfes go, or where it likes them beft, 
Perhaps vnto fome auncient friend or olde acquainted gheft, 
Unknowne, and fpeaking but fewe wordes, the meate deuour they vp, 
That is before them fet, and cleane they fwinge of euery cup. 308 
Some runne about the ftreets attyrde like Monks, and fome like kings, 
Accompanied with pompe and garde, and other ftately things. 
Some hatch yong fooles as hennes do egges with good and fpeedie lucke, 
Or as the Goofe doth vfe to do, or as the quacking ducke. 312 

Some like wilde beaftes doe runne abrode in fkinnes that diuers bee 
Arayde, and eke with lothfome mapes, that dreadf all are to fee : 
They counterfet both Beares and Woolues, and Lions fierce in fight, 
And raging Bulles. Some play the Cranes with wings & ftilts vpright. 
Some like the filthie forme of Apes, and fome like fooles are dreft, 
Which beft befeeme thefe Papiftes all, that thus keepe Bacchus feaft. 

Barrels of it are 
drawn thro' one 
of his bones. 

(Shrove Tuesday 
varies from Feb. 
3 to March 9). 
Is a regular 
Drinking and 
feasting go on 
for 4 days, with 
cards, mirth, 
and revels. 

[leaf 48] 

Every one does 
as he likes, 

and the best man 
is he who finds 
out the silliest 

Some men get 
up fights ; 

Some dress like 
Devils ; 

some run about 

Girls dress like 
men, and go and 
feast at neigh 
bours' houses. 

Some folk dress 
up like wild 
beasts, or 

cranes or apes. 

Some carry 
about a turd on 
a cushion, 
[leaf 48, back] 

Some make a 
Guy, and toss 
him in a blanket. 

They dance 

They tie folk's 
hands behind 
their backs, and 
dance before 
them, jingling 

If there's snow, 
they pelt one 
another with 

Rich men and 
their families, in 
waggons with 
fast horses, and 
100 jingling bells 
round their 
necks, gallop 
madly thro the 

[leaf 49] 

This madness 
goes on up to 

330 Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 

Bat others beare a torde, that on a Culhion foft they lay, 

And one there is that with a flap doth keepe the flies away. 320 

I would there might an other be an officer of thofe, 

Whofe roome might feme to take away the fcent from euery nofe. 

Some others make a man all ftuft with ftraw or ragges within, 

Apparayled in dublet faire, and hofen pafling trim : 324 

Whom as a man that lately dyed of honeft life and fame, 

In blanket hid they beare about, and ftreightwayes with the fame 

They hurle him vp into the ayre, not fuffring him to fall, 

And this they doe at diuers tymes the Citie ouer all. 328 

I (hew not here their daunces yet, with rilthie ieflures mad, 

Nor other wanton fportes that on thefe holydayes are had. 

There places are where fuch as hap to come within this dore, 

Though olde acquainted friendes they be, or neuer feene before 3,32 

And fay not firrt here by your leaue, both in and out I go, 

They binde their handes behinde their backes, nor any difference tho 

Of man or woman is there made, but Bafons ringing great, 

Before them do they daunce with ioy, and fport in euery ftreat. 336 

There are that certaine prayers haue that on the Tuefday fall, 

Againft the quartaine Ague, and the other Feuers all. 

But others than fowe Onyon feede, the greater to be feene, 

And Perfley eke, and Lettys both, to haue them alwayes greene. 340 

Of truth I loth for to declare the foolifhe toyes and trickes, 

That in thefe dayes are done by thefe fame popifh Catholickes : 

If fnowe lie deepe vpon the ground, and almoft thawing bee, 

Then fooles in number great thou malt in euery corner fee : 344 

For balles of fnow they make, and them one at another carl, 

Till that the conquerde part doth yeelde and run away at laft. 

No Matrone olde nor fober man can freely by them come, 

At home he muft abide that will thefe wanton fellowes fhonne. 348 

Befides the noble men, the riche, and men of hie degree, 

Leaft they with common people mould not feeme fo mad to bee, 

There wagons finely framde before, and for this matter meete, 

And luftie horfe and fwift of pace, well trapt from head to feete 352 

They put therein, about whofe necke and euery place before, 

A hundred gingling belles do hang, to make his courage more. 

Their wiues and children therein let, behinde themfelues do ftande, 

Well armde with whips, and holding faft the bridle in their hande, 

With all their force throughout the ftreetes and market place they ron, 

As if fome whirlewinde mad, or tempeft great from fkies mould come. 

As faft as may be from the ft[r]eates, th'amazed people flye, 

And giues them place while they about doe runne continually. 360 

Yea fometime legges or armes they breake, and horfe and carte and all 

They ouerthjow, with fuch a force, they in their courfe doe fall. 

Much leffe they man or childe doe fpare, that meetes them in the waye, 

Nor they content themfelues to vfe this madnefle all the daye : 364 

But euen till midnight holde they on, their paftimes for to make, 

Whereby they hinder men of ileepe, and caufe their heades to ake. 

Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 331 

But all this fame they care not for, nor doe efteeme a heare, 

So they may haue their pleafure ftill, and fooliili wanton geare. 368 

The Wednefday next a folemne day, to Church they early go, 
To fponge out all the foolilh deedes by them committed fo, 
They money giue, and on their heddes, the Prieftes doth allies lay, 
And with his holy water walheth all their linnes away : 372 

fn woondrous fort againft the veniall finnes doth profite this, 
Yet here no ftay of madnefle now, nor ende of follie is, 
With mirth to dinner ftraight they go, and to their woonted playe, 
And on their deuills lhapes they put, and fprightifh fonde araye. 376 
Some fort there are that mourning go, with lantarnes in their hande, 
While in the day time Titan bright, amid the fkies doth ftande : 
And feeke their Ihroftide Bachanals, ftill crying euery where, 
Where are our feaftes become? alas the cruell faftes appere. 380 

Some beare about a herring on a ftafFe, and lowde doe rore, 
Herrings, herrings, ftincking herrings, puddings now no more. 
And hereto ioyne they foolilh playes, and doltilh dogrell rimes. 
And what belide they can inuent, belonging to the times. 384 

Some other beare vpon a ftaffe their fellowes horfed hie, 
And carie them vnto fome ponde, or running riuer nie, 
That what fo of their foolifh feaft, doth in them yet remayne, 
May vnderneth the floud be plungde, and walht away againe. 388 
Some children doe intife with Nuttes, and peares abrode to play, 
And linging through the towne they go, before them all the way. 
In fome place all the youthfull flocke, with minftrels doe repaire, 
And out of euery houfe they plucke the girles, and maydens fayre. 392 
And them to plough they ftraitwayes put, with whip one doth them hit, 
Another holdes the plough in hande, the Minftrell here doth lit 
Amidde the fame, and drounken fonges, with gaping mouth he lings, 
Whome foloweth one that fowes out fande, or ames fondely flings. 396 
When thus they through the ftreetes haue plaide, the man that guideth 

Doth driue both plough & maydens through fome ponde or riuer 

fmall : 

And dabbled all with durt, and wringing wette as they may bee, 
To fupper calles, and after that to daunting luftilee. 400 

The follie that thefe dayes is vfde, can no man well declare, 
Their wanton paftimes, wicked actes, and all their franticke fare. 
On Sunday at the length they leaue, their mad and f oolilh game, 
And yet not fo, but that they drinke, and dice away the fame. 404 
Thus at the laft to Bacchus is this day appoynted cleare, 

Then (O poore wretches) failings long approching doe appeare : 
[n fourtie dayes they neyther milke, nor rlelhe, nor egges doe eate, 
And butter with their lippes to touch, is thought a trefpafie great : 408 
Both Ling and faltfilhe they deuoure, and tithe of euery forte, 
Whofe purfe is full, and fuch as liue in great and welthie porte : 
But onyans, browne bread, leekes and fait, mult poore men dayly gnaw 
And fry their oten cakes in oyle. The Pope deuifde this law 412 

A shwednesday 
(varies from Feb. 
4 to March 10). 

Priests lay ashes 
on folk's heads, 
and wash all 
their sins away 
with holy water. 
But still they go 
on with their 

They carry about 
a herring on a 
staff, and sing 
doggrel rytnes ; 
or horse a man, 
and heave him 
into a pond. 

Others pull girls 
[leaf 49, back] 
put, harness em 
in a plough, 

and drive em 
thro the streets 

and some stream 

and then sup 
and dance. 

Even on Sunday 
they drink and 


For 40 days 
the ist) only salt* 

onions, brown 
bread and leeks 
are eaten. 

The Images in 
Churches are 
coyerd up, and 
painted cloths 
shown declaring 
God's wrath. 

Care Sunday. 
Passion or Carle 
Sunday, the 5th 
in Lent. 

[leaf 50] 

All folk are 


The boys draw a 

guy of Death into 

the country. 

They have 2 
yuys of Summer 
and Winter, and 
make Summer 
beat Winter. 

Palme Sunday 
(varies from 
March 15 to 
April 18). 

They set a 
wooden Ass, 
ridden by an 
image, on wheels, 
before the 
Church door. 
Folk bring 

Two lubbers 
sing that the 
Image is Christ, 

332, Appendix. Popular and Pobish Customs, A.D. 1553. 

For finnes, th'offending people here from hell and death to pull, 

Beleeuing not that all their finnes, were earft forgiuen full. 

Yet here thefe wofull foules he helpes, and taking money faft, 

Doth all things fet at libertie, both egges and flefh at laft. 416 

The Images and pictures now are couerde fecretlie, 

In euery Church, and from the beames, the roofe and rafters hie 

Hanges painted linnen clothes that to the people doth declare, 

The wrath and furie great of God, and times that fafted are. 420 

Then all men are conftrainde their linnes, by cruell law to tell, 

And threatned if they hide but one, with dredfull death and hell. 

From hence no little gaines vnto the Prielles doth ftill arife, 

And of the Pope the lhambles doth appeare in beaftly wife. 424 

Now comes the funday forth, of this fame great and holy faft, 
Here doth the Pope the mriuen bleffe, abfoluing them at laft, 
From all their linnes, and of the lewes the law he doth alow, 
As if the power of God had not fufficient bene till now. 428 

Or that the law of Moyfes here, were ftill of force and might, 
In thefe fame happie dayes, when Chrift doth raigne w* heauenly light. 
The boyes with ropes of ftraw doth frame an vgly monfter here, 
And call him death, whom from the towne, with prowd & folemne chere 
To hilles and valleyes they conuey, and villages thereby, 433 

From whence they ftragling doe returne, well beaten commonly. 
Thus children alfo beare with fpeares, their Cracknelles round about, 
And two they haue, whereof the one is called Sommer ftout : 436 
Apparalde all in greene, and dreft in youthfull fine araye, 
The other Winter, clad in moffe with heare all hoare and graye : 
Thefe two togither fight, of which the Palme doth Sommer get, 
From hence to meate they go, and all with wine their whittles wet. 
The other toyes that in this time, of holly faftes appeare, 441 

I loth to tell, nor order like, is vfed euery wheare. 

Here comes that worthie day wherein, our fauior Chrift is thought, 
To come vnto lerufalem, on affes moulders brought : 444 

When as againe thefe Papiftes fonde, their fooliih pageantes haue, 
With pompe and great folemnitie, and countnaunce wondrous graue. 
A woodden Affe they haue, and Image great that on him rides, 
But vnderneath the Afles feete, a table broade there Hides, 448 

Being borne on wheeles, which ready dreft, and al things meete therfore 
The Alfe is brought abroade and fet before the Churches doore : 
The people all do come and bowes of trees and palmes they bere, 
Which things againft the tempeft great, the Parfon coniures there, 
And ftraytwayes downe before the Afle, vpon his face he lies, 453 
Whome there an other Prieft doth ftrike with rodde of largeft fife : 
He rifing vp, two lubbours great vpon their faces fall, 
In ftraunge attire and lothfomely, with filthie tune they ball : 456 
Who when againe they rifen are, with ftretching out their hande, 
They poynt vnto the woodden knight, and finging as they ftande 
Declare that that is he that came, into the worlde to faue, 
And to redeeme fuch as in him their hope aflured haue : 460 

Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, &.v. 1553. 333 

And euen the fame that long agone while in the ftreate he rdade, 

The people mette, and Oliue bowes fo thicke before hym ftroade. 

This being foung, the people caft the braunches as they paffe, 

Some part vpon the Image, and fome part vpon the Affe. 464 

Before whofe feete a wondrous heape, of bowes and braunches ly, 

This done, into the Church he ftrayght, is drawne full folemly : 

The fhauen Prieftes before them marche, the people follow fall, 

Still firming who mall gather firft the bowes that downe are caft: 468 

For falfely they beleeue that thefe, haue force and vertue great, 

Againft the rage of winter ftormes, and thunders flaming heate. 

Are Idoles wormipt otherwife, are thefe not wicked things ? 

Euen I my felfe haue earft behelde, both wife and mightie Kings 472 

Defilde with this religion vile, that on their knees haue kneelde, 

Unto thefe ftockes, and honour due to God, to them did yeelde. 

In fome place wealthie Citizens, and men of fober chere 

For no fmall fumme doe hire this Affe, with them about to bere, 476 

And manerly they vfe the fame, not fufFering any by, 

To touch this Affe, nor to prefume vnto his prefence ny : 

For they fuppofe that in this thing, they Chrift doe highly feme, 

And well of him accepted are, and great rewardes deferue. 480 

If any man mall happe to thinke, them Affes here in this, 

I fure beleeue he is not much deceyude, nor thinkes amis. 

When as the Prieftes and people all haue ended this the fport, 

The boyes doe after dinner come, and to the Church refort : 484 

The Sexten pleafde with price, and looking well no harme be done, 

They take the Alfe, and through the ftreetes, & crooked lanes they rone, 

Whereas they common verfes ling, according to the guife, 

The people giuing money, breade, and egges of largeft cife. 488 

Of this their gaines they are compelde, the maifter halfe to giue, 

Leaft he alone without his portion of the Affe fhoulde liue. 

From Thurfeday then till Eafter come, the fondeft toyes haue place 
Wherin thefe cathlikes think themfelues, great men of wowdrous grace 
Firft three dayes fpace the belles are wilde, in faience for to lie, 493 
When from the toppes of hawtie towres, with clappers lowd they crie. 
The boyes in euery ftreat doe runne, and noyfes great they make, 
While as in calling men to Church their wooden clappers fhake. 496 
Thre nightes at midnight vp they rife, their Mattens for to heare, 
Appoynted well with clubbes and ftaues, and ftones in order theare : 
The Sexten ftraightwayes putteth out the candles fpeedely, 
And ftraight the Prieft with ruftie throte, alowde begins to cry. 500 
Then furious rage begins to fpring, and hurlyburly rife, 
On pewes and defkes and feates they bounce, & beate in dredfullwife : 
Thou wouldft fuppofe they were poffeft, with fprightes and deuills all, 
Or fury fuch as forceth them, that vpon Baccus call. 504 

Some beaten downe with clubbes and ftaues, amongft the pewes do ly 
And others almoft brainde with ftones, or wounded mortally. 
Well ferues the darckeneffe for thefe deedes, and thereto doth agree, 
The falhions like of euery one, that thus enraged bee. 508 

the people cast 
their boughs on 
the Image. 

[leaf 50, back] 

The Ass is 
drawn into the 
church, and folk 
pick up the 
boughs to pro 
tect them from 

(Some rich, men 
hire this Ass 
and take it about 
with em.) 

After dinner 
boys drag the 
Ass about the 
streets, and get 
money and eggs 
for it; half of 
which goes to 
the Priest. 

(Day before 
Good Friday). 
For 3 days the 
bells are still, 
and then rung_ 
lowdly. 3 Mid 
night services 
are held in 
Church, the 
lights are put 
out, and a 
regular shindy 

[leaf 51] 

men being 
beaten and 

Then candles are 
lighted, and a 
lantern's hung 
round an 
image's neck. 

The Bishop's oil 
and glasses are 
blest, and the 

The Monks 
make their 
Maundy, and 
wash each other's 

Then they take 
to loaf and pot. 

[leaf 51, back] 

(varies from 
March 22 to 
April 25). 

2 Priests lay the 
Image of the 
Crucifix on 
Turkey carpets, 
and worship this 
wooden God. 

The simple folk 
bring gifts, sweet 
to the poll-shorn 



334 Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.V. 1553. 

Here wicked ludas all to tome, with vile reproches lies, 

And Marie in the darcke is calde vpon with childifh cries. 

That fhe be mercifull and helpe, and heale the faultes that bee, 

And through hir powre deliuer them, from hurt and miferee. 

Thefe things vnto thefe feaftes belonges, the candles being light, 

An Image faflned to a croffe is caried all vpright : 

A lanterne rounde about his necke, is hangde to mew the way, 

Are not thefe popim foolifh toyes, a pretie kinde of play ? 

This day the oyle and glaflfes of the Bilhop hallowed bee, 

And twife three times faluting them, he lowly bendes his knee. 

The Cannons after doe the fame, with laughter wouldft thou faint, 

And woonder farre to fee them make, their fpeechelelfe glafle a faint. 

Their dinner done, from th'aultar all their coflly clothes they take, 

And warn it, rubbing it with bowes, and bromes that they doe make : 

Then water on they powre and wine croflwife there on they lay, 

And to the patron of ech aultar, humbly doe they pray, 524 

That they vouchfafe to looke vpon theyr feruaunts worfhipping, 

And to afwage the furie great, of hue the thundring King. 

And here the Monkes their maundie make, with fundrie folemne rights 

And lignes of great humilitie, and wondrous pleafaunt fights. 528 

Ech one the others feete doth wafh, and wipe them cleane and drie, 

With hatefull minde, and fecret frawde, that in their heartes doth lye 

As if that Chrift with his examples, did thefe thinges require, 

And not to helpe our brethren here, with zeale and free defire, 532 

Ech one fupplying others want, in all things that they may, 

As he himfelfe a feruaunt made, to ferue vs euery way. 

Then ftrait the loaues doe walke, and pottes in euery place they itinke 

Wherewith the holy fathers oft, to pleafaunt damfels drinke, 536 

And fure with no diffembling heart, for true as fteele they bee, 

And often times they put in proofe their great fidelitee. 

Two Prieftes the next day following, vpon their moulders beare, 
The Image of the Crucifix, about the altar neare : 540 

Being clad in coape of crimozen die, and dolefully they fing 
At length before the fleps his coate pluckt of they ftraight him bring, 
And vpon Turkey Carpettes lay him downe full tenderly, 
With cufhions vnderneath his heade, and pillowes heaped hie : 544 
Then flat vpon the grounde they fall, and kifle both hande and feete, 
And worfhip fo this woodden God, with honour farre vnmeete. 
Then all the fhauen fort falles downe, and foloweth them herein, 
As workemen chiefe of wickedneffe, they firft of all begin : 548 

And after them the fimple foules, the common people come, 
And worlhip him with diuers giftes, as Golde, and filuer fome : 
And others corne or egges againe, to poulfhorne perfons fweete, 
And eke a long defired price, for wicked worlhip meete. ^52 

How are the Idoles worfhipped, if this religion here 
Be Catholike, and like the fpowes of Chrift accounted dere ? 
Befides with Images the more, their pleafure here to take. 
And Chrift that euery where doth raigne, a laughing ftocke to make, 

Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 335 

An other Image doe they get, like one but newly deade, 557 

With legges ftretcht out at length and handes, vpon his body fpreade : 

And him with pompe and facred fong, they beare vnto his graue, 

His bodie all being wrapt in lawne, and filkes and farcenet braue, 560 

The boyes before with clappers go, and filthie noyfes make, 

The Sexten beares the light, the people hereof knowledge take : 

And downethey kneele, or kifle the grounde, their handes helde vp abrod 

And knocking on their breaftes they make, this woodden blocke a God. 

And leaft in graue he moulde remaine, without fome companie, 565 

The tinging bread is layde with him, for more idolatrie : 

The Prieft the Image worfhips firft, as falleth to his turne, 

And franckenfence and fweete perfumes, before the breade doth burne : 

With tapers, all the people come, and at the barriars flay, 569 

Where downe vpon their knees they fall, and night and day they pray : 

And violets and euery kinde of flowres about the graue 

They ftraw, and bring in all their giftes, and prefents that they haue. 

The finging men their Dirges chaunt, as if fome guiltie foule 

Were buried there, that thus they may, the people better poule. 574 

On Eafter cue the fire all, is quencht in euery place, 
And frefh againe from out the flint, is fetcht with folemne grace : 
The Prieft doth halow this againfl great daungers many one, 
Abrande whereof doth euery man with greedieminde take home, 578 
That when the fearefull florme appeares, or tempefl blacke arife, 
By lighting this he fafe may be, from ftroke of hurtfull fkies : 
A Taper great, the pafchall namde, with muficke then they blefle, 
And franckenfence herein they pricke, for greater holynefle : 582 
This burneth night and day as figne, of Chrift that conquerde hell, 
As if fo be this foolifti toye, fuffifeth this to tell. 
Then doth the Bilhop or the Prieft, the water halow ftraight, 
That for their baptifme is referude : for now no more of waight 586 
Es that they vfde the yeare before, nor can they any more, 
Yong children chriften with the fame, as they haue done before. 
With woondrous pompe and furniture, amid the Church they go, 
With candles, crofles, banners, Chrifme, and oyle appoynted tho : 590 
Nine times about the font they marche, and on the faintes doe call, 
Then ftill at length they ftande, and ftraight the Prieft begins withall, 
And thrife the water doth he touche, and crofles thereon make, 
Here bigge and barbrous wordes he fpeakes, to make the deuill quake : 
And holfome waters coniureth, and fooliihly doth drefle, 595 

Suppoling holyar that to make, which God before did blefle : 
And after this his candle than, he thrufteth in the floode, 
And thrife he breathes thereon with breath, that ftinkes of former foode : 
And making here an ende, his Chrifme he poureth therevpon, 599 
The people flaring hereat ftande, amazed euery one : 
Beleeuing that great powre is giuen to this water here, 
By gaping of thefe learned men, and fuch like trifling gere. 
Therefore in veflels brought they draw, and home they carie fome, 
Againft the grieues that to themfelues, or to their beaftes may come. 

The Priests 
dress and bring 
an image of 

Boys make 
noises with 

Singing bread 
is laid with the 
image in the 
grave ; 

flowers are 
strewn about it 
and Dirges 
[leaf 52] 
Easter eve. 

All fires are put 
out ; and a 
brand blest, to 
keep off storms. 

The Paschal 
Taper is burnt 
day and night. 

Water is made 
holy for next 
year's baptisms. 

A Procession 
marches 9 times 
round the font, 
and the Priest 
hallows the 
Water, . 

pouring his 
Chrism on it. 

Folk carry some 
home, and 

336 Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 

fasting is over. 
Easter day. 
[leaf 52, back] 

They take the 
buried Image 
out of the grave, 

put another on 
the Altar, and 
sing ' Christ is 

Pageants are 
playd by 
maskers : as the 
3 Maries at the 

Feasting begins 
at midnight. 

Friars and 
Priests get fees. 

Radishes are 
eaten against 
the quartan ague. 

Papists don't 
believe in life by 
Christ alone. 

[leaf 53] 

Then folk fall to 
their old life 





Then Clappers ceafle, and belles are fet againe at libertee, 
And herewithall the hungrie times of failing ended bee. 

At midnight then with carefull minde, they vp to mattens ries, 
The Clarke doth come, and after him, the Priefl with flaring eies : 608 
The Image and the breade from out the graue (a worthie fight) 
They take, and Angels two they place in vefture white, 
And rounde aboat ech place appeeres, all voyde of ftanders by 
Sane onely that the watchmen there, amazed feeme to ly. 612 

But yet I thinke the trembling of the earth they neuer fee, 
Nor of the heauenly meflfenger, the flaming maieftie. 
An other Image of a Conquerour they forth doe bring, 
And on the aultar place, and then, they luftily doe fing, 616 

That Gates of hell a funder burft, and Sathan ouerthrowne, 
Chrift from his graue is rifen vp, and now aliue is knowne. 
Which yet they thinke not fo to be, as plainely doth appeere, 
By their Religion, doubtes, and feare, and by their doings here. 620 
In fome place folemne fightes and ftiowes, & Pageants fayre are playd, 
With fundrie fortes of mafkers braue, in ftraunge attire arayd, 
As where the Maries three doe meete, the fepulchre to fee, 
And lohn with Peter fwiftly runnes, before him there to bee. 624 
These things are done with iefture fuch, and with fo pleafaunt game, 
That euen the graueft men that Hue, woulde laugh to fee the fame. 
At midnight ftrait, not tarying till the daylight doe appeere, 627 

Some gettes in flefh, and glutton lyke, they feede vpon their cheere. 
They roft their flefh, and cuftardes great, and egges and radifh ftore, 
And trifles, clouted creame, and cheefe, and whatfoeuer more 
At firft they lift to eate, they bring into the temple ftraight, 63 1 

That fo the Prieft may halow them with wordes of wondrous waight. 
The Friers befides, & pelting Prieftes, from houfe to houfe doe roame, 
Receyuing gaine of euery man that this will haue at home. 
Some raddiih rootes this day doe take before all other meate, 
Againft the quartan ague and fuch other ficknefle great. 636 

What mould I mew their forced fayth and great hypocrifie, 
When as of Chift they doe receyue the dredfull millerie ? 
Which they ne woulde if that they fearde not lightnings of the Pope, 
For none of them beleeueth here, nor none of them doth hope 640 
That they receyue eternall life, and euerlafting feate, 
By death of lefus Chrift, and by his crofle and triumph great. 
For who fhould teache to them the fame, fince euery Popes decree, 
Their doctrine, fayth, and all their rightes, to this contrarie bee ? 644 
Straight after this, into the fieldes they walke to take the viewe, 
And to their woonted life they fall, and bid the reaft adewe : 
Go nowe and laugh the lewes to fcorne, and all the Turkes that bee, 
For fayth, religion, lawes, and life, and their Idolatree. 648 

Sure wondrous wife and good they be, if that thou wilt compare 
Them with thefe doltifli Papiftes here, that blinde and beaftly are. 

Nowe comes the day wherein they gad abrode, with crofle in hande, 
To boundes of euery field, and round about their neighbours lande : 

Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 337 

And as they go, they fing and pray to euery faint aboue, 653 

But to our Ladie fpecially, whom moft of all they loue. 
When as they to the towne are come, the Church they enter in, 
And looke what faint that Church doth guide, they humbly pray to him, 
That he preferue both corne and fruite, from ftorme and tempeft great, 
And them defend from harme, and fend them ftore of drinke and meat. 
This done, they to the Tauerne go, or in the fieldes they dine, 659 
Where downe they fit and feede a pace, and fill themfelues with wine, 
So much that oftentymes without the Croffe they come away, 
And miferably they reele, till as their ftomacke vp they lay. 
Thefe things three dayes continually are done, with folemne fport, 
With many Croffes often they vnto fome Church refort, 664 

Whereas they all do chaunt alowde, wherby there ftreight doth fpring, 
A bawling noyfe, while euery man feekes hygheft for to fing : 
The Prieftes giue eare, this madneife them doth moft of all content, 
And wine to them that pafle the reaft, is from the Parfon fent. 668 

Then comes the day when Chrift afcended to his fathers feate, 
Which day they alfo celebrate, with ftore of drinke and meate. 
Then euery man fome birde muft eate, I know not to what ende, 
And after dinner all to church they come, and there attende. 672 
The blocke that on the aultar ftill, till then was feene to ftande, 
Is drawne vp hie aboue the roofe, by ropes, and force of hande : 
The Prieftes about it rounde do ftand, and chaunt it to the fkie, 
For all thefe mens religion great, in finging moft doth lie. . 676 
Then out of hande the dreadfull mape of Sathan downe they throw, 
Oft times with fire burning bright, and dafht a funder tho, 
The boyes with greedie eyes do watch, and on him ftraight they fall, 
And beate him fore with rods, and breake him into peeces fmall. 680 
This done, they wafers downe doe caft, and finging Cakes the while, 
With Papers rounde amongft them put, the children to beguile. 
With laughter great are all things done: and from the beames they let 
Great ftreames of water downe to fall, on whom they meane to wet. 
And thus this folemne holiday, and hye renowmed feaft, 68^ 

And all their whole deuotion here, is ended with a ieaft. 

On Whitfunday, whyte Pigeons tame, in firings from heauen flie, 
And one that framed is of wood, ftill hangeth in the fkie. 688 

Thou feeft how they with Idols play, and teach the people to, 
None otherwife then little gyrles with Puppets vfe to do. 

Then doth enfue the folemne feaft of Corpus Chrijli day, 
Who then can fhewe their wicked vfe, and fonde and foolifh play ? 
The hallowed bread with worfhip great, in filuer Pix they beare 693 
About the Church, or in the Citie paffing here and theare. 
His armes that beares the fame, two of the welthieft men do holde, 
And ouer him a Canopey of filke and cloth of golde 696 

Foure others vfe to beare aloufe, Ieaft that fome filthie thing 
Should fall from hie, or fome mad birde hir doung thereon mould fling. 
Chriftes paflion here derided is, with fundrie mafkes and playes, 
Faire Urfley with hir maydens all, doth pafie amid the wayes : 700 

Sunday is the 
5th after Easter 
Bounds are 

Then folk dine 
and drink at the 
tavern or in the 

This lasts 3 days. 

Ascention day 
(varies from April 
30 to June 3). 

Birds are eaten 
(as ascenders). 
The Image on 
the Altar (p. 
336), is heavd 
above the roof. 

One of Satan is 
thrown down, 
and broken to 

[leaf 53, back] 

Water is let fall 
on people below. 

(varies from May 
10 to June 13). 
White Pigeons 
are flown. 

Corpus Christi 

(Thursday after 
Trinity Sunday, 
May 17 to June 

Hallowd bread 
is borne about 
the Church under 
a canopy. 

Plays of Christ's 
Passion are 
acted ; of Ursula 

and her Virgins 
St. George and 
the Dragon, 

St. Sebastian, 
St. Katherine, 

St. Barbara, 
and other 

St. John walks 
before the 
Hallowd Bread. 

[leaf 54] 

Strangers fall on 
their knees to it. 

Armd men keep 
order, and look 
out for thieves. 

Organs play, 
folk fall on their 
faces, the Bread 
is lifted up, &c. 

Priests ride 
thro' the corn, 
and read the 
Gospel to keep 
off storms. 

Saint Vrban 

(May 25). 

338 Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 

And valiant George, with fpeafe thou killeft the dreadfull dragon here j 

The deuils houfe is drawne about, wherein there doth appere 

A wondrous fort of damned fprites, with foule and fearefull looke j 

Great Chriftopher doth wade and palfe with Chrift amid the brooke : 

Sebaftian full of feathred lhaftes, the dint of dart doth feelej 705 

There walketh Kathren with hir fworde in hande, and cruell wheele : 

The Challis and the ringing Cake, with Barbara is led, 

And fundrie other Pageants playde in worihip of this bred, 708 

That pleale the foolilh people well : what fhould I ftande vpon, 

Their Banners, Croffes, Candleftickes, and reliques many on, 

Their Cuppes and earned Images, tfhat Prieftes with countnance hie, 

Or rude and common people beare about full folemlie ? 712 

Saint lohn before the bread doth go, and pointing towardes him, 

Doth mew the fame to be the Lambe that takes away our finne : 

On whome two clad in Angels fhape, do fundrie flowres fling, 

A number great of facring Belles, with pleafant founde doe ring. 716 

The common wayes with bowes are ftrawde, and euery ftreete befide, 

And to the walles and windowes all, are boughes and braunches tide. 

The Monkes in euery place do roame, the Nonnes abrode are fent, 

The Prieftes and fchoolemen lowde do rore, fome vfe the inftrument. 

The ftraunger pafling through the ftreete, vpon his knees doe fall 1721 

And earnestly vpon this bread, as on his God doth call. 

For why, they count it for their Lorde, and that he doth not take 

The forme of flefh, but nature now of breade that we do bake. 724 

A number great of armed men here all this while doe ftande, 

To looke that no diforder be, nor any filching hande : 

For all the Church goodes out are brought, which certainly would bee 

A bootie good, if euery man might haue his libertee. 728 

This bread eight dayes togither they in prefence out do bring, 

The Organs all do then refound, and prieftes alowde do ling : 

The people flat on faces fall, their handes helde vp on hie, 

Beleeuing that they fee their God, and foueraigne maieftie. 732 

The like at Mafle they doe, while as the bread is lifted well, 

And Challys fhewed aloft, when as the Sexten rings the bell. 

O bleffed God, why fuffreft thou fuch wickednefle to raigne, 

And bringft them not into the fteppes of fathers olde againe, 736 

Whereof they do fo often boaft ? yet fo vnlike them be, 

That doctrine, faith, nor life with theirs, doth any whit agree, 

In Villages the hufbandmen about their corne doe ride, 

With many Croffes, Banners, and fir lohn their Prieft befide : 740 

Who in a bag about his necke doth beare the blelfed breade, 

And oftentyme he downe alightes, and Gofpell lowde doth reade. 

This furely keepes the corne from winde, and raine, and from the blaft : 

Such fayth the Pope hath taught, and yet the Papiftes holde it faft : 

Not taken from the Gofpell, nor the worthie doctors olde, 745 

But from the minde of man, and from blinde reafon miftrefle bolde. 

Straight after this comes Vflan in, the Vintners God deuine, 
Whofe day if that it pleafant be, and Sunne abrode do ftiine, 74^ 

Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 339 

Good lucke to them they count it then, and Bacchus holinefie, 

His Image and his Church they decke, and curioufly do drefle, 

About his necke both cups and bowles they hang in order rounde, 

And faft vpon his head a crowne of vinie leaues is wounde. 752 

Then him to Tauerne doe they bring, or to fome tipling houfe, 

With luftie traine, and vnto him they quaffe and drinke carroufe : 

Who for bicaufe he pledges none, as one that is not drie, 

In his behalfe they pledge themfelues, and that fo handfomly, 756 

Till myftes before their eyes appears, and legges do waxe full weake, 

Their face doth flame, their head doth nod, & Icarce a word they fpeake. 

But if the day be clowdie nowe, or giuen vnto raine, 

On him they lift not to beftow fuch honour, nor fuch paine, j6o 

Poore knaue into fome ryuer than, they caft him cruellie, 

And all to-foufe him in the ftreame, or durtie let him lie. 

And if this madnefle be not fuch, as may be 1 aught at well, 

What thing mould mooue vs for to laugh, I furely can not tell. 764 

The next is Vltus fodde in Oyle, before whole ymage faire, 
Both men and women bringing hennes for ofrring do repaire : 
The caufe whereof I doe not know, I thinke for fome difeafe, 
Which he is thought to driue away from fuch as him do pleafe. 768 

Then doth the ioyfull feaft of lohn the Baptift take his turne, 
When bonfiers great with loftie flame, in euery towne doe burne : 
And yong men round about with maides, doe daunce in euery ftreete, 
With garlands wrought of Motherwort, or elfe with Veruain fweete, 
And many other flowres faire, with Violets in their handes, 773 

Whereas they all do fondly thinke, that whofoeuer ftandes, 
And thorow the flowres beholds the flame, his eyes (hall feele no paine. 
When thus till night they daunced haue, they through the fire amaine 
With ftriuing mindes doe runne, and all their hearbes they caft therin, 
And then with wordes deuout and prayers, they folemnely begin, 778 
Defiring God that all their illes may there confumed bee, 
Whereby they thinke through all that yeare, from Agues to be free. 
Some others get a rotten wheele, all worne and caft afide, 
Which couered round about with ftrawe, and tow, they clofely hide : 
And caryed to fome mountaines top, being all with fire light, 783 
They hurle it downe with violence, when darke appeares the night : 
Refembling much the Sunne, that from the heauens downe fhould f al, 
A ftraunge and monftrous fight it feemes, and fearefull to them all : 
But they fuppofe their mifchiefes all are likewife throwne to hell, 
And that from harmes and daungers now, in fafetie here they dwell. 

Wherefoeuer ffuldryche hath his place, the people there brings in, 
Both Carpes, and Pykes, and Mullets fat, his fauour here to win. 790 
Amid the Church there fitteth one, and to the aultar nie, 
That felleth fifh, and fo good cheepe, that euery man may buie : 
Nor any thing he lofeth here, beftowing thus his paine, 
For when it hath beene offred once, t'is brought him all againe, 794 
That twife or thrife he felles the fame : vngodlinefle fuch gaine 
Doth ftill bring in, and plentioufly the kitchin doth maintaine. 

He's the Vint 
ners' God, and 
has cups and 
bowls hung 
round his neck. 
They drink 

[leaf 54, back] 
to him till they're 

But if it's a bad 
day, they shy 
him into the 

Vitus (June 15). 
Hens are offerd 
to him. Why ? 

lohn Baptist 
(June 24). 
Bonfires burn ; 
youths and girls 
dance all day 
with flowers in 
their hands. 

At night they 
run thro the 

Others run a 
wheel stufft with 
blazing straw and 
tow, down a 

[leaf 55] 
Saint Htt 

Saint Hul- 



Fish are offerd 

to him. 

A man sits near 

the altar, and 

sells the same fish 

over and over 

again to the 


340 Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, &.i>. 1553 

Assumption of 
the Virgin 
(Aug. 15). 
Folk bring 
bundles of Herbs 
to Church, to be 
blest by the 
priest. These 
serve as charms. 

(Nov. n). 
Roast geese are 
eaten, and wine 

Schoolmasters go 
about singing 
with their boys. 

-^.'55, back] 
(Nov. 13). 
Mothers hide 
gifts in their 
children's shoes, 
&c., and say St. 
Nicholas brought 


(Nov. 25). 

(Nov. 30). 
All Lovers court 

Church holy day. 
The anniversary 
of each church's 

The church is 
deckt with 

Whence comes this fame religion newe ? what kind of God is this 



Same Huldryche here, that fo defires, and fo delightes in rime? 
Which neuer any heathen God, in offring did receaue, 
Nor any thing vnto the lewes the Lorde hereof did leaue. 
Much folly and iniquitie, in euery place they fhewe, 
But we the chiefeft will declare, and write but of a fewe. 

The bleffed virgin Maries feaft, hath here his place and time, 
Wherein departing from the earth, (he did the heauens clime : 
Great bundels then of hearbes to Church, the people fall doe beare, 
The which againft all hurtfull things, the Prieft doth hallow theare. 
Thus kindle they and nouriih ftill, the peoples wickednerTe, 807 

And vainely make them to beleeue, whatfoeuer they exprefle : 
For fundrie witchcrafts, by thefe hearbs ar wrought, & diuers charmes, 
And caft into the fire, are thought to driue away all harmes, 810 
And euery painefull griefe from man, or beaft, for to expell, 
Farre otherwife than nature, or the worde of God doth tell. 

To belly cheare yet once againe doth Martin more encline, 
Whom all the people worfhippeth, with rolled Geefe and wine 
Both all the day long and the night, now ech man open makes 
His veflels all, and of the Mull oft times fhe laft he takes, 
Which holy Martyn afterwarde, alloweth to be wine, 
Therefore they him vnto the Ikies extoll, with prayfe deuine : 
And drinking deepe in tankardes large, and bowles of compafle wide, 
Yea by thefe fees the Schoolemaifters haue profile great befide : 
For with his fcholers euery one, about do finging go, 
Not pray ling Martyn much, but at the Goofe reioyceing tho, 
Whereof they oftentymes haue part, and money therewithal!, 
For which they celebrate this feaft, with fong and muficke all. 

Saint Nicholas money vfde to giue to Maydens fecretlie, 
Who, that he ftill may vfe his woonted liberalitie 
The mothers all their children on the eeue doe caufe to faft, 
And when they euery one at night in fenfelefle fleepe are caft : 
Both Apples, Nuttes, and peares they bring, and other things befide, 
As caps, and Ihooes, and petticotes, which fecretly they hide, 830 
And in the morning found, they fay, that this faint Nicholas brought: 
Thus tender mindes to worfhip Saints and wicked things are taught. 

What mould I tell what Sophifters, on Cathrins day deuife ? 
Or elfe the fuperftitious toyes that Maifters exercife. 834 

To Andrew all the louers, and the luftie wooers come, 
Beleeuing through his ayde and certaine ceremonies done, 
(While as to him they prefentes bring, and coniure all the night) 
To haue good lucke, and to obtaine their chiefe and fweete delight. 

The dedication of the Church is yerely had in minde, 839 

With worlhip palling Catholicke, and in a wondrous kinde : 
From out the fteeple hie is hangde, a Croffe and banner fayre, 
The pauement of the temple ftrowde, with hearbes of pleafant ayre, 
The Pulpets and the aultars all that in the Church are feene, 843 
And euery pewe and piller great, are deckt with boughes of greene : 





Appendix. Popish and Popular Customs, A.D. 1553. 341 

The tabernacles opned are, and Images are dreft, 

But chiefly he that patron is, doth mine aboue the reft : 

A borde there ftandes wheron their Bulles and pardons thick they lay, 

That giuen are to euery one that keepes this holy day : 848 

The Idoll of the Patron eke, without the doore doth ftande, 

And beggeth fail of euery man, with pardons in his hande : 

Who for bicaufe he lackes his tongue, and hath not yet the {kill 

In common peoples languages, when they fpeake well or ill : 852 

He hath his owne interpreter, that alwayes ftandeth by, 

And vnto euery man that commeth in or out doth cry : 

Defiring them the Patrone there, with giftes to haue in minde, 

And Popiflie pardons for to buie, releafe of finnes to finde. 856 

The Prieft doth other Prieftes procure, and willeth euery knaue, 

His harlot for to bring, and all the fwarme of Baftards that they haue: 

On euery fide the neighbours come, and fuch as dwell not nere, 

Come of their owne good willes, and fome required to be there. 860 

And euery man his weapon hath, their fwordes, and launces long, 

Their axes, curriars, pyftolets, with pykes and darts among. 

The yong men in their belt array, and trimmeft maydes appeare, 

Both leaders, Roges, and minftrels with their inftruments are heare. 

The Pedler doth his packe vntrufle, the Ho ft his pots doth fill, 865 

And on the table bread and drinke doth fet for all that will : 

Nor eyther of them their heape deceyues, for of the others all, 

To them th'aduauntage of this feaft, and gaine, doth chiefly fall. 868 

The feruice done, they eyther to the tauerne faft doe flie, 

Or to their neighbours houfe, whereas they feede vnreafonablie : 

For fixe or feuen courfes, they vnto the table bring, 

And for their fuppers may compare with any heathen king. 872 

The table taken vp, they rife, and all the youth apace, 

The Minllrell with them called go to fome conuenient place : 

Where when with Bagpipe hoarce, he hath begon his Muficke fine, 

And vnto fuch as are preparde to daunce hath giuen figne, 876 

Comes thither ftreight both boyes and gyrles, and men that aged bee, 

And maryed folkes of middle age, there alfo comes to fee, 

Old wrinckled hagges, and youthfull dames, that minde to dauwce aloft, 

Then fundrie paftimes do begin, and filthie daunces oft : 880 

When Drunkardes they do lead the daunce with fray and bloody fight, 

That handes, and eares, and head, and face, are torne in wofull plight: 

The (Ireames of bloud runne downe the armes, and oftentimes is feene 

The carkaffe of fome ruffian flaine, is left vpon the greene. 884 

Here many for their louers fweete, fome daintie thing doe buie, 

And many to the tauerne go, and drinke for companie, 

Whereas they foolilh fongs do fing, and noyfes great do make : 

Some in the meane while play at Cardes, and fome the Dice do ihake. 

Their cuftome alfo is, the Prieft into the houfe to pull : 889 

Whom when they haue, they thinke their game accomplished at full : 

He farre in noyfe exceedes them all, and eke in drinking drie 

The cuppes, a prince he is, and holdes their heades that fpeewing lie, 

A board stands 
full of Pardons 

for every one 

who'll buy em. 

Harlots and 
their Bastards 
come ; and all 
the neighbours 
armd ; trim 

[leaf 56] 

youths and 
maidens, jesters, 
pedlers, and pots 
of drink. 

After service, 
grand feasting 
and suppers go 

Then the young 
folk dance, 

and old hags 

the Drunkards 
leading and 

Lovers buy their 



Cards and Dice 
are playd. 
The Priest is 
head reveller, 
and looks after 
the spewing 

When the Priest 
can't walk, 
[leaf 56, back] 
he's carrid 
home on horse 

A II soulne day 

(Nov. 2). 

Folk give fees to 
free their 
parents' souls ; 

then drink in the 
tavern, or the 
Parson's hall, 
where he talks 


They have Idols, 
lights, &c. 

The Turks 
rightly call em 


Deaf 57! 
The rites are 
held only for 

342 Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553* 

And that with fuch attendaunce good, that often therewithal! 893 
His (lomacke turnes, for which his neighbours like and loue him all : 
Whom if the lyquor that he taftes doe hap to handle fo, 
As on his feeble legges vnto his houfe he can not go : 
But reele and ftagger here and there, as oftentymes is feene, 
They friendly fet him on a horfe, and home they cary him cleene: 
To fhewe their thankfu.ll hearts againe, this Catholike aray, 899 

Is aiwayes vfde vpon this feaft, and venerable day. 

For foules departed from this life, they alfo carefull bee, 
The lhauen fort in numbers great, thou malt aflembled fee, 902 

Where as their feruice with fuch fpeede, they mumble out of hande, 
That none, though well they marke, a worde thereof can vnderftande, 
But foberly they ling, while as the people offring bee, 
For to releaue their Parents foules that lie in miferee. 906 

For they beleeue the fhauen fort, with dolefull harmonie, 
Do draw the damned foules from hell, and bring them to the Ikie : 
Where they but onely here regarde, their belly and their gaine, 
And neuer troubled are with care of any fotile in paine. 910 

Their feruice thus in order ling, and payde for MafTe and all, 
They to the Tauerne ftreightwayes go, or to the Parfons hall, 
Where all the day they drinke and play, and pots about do walke, 
Whereas thefe Cathlicke fathers haue fuch lewde and bealtly talke, 
As doutlefle would abhorred be, in any (linking ftewes, 915 

And fuch as any ruffian would, afhamed be to vfe. 
Thefe are their chiefe folemnities, and orders all the yeare, 
Which with the popifh fayth in all agreeing doth appeare : 918 

And doth declare thou feeft the mindes of thefe fame holy men, 
What vertues great they haue, and what religion lyes in them. 

The like their temples teach, drefl vp in more than Pagan guife, 
That Ihines with wicked furniture, before the peoples eies, 922 

As Idols, aultars, pictures lewde, with armes of men prophane, 
And Banners, Crolfes, burning Lampes, & lightes that alwaies flame 
Before the Virgins Image fayre, and bread in fecret put, 
That round about with yron grates, and Chauncell dole is fhut : 926 
That furely not vn worthily the Turkes beleeue and fay, 
The Papiftes are Idolaters, and haue no perfite way 
In feruing God, who yet account themfelues arTuredly, 
The very Spoufe and Church of Chrift, that cannot runne awry. 930 

Seeft thou how in their life they doe beleeue, and when they die, 
How doubtfull they ? that fhauelings feeke their owile commoditie, 
Regarding not what happe vnto the limple people falles : 
For if that any woulde neglect, the woonted funeralles, 934 

Their linging and their roaring vaine, and onely here commit 
Himfelfe to God, his heyre mould be conftrainde to furnim it, 
And punifht fore if any thing herein mail wanting bee, 
Of all the toyes that doth belong, to fuch folemnitee. 938 

Thinkft thou they carefull are that foules, the heauens doe attaine, 
And Purgatorie fcape, or rather for their filthie gaine ? 

Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 343 

Some where for children is the like, whom yet they doe confefle, 



For to be iuft, and innocent, and dye in bleifednefle : 
Their parentes for their funeralles, conftrayned are to pay, 
Leaft of the Popifh tyranny, mould any part decay. 
No fayth nor perfit godlinefTe doth any where appeare, 
But fraude, and craftie coulourings, and fuch deceitfull geare. 

Beholde againe their prayers and the bookes they occupie, 
Wherewith to God, and to the faintes, they pray continually : 
And to the Angells vfe the like : which fuperfticious kinde, 
They doe not reade with any fprite, or zealoufnefle of minde : 
No caufe prouoketh them to praye, this onely them aflinde, 
To babble much, for otherwife woulde want no wordes nor minde, 
Ne ihoulde they neede fo many prayers, appoynted them to fay, 
Nor thus to tire their weeried tongue, with mumbling all the day. 
Likewife before the heapes of bones, prepared for the fame 955 

They flande, and to the fpirits and foules in graue, they prayers frame : 
And for their good eftate they pray, that meafure none they know, 
Of foolilhnefle, nor wicked deedes doe euer ceafle to flow : 958 

To Church they come with beades of bone, or of fome other thing, 
Whofe middles pierced through are tide, and ioyned with a firing : 
Thus faftned, fiftie Rofaries, they ftill account the fame, 
And thrife fo many Pfalters they accuftomde are to name. 962 

With thefe vnto our Ladie, and to God, and to his faintes, 
They number all their babling wordes, and all their tedious plaintes. 
So that they number onely feeke, not caring for the minde : 
That woman holyeft is by much, and of deuouteft kinde, 966 

Whole beades vnto hir foote doe reach, and eake whofe maydens fo 
Dreft vp with hir in like attire, vnto the Church doe go. 

Befides for Charmes and Sorferies, in all things they excell, 
Both Dardan and the Witches foule, that by Mceotis dwell. 
The reafon is, that yet to truft in God they haue no (kill, 
Nor will commit themfelues vnto th'almightie fathers will. 
If any woman brought abed, amongft them haps to lie, 
Then euery place enchaunter lyke, they clenfe and purifie : 
For feare of fprightes leaft harme me take, or caried cleane away, 
Be ftolne from thence, as though me than in greateft daunger lay, 
When as hir trauailes ouerpaft, and ended well hir paine, 
With reft and fleepe me feekes to get, hir ftrength decayde againe. 
The like in trauailes harde they vfe, and manages afwell, 979 

And eke in all things that they buy, and euery thing they fell. 
About thefe Catholikes necks and hands, are alway hanging charmes, 
That ferue againft all miferies, and all vnhappie harmes : 982 

Amongft the which, the threatning writ of Michael maketh one, 
And alfo the beginning of the Gofpell of Saint lohn : 
But thefe alone they doe not truft, but with this fame they haue, 
Theyr barbrous wordes, & crofles drawne with bloud, or painted braue. 
They fwordes enchaunt, and horfes ftrong, and flem of men they make 
So harde and tough, that they ne care, what blowes or cuttes they take 



Even for inno 
cent children 
parents are 
forcd to pay. 


Are not prayd 
with zeal, only 

and mumbled 

Papists have 
Rosaries of bone- 
beads on a 

and count their 
babblings by em. 

The holiest 
woman is she 
who has beads 
to her foot, 
[leaf 57, back] 

When a woman's 
brought to bed, 
they purify the 
place from 

Charms hang 
about every 
Papist's neck. 

Crosses drawn 
with blood, &c., 

344 Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 

And viing Necromancie thus, them felues they fafely keepe, 989 

From bowes, or guns ; & from the woolues their cattell, lambes & fheepe : 
No iourney alfo they doe take, but charmes they with them beare j 
Betides in gliftering glaffes fayre, or elfe in chriftall cleare 
They Iprightes enclofe, and as to Prophets true, fo to the fame 
They go, if any thing be ftolne, or any taken lame, 994 

And when theyr Kine doe giue no milke, or hurt, or bitten fore, 
Or any other harme that to thefe wretches happens more. 

Now laft behold how they do keepe, their fabboth daies throghout, 
Firft in the morning finely dreft, they iet the ftreetes about : 998 

With garments fondly iagde and cut, and prowde and lofty pace, 
And rapyres long about them girt, their great and chiefeft grace. 
Some others walke into the fieldes, or elfe at euery gate, 
They talke and laugh, and thus begin the day to celebrate. 1002 

An other fort togither come, and drinking hande to hande, 
They quaffe fo long, till none of them be able for to ftande : 
Yea oftentimes they in their feates, with drinke are ftrangled quight, 
And yeelding vp their dronken ghoftes, doe bid their mates godnight. 
But few of them doe care for Maffe, though euery one doe faye, 
And thinke it holieft is, nor to the Church they go to praye : 1008 
But ejther breakefaftes long they make, at home when they arife, 
Or drinke vntill the euening ftarre, begin to fhine in fkies. 
Or elfe before the Church doore prate, or in the marketfted. 
Now when their dinner once is done, and that they well haue fed, 
To play they go, to cafting of the ftone, to runne, or fhoote, 1013 
To toffe the light and windie ball, aloft with hande or foote : 
Some others trie their (kill in gonnes, fome wreftle all the day, 
And fome to fchooles of fence do go, to gaze vpon the play : 
An other fort there is that doe not loue abroade to roame, 
But for to paffe their time at cardes, or tables ftill at hoame: 1018 
Some vfe to fit before their doores, and backbite euery man, 
Or newes deuife, or fome debate, and ftrife whereas they can. 
The God of wine doth neuer want, in all their fportes and play, 
Who when he once hath toucht the braine, & drawne the minde away, 
Of euery worde arifeth blowes, their manhoode to affay, 1023 

So that no funday malt thou fee, without fome dronken fray. 
And thus of cuftome endeth ftill, this folemne feftiuall, 
With dronkenneffe, a plague vnto the braine and members all. 
To Enfong are they called ftraight, by towling of the bell, 1027 

But from their place they lift nor ftirre, being occupied fo well : 
They forwarde with their game doe go, and Church and feruice all, 
Commit vnto the fchoolemaifters, or Vicar generall. 

Some court girls, Some others to their Ladies fues, being amorous all the while, 

Or frame deceytes or fubtilties, yong may dens to beguile, 1032 

further and 8 ^e wan t n youth to daunfing goes, and wickedly doe draw, 

The maydes in ring, and wantonneffe hath neyther bondes nor law. 

stewes. ^ n( j i ea fl. j^e youth their pleafure full of whoredome fhould not take, 

Priests eep * n euery Citie common ftewes, they maintaine and they make : 

keep men from 
hurt by bows. 

They shut up 
spirits in crystal 
as charms. 

Holy day es, 

Folk dress fine, 
and walk in the 
streets or the 

Others drink as 
long as they can 
[leaf 58] 

Few go to 

After dinner they 
play at ball, and 

or fence. 

Others play 
cards, or back 

All drink. 

No Sunday is 
without a 
drunken fray. 

Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 345 

And Bawdes they fuffer openly, and cherifh them withall, 

Of whome no flender price doe here receyue nor profit fmall : 1038 

Thefe Catholickes and holy men, and Church of Chrift on hie, 

The fame that all the worlde reforme, and heritiks deftroy. 

To thefe doe come all thofe whom here their filthie luft prouokes, 

Both countrie men, and forriners, and poore and welthie folkes. 1042 

Whatfoeuer they be that haue not yet, the yoake of mariage tride, 

No kinde of fhame doth driue them hence, nor any care befide. 

For lawfull here they doe it fee, and not to be difpifde, 

But with the Popifh fort to be, an exercife deuifde. 1046 

Sometime it alfo haps, that maried men doe here refort, 

But not without their punimment, if once the youthfull fort 

Perceyue that they doe thither come, for this they dearely pay, 

And oftentimes are vfed ill, and beare the blowes away : i5 

But at this fame the rulers laugh, and nothing doe it waye, 

For Papiftes, whordome doe alow, and count it but a playe. 

For of the polfhorne Prieftes they learne, and them they follow ftill, 

That lawes are not of any force to remedie this ill : - 1 054 

The lawe Scatinian is extinct, and Mian laught at now, 

The Papiftes, euery kinde of vice, and wickednefle alow : 

And not alonely in themfelues, they doe the fame permit, 

But alfo vnto all that lift, with Golde to purchafe it. 1058 

But here I faine woulde vnderftande, what ftraunge Apoftle hee, 

That gaue vnto the Chriftian fort, this wanton libertee? 

That where they freely might enioye, and haue them openlye, 

And they themfelues to take the hier of beaftly letcherye ? 1062 

And notwithstanding this to be true Catholickes in fine, 

The perfit feruants here of God, and Church of Chrift deuine ? 

Of their religion, life, and deedes, learne thou their fayth at full. 

That they with emptie fhadow thee not into errour pull. 1066 

This was the guife of Corynth great, and Cyprus eke of olde, 

While darcknefle raind, and Sathan foule, his fcepture there did holde : 

But with a worthie cloake they couer now this whoredome vile, 

Leaft that the youth mould happe both maydes and matrons to defile. 

Who would not mufe to fee the witte of thefe fame Catholickes, 

Their fharpe inuentions, and deuife, in all their proper trickes ? 1072 

This thing coulde Moyfes not perceyue, that all things elfe did fee, 

Who wilde that whoremongers fhoulde none among the people bee : 

And banifhte all the harlottes quight, as God did him aduife, 

Nor Paule it faw being lifted vp, aboue the ftarrie ikies : 1076 

Who did forbid that any man, his members framde of right, 

To be the dwelling place of Chrift, and of the holy fpright : 

Should vnto Harlots giue, and make the fame thereby to be, \ 

The body of a hore, this ftaine and blot commaunded he ! 1080 

To be excluded farre from faintes, and fuch as chriftned be. ) 

But they haue nothing for to doe, with Moyfes nor with Paule, 

Nor any honeft things they will obey, nor lawes at all. 

Themfelues they pardon and forgiue, difpenfing wondrouflye, 

Brothels and 
Bawds, in every 

To these 
Brothels come all 
unmarrid folk. 

If any marrid 
ones are caught 
there, they get 

Papists allow 
every kind of 

What Apostle 
said they could 
take the hire of 
whores, and yet 
be servants of 

Their excuse is, 
that men 'ud 
otherwise rape 

Deut. 23. 
i. Cor. 5. 6. 
7. 10. 
Heb. 13 
Gal. 5. 

i. T^J. 4. 

[If- 591 

Papists don't care 
for Moses or 

they pardon 

But if we say 
these Papists are 
not members of 

we're calld 
Heretics, and 
punisht or 

and lose our 

Tho' they see 
they can't stand 
against God's 
word and light, 

[leaf 59, back] 

they won't con 
fess they've 

but hate us Re 
formers, and 
pour out our 

It's often been 
agreed that 
Papist and 
should keep his 
own faith, but 

346 Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 




As men that onely here pofleft the keyes of heauen hye. 

I many things doe ouer paife, nor haue they euery where, 
Their cuftomes like, for euery realme hath his deuifed gere : 
Yea both in Cities great, and in the villages thereby, 
There are that doe fuch doltim dreames, defende maliciouily, 
That quight contrary are to Chrift, and to religion right, 
Which neyther canft thou eafily knowe, nor well in verfe refight 

Now when thefe Popilh lothfome limmes, by no meanes we can fee 
In life nor in their trauaile here, the limmes of Chrift to bee, 1092 
Nor can in anye wife imbrace, the fonde religion vaine, 
And fhamefull orders to the worlde, of God contrarie plaine, 
Nor doctrine of fo wicked fayth, to Chriftian people giue, 
But rather as the Apoftles teach, doe limply feeke to liue, 
Rejecting toyes and mans deuice, as which we furely know, 
To be detefted of that Prince, that lightnings downe doth throw : 
We here are called Heritykes, and worthie thought to bee, 
Of halter, fworde, confuming fire, and ech extremitee. 1 100 

We punifht are, our houfes fealde, or from our countrie farre 
We banilht be, or elfe oppreft at home with ciuill warre : 
Whereas the dreadfull Souldiour doth confume, and cleane deuours, 
The goodes that here hath gotten bene, by toyle and paine of ours. 
Thefe things thefe Catholikes attempt, when in fo many yeares, 
By fcriptures lure they cannot plant, this foolifh fayth of theirs : 
Nor ours with fcriptures ouerthrow, that now they feeke to make 
The Prince of hell and Chrift to ioyne in one, and partes to take. 
For (all afhamde) they plaine perceyue, that long they cannot ftande, 
With this religion and this life, if once doe come in hande, 1 1 10 
The worde of God, the heauenly light, and that abrode doe ihine, 
The twelue Apoftles doctrine, and that blefled court deuine. 
Nor good it feemeth yet to them (fuch is their wifdome hie,) 
To graunt that they haue erd in any thing or gone awrie. n 14 

For iharne it is that learned men, and fuch as famous bee, 
For Mitars and for Crofiar ftaues, amongft the Chriftiantee 
Chrift nor the Apoftles fayth to know, that perfit is and iuft, 
But to be ledde with dreames of men, whome none may fafely truft. 
From hence proceedeth all their griefe,, and all their cruell hate, 
That with effulion of our bloud, they ftablifh their eftate : 1 120 

And will not here be pacified by any other meanes, 
Except we do alow and like, their lewde arid monftrous dreames : 
And altogither runne in one, like flockes for company, 
To falfe and wicked worfhippings, and vile idolatry : 1124 

And knowledge them for Lordes of fayth, and rulers. of vs all, 
Although they teache no doctrine of the King celeftiall. 

Oft hath it bene agreed that eyther part ihoulde freely vfe 
Their owne religion, feruing God as beft they lift to chufe : 1128 

And neyther part the other for to trouble or moleft, 
With warres or bookes, that Germany might liue in peace or reft. 

Appendix. Popular and Popish Customs, A.D. 1553. 347 

But Papiftes can no peace abide, continually they write, 

And both with wordes, and wretched deedes, moft cruelly doe bite : 

Not onely vs, which might (perhaps) be well enough endurde, 

But alfo Gods moft holy worde, and gofpell here alfurde. JI 34 

If tumults on our partes arife, or any great ado, 

Or if our men doe armour take, being forced therevnto, 

And by the law of armes doe burne, and fpoyle their enimie, 

And take the pillage of their foes, immediately they crie : 1138 

The wicked Gofpell worketh this, beholde in what a plight 

Thefe fellowes Hue, the Deuill brought this Gofpell firft to light : 

It Turkim is, and not the fame, that Luke wrought long ago : 

And fpightfully they ilaunder it, with many raylings mo : 1142 

As if that any Preacher here, did euer this alow, 

Or any did by worde of Chrift, fuch crueltie auow. 

They know full well themfelues that none of ours did euer teache, 

To vfe fuch violence, nor this vnto the people preache : 1146 

Yet with their vile infediue tongues, and mouthes enuenemde tho, 

With poyfon that in hellifh lakes, and Stygian ftreames doth flo, 

The Gofpell of the Lorde they dee, moft fpightfully defame, 

And herewithall the Minifters and Preachers of the fame. 115 

But who can Princes gouerne here, or any meanes deuife, 

To keepe them in, from vfing force againft their enimies ? 

Why doe they not as well difwade their Catholikes, and blame 

Them for their force and crueltie, that doe the very fame ? 1 154 

And boldely euery where deftroy, and euery man moleft, 

Yea euen their very friendes at home, that faine woulde liue at reft. 

What kinde of Gofpell teache thofe men, that euen openly 

With bitter wordes and bookes perfwade men to fuch cruelty ? 

Are thefe to any man vnknowne ? doth Fraunce and Italy 1 159 

Not openly declare the fame, and plainely teftify ? 

Do not the pulpettes of the Pope, perfwade this martiall might, 

And pardons euery man hys finnes that in their quarrell fight ? 1162 

But fure the wallet them beguiles, that hanges behinde their backe, 

And better others faultes they fee, than what themfelues doe lacke : 

Accounting here for catholickes, themfelues and all their traine, 

And others all as heritickes, and wicked people plaine : 1166 

Wherefore the chiefeft members of this holy popilh ftate, 

Their cerimonies and their dayes, they yearely confecrate. 

Their foolilh fayth an.d beaftly life, 1 openly doe fhowe, 

That all the worlde may vnderftande, and euery man may know, 

That neyther Chrift nor perfit fayth, they any whit doe way, 

But onely feeke to looke aloft, and boldely for to fay, 1172 

That they the booke of Peter are, and holy Catholickes, 

And we vnhappie caftawayes, and curfed heritickes. 

But wherein are they Catholickes ? bicaufe they folow here 

The truth ? but what they folow and beleeue, doth plaine appere. 

So it is that in number they and countries vs excell, I][ 77 

So mayft thou both the Turkes and Mores, call Catholickes as well. 

the Papists 
won't be true to 
this compact. 

If we take arms 
to protect our 
selves, the 
Papists say it's 
the Gospel's 
fault, declare the 
Gospel's Turkish, 

and they hell 
ishly defame its 

The Papists 

persuade men to 
persecute us. 
The Pope 
pardons those 
who fight us. 

They don't care 
for Christ, but 
only to claim 
that they are 
holy, and we 
cursed heretics. 

If they are 
Catholicks, so 
are Turks and 

Let all true men 
see how right 
we've been in 
giving up this 
Popish faith ! 

P- 328, 335. 


are rung against 
storms and 

Ratio, diuino. 

A Bell 

[leaf 42] 
nam'd Mary, 
that said it put 
thunder and 
spirits to flight. 

Candles are also 
lighted, and 
Holy Palms 
us'd, against 

Other folk sit 
out in the open 

Others hide in 

Where then is 
their trust in 

Are these 
' Catholics,' that 
defend them 
selves by Bells 
and such hum 

The Heathens 
did the same. 

348 Appendix. Popular and Popish Cusio?ns, A.D. 1553. 

Herewith I :udge that euery man, that hath an vpright heart, 
Doth vnderftande how iuft our caufe hath beene for to depart 
From this their monftrous fayth, and from their lewde ydolatree, 
And for to fhonne thefe popifh members all of ech degree : 1182 

As men that neyther Chrift doe know, nor euer feeke to finde, 
Nor fuffer fuch as woulde, but keepe them ftill in darcknerTe blinde. 


Superstitions about Storms. Compare part of The thirds Booke, 
leaf 41, bk, 42 : 

If that the thunder chaunce to rore, and ftorrnie tempefl ihake, 
A woonder is it for to fee the wretches howe they quake, 
Howe that no fayth at all they haue, nor trufl in any thing. 
The Clarke doth all the Belles forthwith at once in Steeple ring, 4 
With wondrous found, and deeper farre, than he was woont before, 
Till in the loftie heauens darke, the thunder bray no more. 
For in thefe Criftned belles they thinke, doth lie fuch powre & might, 
As able is the tempeft great, and ftorme, to vanquifh quight. 8 

I fa we my felfe at Numlurg once, a towne in Toring coaft, 
A Bell that with this title bolde, hir felfe did prowdly boaft, 
" By name I Mary called am j with found I put to flight 1 1 

The thunder crackes, and hurtfull ftormes, and euery wicked fpright." 
Such things when as thefe Belles can do, no wonder certainlie 
It is, if that the Papiftes to their tolling alwayes flie, 
When haile, or any raging ftorme, or tempeft comes in fight, 15 

Or thunder boltes, or lightning fierce, that euery place doth fmight : 
Befides, they Candles vp do light, of vertue like in all, 
And Willow braunches hallow, that they Palmes do vfe to call. 
This done, they verily beleeue, the tempeft nor the ftorme, 19 

Can neyther hurt themfelues, nor yet their cattell, nor their corne. 
But fome there be, and not a few, that dare not well commit 
Their Hues to this, but vnderneath the ftarres they feeke to fit j 
For there (they fay) the lightning can no kinde of creature fmight, 
Nor fall vpon the feeble corfe of any fearefull wight. 24 

There are, that hide themfelues in Caues, and vnder ground do lie, 
When as they heare the roring found, and rumbling in the fkie. 

Where here appeares the confidence, and truft vnto the hieft ? 
And hope in all aduerfitie caft wholy vpon Chrift ? 28 

Where doe they here commit themfelues, and all that they Dofleile, 
Vnto the will of God, as in theyr wordes they do exprefle ? 
Are not thefe Papiftes, Catholikes, and men appoynted well, 
That are defended in the ftormes, by founde of brasen Bell? 32 

And fteps of ftayres, and braunches burnt, with flames encompaft round, 
And Candels light, and Caues, & dennes made vnderneath the ground? 
Such Gods, and fuch defenders here, the heathen woont to haue, 
To whom, in all their daunger they did flie, themfelues to faue. 36 



40/21 means page 40, line 21. 

Abortiues, sb. pi. 188, abortions. 

' Abortiue or borne before tyme. 

A&ertiuus, a, um.' 1552. Ric. 

Huloet. AbcedariumAnglico-Lat. 
Abroche, 150, adj. on tap. To set 

abroche, to tap. "Brochyn or 

settyn a vesselle abroche. At- 

tamino, dipsidro." Prompt. Parv. 
Abrupte, 22/27, corrupt, E. F. 
Abuses, S. Rowlands' s list of, 232 
Abuses in Ailgna (England f), how 

they may be reformd, 186 
Accidents, 105, sb. pi. component 


Accidents at football, &c., 318, 319 
Actors and theatres, 140, 144, 301 
Acts against certain games, 316, 

317 ; idleness and vagrancy, 

1 86, 320 ; cottage-building, 281 ; 

drunkenness, 285 ; bearbaiting 

and games on Sundays, 298 ; 

church-ales, 306 
Acuate, 128, iib. sharpen, inflame, 

make more desirous; 'whette/ 

in F. 1595 

Adam's fall, how caused, 36 
Adieu, bid, 167 

Adjuments, 138, supports (F.), aids 
Aduertiseth, 26, pr. s. warns 
Adultery in England, 88, 98, 101, 


Agnes, St., customs on her day, 
Jan. 21, 327 

Ailgna, Anglia, England, descrip 
tion of, 23 

Alatrate, 158, vb. bark, say. Lat. 

Ale sold in churches, 307 

Alehouses frequented on the Sab 
bath, 136, 296 

Alehouses, 232, 237, 300, 307. 
'Ale house or tauerne, where 
riote is exercised, and mayn- 
tened. Popina* 1552. R. Huloet. 

Ales, feasts, 150, 306-9 

All Soul's Day, customs on, 342 

Almond 'for a Parr at, by T. Nashe, 
quoted, on Stubbes, 37*-39* 

Alowed of, 163, appro vd of, au- 

Amarulent, 156, bitter, 63* 

Ambagies, 49/21, circumlocutions 

Amber as a scent, 269, 270 

Ambodexters, 141, "Those 
jurors that take of both parties 
for the giving of their verdict." 
Cowell. Double-dealing 

Amongest, 2.2.^ prep, among. ' And 
note that this phrase " amonge" 
maye be referred to fewe, or one, 
&c. And also that " amongest " 

f A Looking Glasse for Englande. Wherein these enormities and foule abuses 
may most euidentlie be scene, which are the destruction and ouerthrow of euery 
Christian Common-wealth . . London, 1590, is a disappointing book, as being only 
an englishing of an "old tract in S. Cypr. de 12 abusionibus seculi" (MS. note on 
title), and containing nothing special on England, tho' it was the " dailie and hourlie 
looking glasse " of " noble Fraunces, Earle of Bedforde," and its englisher "long did 
trauaile to gette a copie of this famous worke." sign. (iij.). The 12 Abuses are : i. A 
wise man without works ; 2. An olde man without deuotion and godlie feare ; 3. A 
young man without obedience ; 4. A rich man without charitie ; 5. A woman without 
shamefastnesse ; 6. A Maister or a Ruler without vertue ; 7. A Christian man full of 
brawling and contention ; 8. A poore man proude ; 9. A wicked and an vniust King ; 
10. A negligent Bishop ; n. A people without discipline ; 12. A people without Law 
The treatment of all is quite general. 


Index. Amu Bal. 

may be referred to the more or 

greater parte.' 1552. R. Huloet. 

Abcedarium. (So of ' toward ' 

and ' towardes,' c.) 
Amulets and annulets, 255 
Amusements, Stubbes's abuse of, 

discusst, 46*-49*. Bp. Babington 

on those allowable, 88* 
Anatomic of Absurditie, by T. 

Nashe, 232, 320 ; its abuse of 

Stubbes, 39*-4i* 
Ancientie, x/i$, antiquity 
Andrew, St., customs on his day, 341 
Androgini, 254. ' Men hauynge 

membres of both kindes, beyng 

both man and woman. Andro- 

ginos. Of thys kynde is in Asia.' 

1552. R. Huloet. Abcedarium. 
Angels food or dragons milk, 307, 

good ale 

Ant and Grasshopper, fable of, 86* 
Antidotarie, 96, marg. antidote 
Antiques, 147/16, fooleries, actor's 

' properties ' 
Antwerp, judgment of God on a 

ruff-wearing woman of, 71, 72, 


Apale, 62, vb. appall, frighten 
Apes: as drunk as Apes, 151/3; 

men are God's, and Women are 

men' s, 77*, note 
and Bears, led about the 

country, 87* 
Apishness, 77* 
Apparel, 75*: see Dress. 
Apple-squires, boys who wait on 

harlots: see Index note to 


Aprons, women's, 264 
A rase, 35, sb. Arras hangings 
Arch-doctor of all truth, Christ, 

1 20/1 

Argente, 52, 1. 2 from foot, money. 

Fr. Argent 

Argented, 62/7, silverd 
Armed Man, the, 91*72., Death 
ARMIN, Robert, defended by G. 

Harvey, 42* 
Artificers' and Occupiers' tricks to 

raise prices, 118 
Artificers and Tailors warnd not to 

indulge folk in new fashions, 81 
Artificers' wives wear Velvet Hats, 


ARUNDELL, Phillip, Earl of, Dedi 
cation of the "Anatomy" to, iii 
As, conj. that, 116/19 
Ascension Day, Popish customs on, 

Ashwe'n' sday, popular customs and 

sports on, 331 
Ass, wooden, taken in procession 

on Palm Sunday, 332-3 
Assayes, at all, xvii/5, certainly, at 

all events 

Assoted, 39/13, 148, adj. mad, fool 
ish. "Assoti. Sotted, besotted." 

Assotteth, 1 1 0/12, besotteth, makes 

Assumption of the Virgin Mary. 

Customs on the Feast of, 340 
Assy, 51/3, adj. asinine, foolish, 

ridiculous. ' Asseheade wythout 

anye learnyng or wytte. Vappa? 

1552. R. Huloet. Abcedarium. 
Auster, 83, adj. austere, sedate 
Austerly, 81, adv. austerely 
AVERELL, W., on Men's Dress, 239 ; 

on Women's, 253 

Babelries, 81/21, 185, sb. pi. bau 
bles, childish toys, babyish 

Babblerie, 148, sb. nonsense 

BABINGTON, Bp. extracts from, on 
Dress, 75* ; Sabbath-breaking, 
78* ; Stage Plays and Dancing, 
83*; lawful Amusements, 88*; 
Dicing, 89*; Unfit Parsons, 92*; 
Tittle-Tattle, 93* ; see list, 75* 

Babish, 87*, 161, adj. childish, 

Babishnes, 78/27, sb. playfulness, 
affected youthfulness 

Babies, 61, sb. pi. baubles, gew 

Badged, 271, adj. with a badge 
painted on it 

Badges, the Lord of Misrule's, 148 

Baggage, 58/19, filthy matter ; 103, 
rubbish, stuff. * Baggage, lumbor, 
or trumperye, solde for neces- 
sitye. Scruta? 1552. R. Huloet. 

Bagpipe, dancing to the, 340 

Balaam and his ass, 121 

Balaunced, 119, stufft, weighted; 
171, laden, F. 

Index. Ball Bis. 


Ball, games at, 344 

Ballads and sonnets, bawdy, 171, 
185, sung at brides' bed-room 
doors, 309 ; list of, 314, 320 

Ballads, filthy, and scurvy rymes, 171 

Bandless hats, 51, 243. 'Bande or 
lace of a cappe or hatte. Spiral 
1552. R. Huloet. Abcedarium. 

Bandogs, 178, sb. pi. Mastiffs ; 
also called Tie-dogs, from being 
tied or bound on account of their 
fierceness. See Harrison, De- 
script, of England, II. 44-5 

Bands, peasants' stately, 52, 53 

Bankside, South wark, a place for 
brothels, 281 ; and Bearbaiting, 
79* n. l Bawdye house, or house 
of bawdrye wythout the walles of 
a towne. Sxmm&xium, 1552. 
R. Huloet. Abcedarium. 

Banning, 107; Bannyng, 112, v. 
199, sb. swearing, cursing 

Bar, pitching the; a game, 316: 
see Games below 

Bare breasts, women's, 78, 255, 
267 f, 94* 

Barley-break, a game, 316$ 

Barns, Puritans meet in, 41* 

Base, a game, 316 

Basilicock, 109/27, sb. basilisk. 
'Basiliske, a beaste full of poyson, 
whiche some men do thyncke to 
be a cokeatrice.' Catoblepas. 
1552. R. Huloet. Abcedarium. 

Bastards : the getting 2 or 3, a 
needful sign of being a man, 96. 
' Bastard begotten betwene base 
and gentle r or betwene coniugate 
and single. Spurius? 1552. R. 
Huloet. Abcedarium. 

Bastardy, causes of in England, 96 
Bawdy songs, 171, 185, 314, 319 
Bear-baiting, on Sundays, 137, 177, 
296-7 ; this * sweet and comfort 
able recreation' for the rabble, 
justified, 79* 

Beareward, 178, sb. Bear-keeper 
Bear-Garden, accident at the, 179, 

Bear in hand, 49/20, entertain with 

hopes; 118/1, persuade 
Beating of children on Childermas 

Day, Dec. 28, 325 
Become, 35/13, adorn 
Bee : " As quick as a bee," 96 
Beef and Mutton, prices of, 287 
Beggars and Scotchmen eating 

white bread, 234 
Beggars, great number of, in 

England, 97 
Beggars now called " Master," 123, 

Beggerye baggage, (roots, &c., not 

meat) Englishmen can't eat, 288 
Behold the Devil, 307, get drunk : 

see Drunkards below 
Bellicheer, 102/13; ic4/i5> glut 

Bells rung against storms, 348 
Bessies, 147, girls, sweethearts 
Betorn, 151, torn to pieces 
Bibles in churches, all ragged and 

rent, 151 

Big-bellied Doublets, 55 
Birds and beasts : men dress up as, 

at Shrovetide, 329 
Bishop's oil and glasses blest on 

Maundy Thursday, 334 
BISMARCK and the English Sun 
day, 297-8 

t K. Henry VI. was " So continent, as suspition of vnchast life neuer touched him : 
and hairing in Christmasse a shewe of yong women with their bare breastes laide 
out, presented before him, he immediately departed, with these wordes, ' fie, fie, for 
shame ; forsooth you bee to blame.' " 1605. Jn. Stow, Annales, p. 705. See too 
' A Just and Seasonable Reprehension of Naked Breasts and Shoulders, written by a 
grave and learned Papist, translated by E. Cooke, with a Preface, by Richd. Baxter/ 
I2mo, 1678. 

J Huloet has a good compound of Barley : ' Barley bunne gentleman, whyche is by 
circumlocution meaned by suche ryche nigardes as lyue wyth barley breade, or other 
wise hardlye. Hordiarius, ij.' 

Mr. Haweis's declaration that the Sabbatarian Ring must be broken up has been 
echoed with remarkable boldness by the Rev. Robert Eyton, at the annual meeting of 
the West London District Church Union. This gentleman discussing the subject of 
Sunday Recreation, said : " I allow, at the little institute under my management, 
bagatelle, draughts, dominoes, &c., to be played on Sunday afternoons, after my 
Bible-class is over. I fail to see any line to be drawn between such harmless diver- 


Index. Bla Bus. 

Blase, St., the Holy- Water man : 
customs on his day, 328-9 

Blaunch, 180, vb., whitewash, re 
present bad as good 

Bleake, a, light, faint (colour), 
77*, n. 

Bleeding, hair-cutting, &c., only 
done at certain times of the 
moon, 323 

Blind man-buffe, the game, 316 

Blockheads : why Englishmen are 
calld, 77* n. 

Blockhowses, 176, forts, strong 

Blockish ydols, 1 54 ; as blockish as 
beasts, 151 

Bloodiest oath-maker, counted the 
bravest fellow, 132 

Bloody swearers, 133/6; 134 

Boalling, 286, swilling, drinking 

Bocardo, 126, sb. debtors' prison. 
Properly "the old North gate at 
Oxford, taken down in the last 
century. It was formerly used 
as a prison for the lower sort of 
criminals, drunkards, bad women, 
and poor debtors." Halliwell 

Bolstred heir, 67, pp. propt-up 
hair ; bolstered breasts, 256 

Bombasted, 55, adj. stufft, padded 
with bombast, or cotton 

Books, infidel and wanton, in Ailgna, 

BOORDE, Andrew, his cut of an 
Englishman, 249, 77*, &c. 

Boothby, Lincolnshire, 58* 

Boothose, 6 1, 251 

Boots of Spanish leather, 242 ; 
with fringd tops, 248 

Bottell-arste bummes, 264, sticking 
out like a truss of hay 

Bowable, 76/14, adj. easily bent 

BOWCER, Oswald, of Donnington : 
the judgment on his wife Joan, 

Bowers and arbours in Church 
yards for games, 147 
Bowling, 173, 174; boiling, 372; 

playing at bowls 
Branded with a hot iron, Swearers 

should be, 134 
Erase, 75, sb. brace, couple 
Braue, 41, adj. fine, showy 
Breeches like Brewers' Hopsacks, 

241, 246 
Brewer's washing beetle, be beaten 

with, 307, get drunk 
Bribery, Bp. Babington against, 

Bridals, mad dancing and customs 

at, 309 
Bride, hardships of her first night, 


Bridewell prison, 100, 233 
Brocheth, 77, pr. s. introduces, 

brings forward 
Brothels and harlots, 280 
Brothelry, 94/9, lechery 
BRUISTAR, W., his death, 282 
Brush on the Beard, a Fop's, 78*, 

Brust, 85, pt. s. 188, burst. A.S. 

berstan, brestan 
Brustyng, 112, pr. p. bursting 
Buffin gown, 264, ? coarse stuff : 

see Nares 
Bugges and sprites, Crosses good 

against, 326/154 
Bugled cloaks, 61 

Bugles, 61, 67, beads, orna 
ments of glass, &c. 
Bumbd like a Barrell, men, 239, 

women, 264, 271. See note on 

Codpieces below 

Bunches, 243 n., bumps, swellings 
BURBAGE, James, his Theatre in 

Shoreditch, 143, 299, 300 
Busks, women's, in stays, 262, 259, 

Bussing, 147, vb. kissing 

sions and looking at Illustrateds or Punches, which is the extreme limit allowed, I 
am told, in neighbouring institutes." And he concluded with a startling story of St. 
Charles of Borromeo, at which some people will, no doubt, be greatly shocked : 
" St. Charles of Borromeo was playing chess with his brethren one Sunday afternoon, 
and the question arose, if the Day of Judgment came now, what should each ore do ? 
One said, ' I should begin to pray,' another ' I should go to church,' and so on, till at 
last it came to the saint's turn, and his answer really gives us the conclusion of the 
whole matter : ' I should go on,' he said, 'with my game of chess ; for the glory of 
God I commenced it, and to the glory of God I hope to finish it.' "Echo. Feb. 10, 
1879, p. 4, col. i. 

Index. But Chur. 


Butter-flies (and writs), 126, sb. pi. 
apparently writs, executions 

Buttocks : lye there (in prison) 
till his heels rot from his but 
tocks, 127 

Buttons, great and small, 239 

Buxome, 75/27, adj. yielding (met). 
A.S. buhsom from bugan, to bow 

Buzzing dronets and idle lubbers, 
Players are, 145 

Cabbage shoestrings, 240 

Cable hatband, 242 

Caduke, 103/27, adj. crazy, frail. 
Lat. caducus, from cadere, to fall 

Cake, a big one made on Twelfth- 
Day (Jan. 6), 326 

CAMDEN'S account of John Stubbes' 
having his hand chopt off, 54* 

Candlemas Day, Feb. 2, customs 
on, 328 

Canions, 56/15, 231, 246, rolls at 
the bottoms of breeches just 
below the knee; see Strutt, II. 

Caps, women's, 69/3 ; 258 ; 282 n. 

Carding, 174, playing at cards 

Cards, dice, tables, bowls, 131, not 
to be playd by any Christian, 

Care or Carle Sunday, customs on, 


Carefull, carfull, 120, adj. anxious, 
full of care 

CARTWRIGHT, Thomas, the Puri 
tan, praisd by G. Harvey, 43* ; 
marrid John Stubbe's sister, 54* 

Carzies, 32/1 1, kersies. Har 
rison, Descript. of Engl., ed. 
Furnivall, I. 172, tells us that 
an Englishman "was knowne 
abroad by his owne cloth/' and 
at home wore " his fine carsie 
hosen and a mean slop " 

Casting-bottle, 271, for sprinkling 
perfumes : see Nares 

Cato's opinion on Usury, 125 

Caueate, 113, sb. caution 

Cawles, 69/18 ; 258, sb. pi. silk nets 
for the hair. "A kelle, reticu- 
lum" Cath. Angticum^'Kelle, 
reticulum, rettaculum." Prompt. 
Parv., on which see Mr. Way's 

Cemeteries or Churchyards, 147, 


Chafe, 72, sb. rage, heat 
Chamber-pots, gold, 235 
Chamlet, 32, 56, sb. camelot 
Character, 76, sb. mark, sign 
Charges, 21, expense. Cf. 

AWs Well, &c., II. iii. 131 
Charity cold in England, 59, 104, 

105, 249, 288 
Charms, absurd Papist ones, 343 ; 

Bp. Babington against, 78* 
CHAUCER, on the poor, 44.* ; 

Dicing, 90* j Dances, 47* ; Sin, 

233 ; Pride and Nature, 234 ; 

Gentility, 237 ; Dress, 238 
Cheape, 16, 45/6, prices, cost. A.S. 

Cheapside ; Stubbes lodgd near, 

Nov. 8, 1593, 68* 
CHESTER, Col., notes on Stubbes's 

marriage and his wife's mother, 


Childbirth, superstitious customs 

^ after, 343 

Childermas (December 28), customs 
on, 325 

Children tightly swathd and hurt, 
263 ; neglect their duties to 
Parents, 82* : see Parents 

Chitterlynges, 69, some kind 
of ornamental fringe, so called 
from its resembling the small 
entrails, which is the literal 
meaning of the word 

Chopines, 265, high court shoes 

Christmas, great wickedness prac 
tised in keeping, 174 ; eve, and 
day, customs on (Kirchmaier), 324 

Church, Lords of Misrule at, 147 
noisy bridals at, 308-9 

anniversary of its dedica 
tion, 137, 340 
Church -ales, 137, Feasts in 

commemoration of the dedication 

of a church ; 340 
Church-ales or Whitsun-ales, 150, 


Churches, bad state of the, 151 
Church-stock, 150, the money for 

the repair of the church, &c., in 

the Churchwardens' hands 
CHURCHYARD the poet, praisd by 

G. Harvey, 42* 




Index. Chur Cor. 

Churchyards, games and dancing 

in, 147, 305 
Cingling, sb. 77*, note, pulling in 

at the waist 
Cipher, 26, v. describe 
Circumgyring, 67, pr. p. encircling 
Ciuiiest, 38, adj. most civilised 
CLARKE, Stubbes's friend ; T. 

Nashe's tale about, 37* 
Clipping (and culling at plays), 

144, sb. embracing 1 
Cloaks, fashions in, 60, 61, 242 
Clocks, 57, sb. pi. ornamental work 

worn on various parts of dress, 

especially on each side of a 

Clogged, 61, 101, pp. heavily em- 

broiderd or coverd 
Clothes, the value of good ones 

(cp. Cloten in Cymbeline), 39/7, 

237, 75* 

Clowts, 97, sb. pi. clothes; 219, 

Cloyshe, Coyles, Coytynge ; games, 
316 (see Brand's Pop. Antig.) 

Coach, lady's ; 271, 283 

Coast, 87, sb. country 

Coats and jerkins, 58, 248 

Cockering, 76, sb. indulgence. 
Tusser speaks of " cockering 
mams and shifting dads " 

Cock-fighting in England, on Sun 
days, 137, 1 80, 79* 

Codpiece, 55, 237, 243, an artificial 
protuberance on the breeches, 
well explaind by its name.f See 
Cotgrave, s. v. esguillette 

Cogge, 'cogge, lye, and falsifye,' 

145, vb. cheat, load a die. 
" Casser. To cogge a dye." 

Collars, standing, 240, 241, 243 
COLLIER, Mr. J. P., 55*, 60*, ac 
count of Stubbes's Motive to 
Good Works , 67*, opinions of his 
about Stubbes disputed, 61*, 70* 
Combinate, 44, pp. combined. See 

Comedies : their ground bawdy, 
their agents whores, 143 

Comfortative, 78/11, comforting 

Commodytie, 58, sb. advantage 

Commons, enclosure of by the rich, 

Commorante, 22 ; 46/23, dwelling, 
residing. Lat., commorantem 

Complection, 103, sb. constitution, 

Complices, ix ; 84/28, sb. pi. accom 
plices, associates 

Computist, v/15, sb. reckoner, cal 

Concions, 163, sb. pi. addresses, 

Concoct, 103, vb. digest 

Conculcate, 183, trodden underfoot 

Concupiscencious, baudie, and 
beastiall love : dancing induces, 

Conducible, 62/18, conducive 

Confortatiue, 78, adj. comforting, 

Confuteed, 57, pp. reprovd 

Congratulate . . with, 153 

Contentation, 72/14; 87/13, con 
tentment, delight, satisfaction 

Contrarely, 41 ; Contrarylye, 44, 
adv. : e contrario, in the contrary 

Contrarie, 199, vb. thwart, oppose 

Conuented, 101, pp. summoned; 
126, brought to court 

Convitious talking, 180 

Co-operative Stores, the need of 
them, 45*, 46* 

Coquetry and dress of women, 64, 
67, 68, 76, 256 

Corked shoes, 58, 77, 265 

Corn-growing, blest by the priest 
on Corpus Christi Day, 338/239 

Corpus Christi Day : popular and 
Popish Customs on, 337-8 

Corroborate, 107/25, strengthen 

Corroboratiue, 78/11, adj. strength 

Corrosive, sb. 156/156 . 

f They were also worn by women : see Harrison, I. 170. " What should I saie of 
their doublets with pendant codpeeses on the brest full of iags & cuts, and sleeues of 
sundrie colours? their galligascons [to beare out their bums & make their attire to sit 
plum round (as they terme it) about them ? their fardingals, and diuerslie] coloured 
nether stocks [of silke, ierdseie,] and such like, whereby their bodies are rathei 
deformed then commended?" [ J means, inserted in 1587, intoed. 1577. 

Index. Cory Dast. 


CORYAT, Tom, referred to, 44*, 234 
Cost of dress, 53, 56, 75, 245, 264 
Costly, xii, adv. in a costly 

Cotes, 45, sb. pi. coats ; ' swyne 

coates/ 151, pigsties 
Cottage-building forbidden by law, 

97, 281 
Cottagers' daughters intaffatie hats, 


Couched, 65,^. mixed, laid 
Counterpease, 70/22, counterpoise, 

weight equal to 
Courtes and leets held on Sundays, 

'37. 183 

Courtier, young, Beggar old, 245, n. 
Coventry, Hock-Tuesday Play, led 

by Captain Cox, 69* 
Covetous men buying up poor men's 

Lmd, 119, 290, 291 
Covetousness in England, 114, 119, 

Cowlstaffe, 148, sb., a staff used 

for carrying a tub or basket that 

has two ears. " Ride the cowl- 
staff," to ride the stang, ride a 


Cowtails, sleeves hanging like, 74 
Craking, sb., boasting, 42* 
Crasie, 51, adj. crazy, fragile 
Creatures, God's, not to be abusd, 

by bear-baiting, 178; hunting, 182 
Creditors, cruel to debtors, 127, 293, 


Crewell, 57, sb. fine worsted wool 
Cross and Pile, a game, 316 
Crosses of blood as charms, 343 
Cuckoldry in England, 45* li 

Dyce's Skelton, i. 418) 
Culling, 144, sb. embraces 
Cupple, 100, sb. pair, couple 


Curious, 71, adj. dainty, nice 

Curiousness, 103, sb. daintiness, 

Curry-knave, Cutbert, ? Thomas 
Nashe, on Stubbes, 37*, 39* 

Curtain Theatre, The, 143, 279, 299, 
301, 308 

Cutte, 49, pp. cut, slasht 

Cypher foorth, 138/16, sketch, out 

Cyprian, St., on face-painting, 66 

Cyuet, 77, sb. civet 

Cyuilian, 23/2, a man of culture 

Dag, 66*, a pistol 

Daggers, 62, 250, 252 

Daintiness in food hurtful, 106 

Damnable, 132, to be condemnd, 
wrong % 

Dance, the Devil's danst by every 
one, 1 66, 1. 3 from foot 

Dancing, 154-169,313; the evils of, 
155; (in churchyards), 305 ; (at 
bridals), 309, 313, 314; 83* 85* 

Dancing and games on the Sab 
bath, 136, 137, 296, 297, 79*, 

Dancing, 146, like. the French can 
can, 330. 'Daunsyng with a 
wanton trickevsed amo^g. Sta- 
ticulu m? 1552. H uloet 

Dandy : one describd, 241, 77* : 
see Dress 

DANIEL, Samuel, poet, praisd by 
G. Harvey, 43* 

Danish sleeve and codpiece, 243 ; 
rousa, 286 

DANTER, the printer, 42* 

Dasht, 88, pp. spoilt 

Dastard, Cowarde, Asse, Pesant, 
Clowne, Patche, 132 

f Woman. "In some places with vs, if a woman beat hir husbandc, the man 
that dwelleth next vnto hir, shal ride on a cowlstaffe: 8c there is al y" punishment she 
is like to haue." 1580, T. Lupton. Sivqila, p. 50. 

J " If I see my brother sinne, I may betwene hym and me rebuke him, and damne 
his deede." Tyndale (1573), /. 144. 

" O ?ee witles men of galathie' who deceyuede jou for to not bileue to the/ treuhe 
bifore whos y3en \es\\ crist is dampnyde (or exilde)/." Epistle to the Galatians, cap. 
Hi, 6, Pickering's Rp. of Wycliffes Test. (1858). 

" Agayne in some partes of the lande theis seruyng men (for so be thies damned 
persons called) do no common worke, but as euery priuate man nedeth laborours, so 
he cometh into the markette-place, and there hiereth some of them for meate and 
drynke, and a certeyne limityd wayges by the daye, sumwhaat cheper then he shoulde 
hire a free man." Sir T. Mores Utopia, trans, by Raphc Robinson, 1551, sig. D. vi. 
verso. --R. Roberts. 


Index. Dau Dish. 

Daughters let as hackneys for hire, 

Daunger, 153, sb. power of any 
person. This is the original 
meaning of the word from Lat. 
domigerium. So " out of debt, 
out of danger," i. e. independent 
of all, out of everyone's power. 
See Wedgwood, s. v. 

David's dancing, 164 

Day of the Lord, of Judgment, 
near, 187 

Dealers, cheating, 46* 

D early nges, 88, sb. pi. paramours, 
favourites. ' Darlynge, a wanton 
terme vsed in veneriall spaach, 
as be these : honycombe, pyg- 
gisnye, swetehert, trueloue. Ado 
nis . . de 'lit 'ice . . suaiiim sauium? 
1552. Huloet 

Dearth and scarcity in 1583, 118. 
' Dearth or scarsitye. Cantos." 
1552. Huloet 

d'earness, 289 

Death of the Poor in the Streets, 
59 : see Poor 

Debt, imprisonment for, 126, 127, 
292, 293* 

Debtors, cruel treatment of, 127, 


DECKEH, T., on men's absurd 
Dress, 77*; on letting men die in 
the fields, 91*; on Creditors' 
cruelty, see note to Dice below. 

Decline, 55, v. bend, bow 

Decore, vb. 35, footnote 6, orna 

ment ; 'decored,' 64/3, orna 
mented, improvd 
Decorum, still regarded as a Latin 

word, 30/20 

Dehorted, 142, pt. s. dissuaded 
Delicates, 87, delicacies, sb. pi. 

DELONEY, Thomas, defended by 

G. Harvey, 42* 
Deneger, 115, sb. denyer 
Denigrate, 78/20, v. blacken, darken 
Depainted, ix/6, depicted ; Cp. 

Thynne's Emblemes, E. E. T. S., 

10 (7) 24 

Deuerginat, 145, vb. seduce 
Devil, the ma er of new fashions, 

77/1 1 : his band in the temple of 

God, 147 
Devil, behold the : get drunk, 307 : 

see Drunkards, below 
4 Dice of his bones, I will make,' 1 19, 

127, 290, 293, 46*, f89* 
Dice, Wine, and Women, make 

men beggars, 89* 
Dicing and gambling, bad, 174, 

3 1 7, ,89*-9 1* 

Diogenes, opinion of, on dress, 46 
Disalowe, 153, i pr. s. disapprove 
Discrasies, 103/21, ailments, 

disorders, discomforts. * Dis- 

craysed. Egrotus.' 1552. Hu 
Disgesture, 103/15; 106/15, s &- 


Dishcloute, 51, jj.-rag, dishcloth 
Dishonesteth, 99/9, dishonours, 

t "You haue another cruelty in keeping men in prison so long, til sicknes and 
Against death deal mildely with them, and (in despite of al tyranny) baile them 
cruell out of all executions. When you see a poore wretch, that, to keep life 

Creditors. in a loathed body, hath not a house left to couer his head from the 
tempestes, nor a bed (but the common bedde which our Mother the earth allowes 
him) for his cares to sleepe vppon, when you haue (by keeping or locking him vp) robd 
him of all meanes to get ; what seeke you to haue him loose but his life ? The miser 
able prisoner is ready to famish, yet that cannot mooue you ; the more miserable wife 
is readye to runne mad with dispaire, yet that cannot melt you : the moste of all 
miserable, his Children, lye crying at your dores, yet nothing can awaken in you 
compassion : if his debts be heauie, the greater and more glorious is your pitty to 
worke his freedome ; if they be light, the sharper is the Vengeance that will be heaped 
vpon your heades for your hardenes of heart Wee are moste like to God that made 
vs, when wee shew loue one to another, and doe moste like the Diueil that would 
destroy us, when wee are one anothers tormenters. If any haue so much flint growing 
about his bosome, that he will needes make Dice of mens bones, I would there were a 
lawe to compell him to make drinking bowles of their Sculs too : and that euerie 
miserable debter that so dyes, might be buried at his Creditors doore, that when hee 
strides ouer him he might thinke he still rises vp (like the Ghost in leronimo] crying 
Reuenge." 1606. T. Decker. Seuen Deadly Sinnes of London (Arber, 1879), p. 45. 

Index. Disp Enl. 


ruins the character of. 'Dis- 
honesten or make dishoneste. 
Collutilo, as. Contamino, as . . 
Dishonest or defyle a woman. 
depudico? 1552. H uloet 
Disparcle, 78/17, v. spread, scatter 


District, 46/9, strict 
Diue, 52, v. steep 
Document, 100/13, lesson, cp. 

Hamlet, IV. V. 
Doen, 66, pp. done 
Dogs kept as pets, 202, 268 
Donnington, Leicestershire, 59* 
Doomsday, near, 187 
Doublets made of a monstrous 
size, 55 ; of laced satin, 246, 
247 ; worn by women, 71, 261, 
77*, note 

Dregs, 63, rubbish 
Dress, curses on, 73 ; cost of, 53, 
56, 75, 245, 264 ; deforms rather 
than improves men, 30 ; of foreign 
nations, 31, 234, 239 ; to be 
suited to a man's station in life, 
33 ; its origin, 36 ; the right use 
of, 37, 237 ; the love of it, the 
mother of pride, 44; extravagance 
in, in Chaucer's time, 238 ; opin 
ions of the Ancients on, 46, 47 ; 
of Christ and the prophets, 48 
Dress of men, 239, 75*, 77*, 78* 
Dress of women, abuses in, 63, 

254-257*, 77*, note 
Drink, names fer, 150, 307 
Drinking half-pots or whole cans 

of beer, game at, 316 
Dromming, xi, sb. playing on drums 
Dronets, xi/8, 145 ; sb. pi. drones 
Droye, 78/2, sb. droil, drudge, 
slavey, common girl. * Drudge 
or drugge, or vile seruaunt in a 
house whych doth all the vyle 
seruice. Mediastimus, a, um. } 
1552. Huloet 
Drummer, 172 

Drunk, names for getting, 307 
Drunkards worse than beasts, 108 : 
" Accoustrt pour aller au guet. 
Thoroughly tipled, soundly whit 
tled, that hath scene the diuell." 
1611. Cotgrave. See Gas- 
coigne's ' Delicate Diet for 
Droonkardes,' 1576 

Drunken alestake, 78*, drunkard 

Drunkenness and gluttony, at 
Wake-days, yearly Church festi 
vals, 153, 284 ; Act against, 285 

Drunkenness in England, 107 ; tes 
timonies against, 109 j a caueat 
against, 112 

Duetie, 112, sb. duty 

Dumb creatures, Stubbes's care for, 
50* 178, 182 

Dunghill gentleman, 122. 'Dunge- 
hyll, mixen, or muckhyll. Pri- 
uetum! 1552. Huloet 

Durance petticotes, 264, lasting, 
strong; see Nares 

Dutch drunkards, awful example of 
two, 113 

Dutch fashions in dress, 60, 251 

Dyeing of hair, 68, 258 

Ear-rings, 70 

Easter-Day, popular customs on, 

Easter-eve, popular customs on, 

EBSWORTH, Rev. J. W., on Ballad- 
cuts, 17*; on women's bare necks, 
267 n. ; on S. Rowlands's list of 
naughty songs, 314 

Education and treatment of chil 
dren, 278 

Effeminacy of men, 54, 103, 246 

Effeminate, vb. 160, make woman 
ish and weak 

Efficiente, 27, pr. p. effecting 

EGERTON'S Sermons, mentiond by 
T. Nashe, 37* 

Egham races, 47* 

Elements and Skyes, 188 

Elizabeth, Queen, her procession 
and dress, June 23, 1600, 71* 

Els what, 76 ; what not 

ELYOT, Sir T., against Dicing, 

EMMES, William, Stubbes's father- 
in-law, 51* to 53* 

England describd, 23, 114 ; pride 
and luxury in, 31, 235, 236 

English valuables exchanged for 
foreign trifles, 33, 235 

Englishmen have become effemin 
ate from dress and luxury, 54, 
103, 246, 250; cut of one, 249 
Enlocnilshire, 135, Lincolnshire 


Index. Ent Fix. 

Enterludes, viii, sb. pi., interludes 
Entierly, I I7,rt^z/.earnestly, heartily. 

See Intirelie 

Equivalent, 144, of equal weight 
Erichssehcshire, 135, Cheshire 
Errata in the early editions, 192 
Eschue from, 147, 1. 7 from foot 
Estraunged, 96, pp. separated, 


Estridge feathers, 253, 270-1 
Euangely, sb. 120, gospel 
Eunuch ; Stubbes likend to one 

by Nashe, 39* 

Evibrate, vb. 108, footnote 7, shake 

Exaggerate, 58/18, 116, vb. heap 

up, gather. 'Heapely, in a 

mungley, wythout order. Acerua- 

tim, Aggestim.' 1552. Huloet 

Examples against drunkenness, 


Exorable, 75/29, adj. gaind over 
by entreaties, ready to yield to 

Extenuate, 54/25, v. lengthen out 
Extrauagantes, 172, wanderers, 

vagrants, stragglers 
Extravagance in dress, &c., its re 
sults, 53, 245 
Eye : ' Black is their eye,' 96 

Face-painting, 63-67, 254, 255-6, 

257, 270, 271 ; abhorrd of God, 

64 ; used by harlots, t 65 ; the 

devil's net, 66, 67 

Faggots : husbands' natures guesst 

by, 324 

Fairs and markets on Sundays, 
299 : see p. 149 

, evils attending now, 47* 

Fall, and falling band, 244, 256, 

259, 279 

False breasts, &c., 257 ; hair, 257-8 
Familiars, 87, sb. intimate friends 
Fangles, new, 80/20 ; 82/25, fanci 
ful inventions 
Fans, and flaps of feathers, 261 

Faraginie, 103, margin, Lenten diet 

Far-fetcht and dear-bought, is 
good for ladies, % 33/16, 65/16, 
236, 254 

Farmers' silken geere, 244 

Farthingales and dress, 261, 272 

Fashions, 243, 256, sb. a disease in 
a horse, farcy 

Fashions in bands, 52, 243 ; in 
coats and jerkins, 58, 248, 250 ; 
in cloaks, spurs, &c., 51, 60, 241 ; 
in feathers, 51, 79, 240, 241, 270 ; 
in hats, 50, 240, 241 ; in hose, 
56, 246 ; in netherstocks (stock 
ings), 57 ; in rapiers, swords, and 
daggers, 62, 252 ; in ruffs, 51, 52, 
240, 242 ; in shirts, 53, 245 ; in 
shoes, 58, 248; of women, 71, 
259 ; change every day, 76 

Fashions of dress frequently changed 
in Ailgna, 31, 76 

Fauchone, 110/195 162, sb. a sword 
or falchion 

Feade, 62, vb. please, feed 

Feare, 98, v. frighten 

Feathers and hats, 50, 241, 243 

Feight dog, feight bear ! the deuill 
part all ! 178 (at Bearbaiting) 

Felles, 36/21 ; sb. pi. skins 

Fellowship of Animals' Friends, 
50*, note * i, 331. ' Felowshyppe, 
brethren or companye, whych be 
all of one brotherhode, corpor 
ation, fraterternitie, guilde, or 
misterye. sodales? 1552. Huloet. 

Felowes, 48, sb. pi. companions ; 

Femenine, 161, 170, vb. effeminate, 
or, as just below, womannisheth 

Filides, 2^, foot (?) 

Fine living hurtful, 105 

Fish : all is fish that comes to the 
net, 117/23; offerd to St. Huld- 
ryche or Ulric, ^39 

Fixnet, 35/5 ; sb. shower-off, up 
start ; ' Thraso' in later editions 

f 1 Huloet says under ' Alume . . whereof bene three kyndes . . . The iii. Zuchari- 
num made wyth alume relented, rosewater, and the white of Egges, lyke a Suger lofe, 
the whiche, harlottes and strumpettes do communely vse to paynte their faces and 
visages wyth, to deceaue menne ; but God graunte they deceaue not them selues.' 

J Kext the entry of Udal's Rauf Ruystet Duster (Ralf Roister Doister) in the 
Stationers' Register for 22 July 1566-7, is " Recevyd of thomas hackett for his lycense 
for the pryntinge of a playe intituled farre fetched and Deare bowght ys good for 
lad[t\es." Arber's Transcript, i. 331. 

Index. FlauFyl. 


Flaunes, 148, sb. pL custards, pan 

Flaunt, 34, vb. to make a show 

Fleas and gnats gnaw Stubbes in 
bed, 221; Mr. Grove's chaffing 
recipe for killing, f 

Fleer, 145, vb. grin, make faces 

Flip flap, 51, phr. flapping 

Flipping and flapping, 58/17 ; flop 
ping, floundering 

FLOIDE (the poet Lodowick Lloyd) 
praisd by G. Harvey, 42* 

Flower in a fop's ear, 78* note, 94* 

Flowting, ix, adj. mocking. " Bro- 
carder, to quip, cut, gird, reach 
ouer the thummes ; ieast at ; 
flout, moche, scoffe, deride, or 
gibe at." Cotgrave. Cp. As You 
Like It, I. ii. 42 

Fluter, 172 

Foist, 71, footnote 8 ; ' i. barge or 
pinnace, 2. sharper, pickpocket' 
(see Nares) ; here, a fart, L. 
crept tus. Foist, to smell musty. 
Halliwell's Gloss. 

Fond, 8 1, adj. foolish 

Food of Englishmen in the olden 
times, 103, 287 

Football, playd on Sundays, 137 ; 
the dangers of, 184 ; accidents at, 

3 ! 8, 319 
Football and other games, S. Row- 

lands's list of in 1600, 316 
Foot saunte without cards, 304 ; 

toying with girls' feet ? 
Fop : one describd, 241 ; another 

with a Rose in his ear, 77* note, 

94* : see Dress, Fashions 
Forceth, 52/27, * is material/ B. F. ; 

97, impers. pr. matters, is of 
importance. The expression, " it 
is no fors" = it is of no im 
portance, is common in Early 
English. ' Force or care little 
or nothinge. . Susque . . ferre . . 
VacatS 1552. Huloet. 

Foreign fashions in dress, 31, 60, 
234,239, 240,250, 251 ' 

Foreign goods preferred to home 
made, 33 

Forked cappes of Popish Priestes, 69 

Fornication, prevalence of in Eng 
land, 101, 282 

FORREST, Sir (= parson) W., on 
the food of Englishmen in 1548, 

Fox's Book of Martyrs, 185 ; 
Stubbes wrote 8 prefatory Latin 
lines to it, 64* 

Frankincense, burning, carrid about 
houses on Twelfth Night, 326 

FRAUNCE, Abraham, the poet, 
praisd by G. Harvey, 42* 

French fashions in dress, 60, 251, 
77* note 

Frizes, 32, so. pi. friezes 

Frontiers, 67, sb. foreheads 

Funeral rites held only for shave 
lings' gain, 342 

Furdest, 56, adj. furthest, most re 

Fyled, 23, pp. filed down, polished, 
refined. Harrison, Descript. of 
Britain, 1587, p. 26, has "great 
shew of learning and boast of 
filed utterance ;" and Ben Jon- 
son, " Shakspere' s well-torned 
and \x\\z-filed lines" 

f Fleas. Matthew Grove (Collier's Bibl. Cat. i. 


344) gives the following h 

ous recipe for flea-bane in his "most famous and Tragicall Historic of Pelops and 
Hippodamia. Whereunto are adjoyned sundrie pleasant devises, Epigrams, Songes 
and Sonnettes, 1^87:" (Written 4 years before. A copy at Bridgewater House, 
Hazlitt's Handbook}. 

" A perfect tricke to kill little blacke flees in ones chamber" 

Take halfe a quart of barly graine, 

A quart of strongest beere, 
And boyle withall in earthen pot 

A pint of water cleere, 
Till all these three consumed be 

To ounces twelve or lesse, 
And then the place to which you will 

These fleas in heaps to presse, 

Anoynt with that ; this water hath, 

In it this verture raw, 
That all the fleas will thither come. 

Then take a slender strawe, 
And tickle them on the small ribs, 

And when you see one gape, 
Thrust then the straw into his mouth, 

And death he ne shall scape." 

The last Yankee one I've heard of, is a shilling packet, ' not to be opend till wanted 
for use.' When opend, it shows 2 little squares of wood, with the direction, ' Place the 
flea on one block, and press the other closely to it. Instant death will ensue." 

Index. Gal Googe. 

Gallant's dress, cost of, 245 

Gallows, Three Steps and a half 
to the : Ruffs so called, 53 

Gally-hose, or gaily - gascoynes, 
56/1 ; 246, sb. wide, loose hose; 
bombasted, like women' s bustles : 
see the Index note on Codpiece. 

Gambling and dicing, 174-6; the 
outcome of, 175, 317 ; 8o*-9i* 

Games and sports, 3i6f 

Garagantua breeches, 247 

Garded, 60, pp. trimd, edgd. See 
Henry F///., Prologue 16, and 
Merchant of Venice, II. ii. 143 

Gardens, places of bawdry, 88, 279 

Gardes, 74, sb. pi. trimmings, edg 

Garnishe, 33, v. adorn : ' Garnish. 
Adorns? 1552. Huloet 

Garters, French, 243 ; of Granada 
silk, 244, 265 ; given by harlots 
to amorous fools, 280; poniards 
hung ia, 280 

GASCOIGNE the poet, praisd by 
G. Harvey, 42* 

Gascoynes, 242, breeches : " Guer- 
gttesses: f. Wide Slops, or Gallo- 
gaskins, great Gascon, or Spanish 
hose. 1611." Cotgrave 

Gawld backes, vi/io, 231, pp. galled 

Geare, 97, sb. matter, business 

Geese, roast, eaten on St. Martin's 
Day, 340 

Generoseous, a. 132 

Gentilism, 142, faith and deeds of 

Gentleman of the first head, 122, 
upstart : ' Gentleman of the first 
head, or Ironice to be applyed to 
such as would be esteemed a 
gentleman, hauing no poynt or 
qualitie of a gentleman, nor 
gentleman borne. Filius terra? 
1552. Rich. Huloet. Abcedarium 

Gentlemen sheepmongers and gra 
ziers, 290 

Germans not given to change their 

customs or dress, 31 
Geugawes, 62, sb. pi. baubels, 


Giese, m,pr. noun, Gehazi 
Gingered brests & spiced stomacks, 

1 06, last line 
Gingerlynes, 78/26, sb. affected 

nicety, dainty manners 
Girls and men at theatres, 304 
Girls dress like men at Shrovetide, 
329 304 ; are harnesst in ploughs 
on Ashwensday, 332/392; se 
duced at thirteen, 232 
Girls' way of finding out husbands' 

names, 324 

Glistering, 79, pr. p. shining, glit 
Globe Theatre ( Shakspere a sharer), 

South wark, 252, 303 
Glory of, 155/2, glory in 
Gloves, scented, worn by women, 79 
Gluttony, a temptation of the devil, 


Gluttony and drunkenness in Eng 
land, 102 ; forbidden by God, 
no; God's judgments on, 113; 

Gluttony and drunkenness, 284 
God's ape, man is, 77*, note 
God's punishment of pride, 85, 86 
GODDARD, Wm., on women's 

fashions, 259 
GOLDIXG, Arthur, on Sabbath 

breaking, 80*, Si*, note 
Goldsmiths' Row, Cheapside, 275 
(see Harrison, Part II. Fore 

Good Friday, customs on, 334-5 
' Good Men': brawlers and fighters 

wrongly calld, 88*, note 
GOOGE, Barnabe, praisd by G. 
Harvey, 42* ; his englishing of 
Book IV of The Popish King- 
dome of T. Kirchmaier or Nao- 
georgus, 323 

t ' Actiue parson, or a man expert in all feates of actiuitie, as castyng of the barre, 
daunsinge, leapyng, runnyng, shotyng, shypping. Pan >crcu 'tastes. Et pancratius : 
tij, ang. he that doth exercyse suche actiuitie.' 1522. R. Huloet. Abcedanum. 

J ' Garde, purfle, or trayle of anye garment, or it may be sayde, any bourders or 
trayles fynely wrought with small pieces fastened thereto, be it mettafl or tymber: Or 
it may be esteemed, that sorte of garde or welte whyche, besides the garde, is edged 
with a small lace, flatte or round vpon the garde, Segmentum ; and that whiche is 
also garded, purfled, traysed, dressed, edged or trimmed, is sayde, Scgmtntatus, a t 
not.' 1552. R. Huloet. Abcedarium. 

Index. Goose Heath. 


Goose : he may go shooe the 

goose, 110, 1. 7 from foot, go on 

a vain, idle errand; undertake 


Got-rnoney, drunken, not spent on 

the church, 152 
Gourmandice, 102/13, fastidious 

GRAFTON the Chronicler, praisd by 

G. Harvey, 42* 
Grime, 67, adj. grim, fierce 
Grograins, 32, sb. pi. a coarse kind 
of silk taffety, usually stiffend 
with gum. Harrison, II. 6, men 
tions, "mockados, baies, vellures, 
grograines? &c., 231 
Groping and vncleane handling in 

dancings, 155 
Grosly, 23, adv. plainly, unre- 


Grosser, 53, adj. thicker 
Guage, 123, sb. security, pledge 
Guilte, xii, pp. gilt 
Guise, 31, sb. manner, habit. 
"The Norrnan guise was to 
walke and get up and downe the 
streets." Lambarde's Peramb. 
of Kent, 1826, p. 320. See also 
my Harrison, Descript. of Eng 
land, I. 1 68 

Gull, 173, 1. 3 from foot, drink 
Gulling, 107/12; 112/22, guzzling 
Gun-shooting, game at, 316 
Guys carrid about on Saints' Days, 
332. * Images caried aboute in 
pageauntes wyth greate chekes 
and wyde mouthes. Manduces? 
1552. Huloet. 
Guyses, 63, sb. pi. customs 
Gyrdlestead, 60/24, sb. waist. " Gyr- 
dell stede, faulx du corps" 

Habits of the young men, 252 
Hainous, 80, adj. hideous, odious. 

See Haynous 
Hair, fashions in wearing!, 67-69; 

sham, 254-5, 258 ; dyed, 68, 

Hampshire fair, good and bad side 

of, 47*; cp. 149 

Hand-baskets a cloak for sin, 88 
Hand, bear in, 49, bring forward, 

set forth to 

Hangers, gay, for a rapier, 242 
Harbers, 88, sb. pi. arbours 
Hard fare wholesomest, 103 
Harde-quilted, 55, adj. padded 


Harlots and brothels, 280 
Harlots and Bastards come to 

church on the yearly Feast-day, 

in Germany, 340 
Harlots^ use face-painting, (q. v.) 

65; their impudence, 75, 280; 

their great number, 88 ; punish 
ment of, 281 
HARVEY, Gabriel, on Stubbes and 

other writers, 42* ; chafft by T. 

Nashe, 308 ; abuses Nashe, 42*- 

Hasardour, Chaucer's, made 'dise- 

sour,' dicer, by Bp. Babington, 90* 
Hatbands, rose, 240 ; of goldsmith's 

work, 246 
Hats, diversities of, in England, 

50, 240, 241 ; new fashion of 

wearing no bands to them, 51, 

243 ; dish-crowned, 252 
Hautie, 63, adj. proud, haughty 
Hawking and Hunting in England, 

181 ; harm done by, 182 
Haynous, 28, adj. heinous, odious. 

" Haineux. Hatefull, detestable, 

most odious." Cotgrave 
'He' pleonastic, 154. Cp. Shak- 

spere, in Rich. 77, 777, Cymb. &c. 

* The king he,' &c. 
Head-dress of women, 253 
Heare, iv; Heyre, v, sb. hair ; Heir, 

Heathens an example to Christians 

in dress, 81, 273 ; detest whore 
dom, 92 

t For bushy hair, and with feathers in it. See Dekker's Guls Hornbooks, 1609, 
ch. 3, p. 17-19, ed. 1862. 

J ' Boyes which do attende vpon commune harlottes, called "apple squires." 
Aquarioli: 1552. R. Huloet. ' Harlotte whyche medleth wyth a man for a farth- 
ynge. Quadrantaria.' ' Hoores whiche paynt theyr faces. Zucarinatce mulieres.' ib. 

Besides Hasarder, Aleator, Huloet has ' Hasarder, which sleapeth all daye, and 
watcheth the nyght. Vide in Lurker.' ' Lurkers in the hye way, to robbe or sley 
men, Grassator. Lurkers, called hasarders. Vide in hasarders.' 1552, Abccdarium. 


Index. Hell Inf. 

Hell, the reward of pride, 39 
Helthfuller, 103, adv. more health 
ily, with better health 
Hens offerd to St. Vitus, 339 
Herbs blest in church on the Virgin 

Mary's Assumption Day, 341 
Hermaphroditi, 73 
HERRICK, on May-games, 305 
Herring carrid on a pole on Ash- 

Wensday, 331 

Hethnical, 177, adj. heathenish 
HEY WOOD praisd by G. Harvey, 

' His, for possessive 's, 75, 1. 10, n, 


Hoast, 84, sb. host, company 
Hobbyhorses, 147, 231 
HOLINSHED the Chronicler, praisd 

by G. Harvey, 42*; one of 

Stowe's insertions in his Chron 
icle, 65*, note 
Holsome, 65, adj. wholesome : 

'Holesome, incohimis . . saluber? 

1552. Huloet. 
Holy Days, how spent by folk, 

344 ; see Sabbath 
Holy- water, barrels of, through St. 

Blase's bone, 329 
Home-keeping folk, 22/1 1, 233 
Hoops of women's dresses, 263 
Horses gallopt on Christmas Day, 

in Germany, 325 
Hose, extravagant fashions in, 56, 

61, 239, 246, 251 ; trunk, 56, 246 ; 

cost of, 56, 6 1 
Hot-cockles, the game, 316 
HOWARD, Lord Henry, Earl of 

SURREY, poet, praisd by G. 

Harvey, 43* 

Howleglasse, 41*, a rough jester 
Howsinge, 283, dwelling, tenement 
Hufcap, 150, 307, sb. strong ale 
Huftie-tuftie,t 307, hooray, boys ! 

let's be jolly ; 308, swagger- 


Huggle, 97/13 ; 281, v. hug, cuddle 
HULDRYCHE, St. Ulric, customs on 

his Day, 339 

Humaine, iii, adj. human. <Hu- 
mayn, as of man, Humanitus, 
humanus.' 1552. Huloet. 

Hunsdon House, Blackfriars, not 
so calld till 1603, 72* ; Q. Eliza 
beth's procession to it, 71*. See 
too engraving and woodcut by 
the title-page 

Hunting and hawking on Sundays, 
1 8 1-2 ; now, 48* 

Hurly-burlyes, 328/266 

Husbands, 115, economizers 

Husbands, future : their names 
found out by Onions, and their 
natures by faggots, 324 

Idle Jesting and Scoffing, Bp. 
Babington against, 87* 

Idleness, Acts against, 320 

Idolaters, Papists are, 342 

Illegitimates, 97, illegitimate chil 

Imbrodered, 77, pp. embroidered 

Immured, 23, pp. surrounded as 
with a wall 

Impale, 124, vb. inclose, fence in 

Impe, 1 1 1, sb. child 

Implicate A, entangled F., 139 

Impolished, vi/24, pp. unpolisht, 

Importable, 58/19, insupportable 

Impotionate, 31, footnote 6-6 ; 105, 
footnote 2-2, made up as a 
potion, adj. 

Impugne, 106/22, fight against, 
disagree with 

Incident, 90, adj. proper, suitable 

Inclosures, 117,289 

Incorporate, 44, adj. incorporated, 
united. See Ingenerate 

Indented, 77, pp. with the edges 

Indifferentlie, 35, adv. without dis 
tinction : ' Indifferently, indis- 
criminatim, Passim.' 1552. R. 

Inferreth, 168, pr. s. brings in, 

f " Master Wyldgoose, it is not your huftie tuftie can make mee afraid of your 
bigge lookes : for I saw the Play of Ancient Pistoll, where a Cracking Coward was 
well cudgeld for his knauery : your railing is so neare the Rascall, that I am almost 
ashamed to bestow so good a name as the Rogue on you." N, Breton, A Paste with, 
a Packet of Mad Letters (Part I. 1603). [A " coy Jame's " answer to a " Letter of 
scorne."]p. n, col. 2. 

Index. Infi Latr. 

3 6 3 

Infirm, 95/31, vb. weaken: ' In- 
fyrmed. Itifirmus? 1552. Hu- 

Ingenerate, 44, adj. engendred. 
In English the adjective in -ate 
formd directly from the Latin 
pp. preceded the verb in -ate, 
which was formd from the pp., 
and the final -d was added to 
the already - existing adjective 
from a mistaken idea that it was 
a pp. formd from the verb. 
Thus in Shakspere we find con 
secrate (Titus And. I. i. 14) ; 
create (Midsumm. N. Dream, 
V. i. 412) ; art 'icu late ( Hen. /., 
V. i. 72) ; felicitate (Lear, I. i. 
66), &c. 

Ingrate, 23, adj. ungrateful 

Ingrauen, xii, pp. engraved 

Ingurgitate, 104/2, v. drink heavily, 
swamp, fill to excess : * Ingur- 
gitation of meate and dryncke, 
or beastely feadynge. Alogia? 
1552. Huloet 

Inkhorn terms in the 1st ed. of 
the Anatomie (1583) simplified 
in the 6th (1595), 62*, 63* 

Inough, Ynoughe, 46, adv. enough. 
A.S. genoh. 

Insaciablest, 102, adj. most insati 

Insolency, 57, sb. excess, outrage- 

Intellective, 107, adj. intellectual 

Interest or usury should not be 
taken on loans, tho' allowd by 
law, 124 

Interludes, bawdy, and other trum 
peries, i 80; 140 

Intestine, 24/5, adj. inward, in 

Intirelie, 225, adv. heartily, ear 
nestly. See Entierly 

Inuegled, 68, pt. s. inveigled, en 

Inuisories, 80/5, sb. pi. masks 

Invested, 38,//. clothed 

Irish, a game, 316 

Irish costumes in Q. Elizabeth's 
time, 95* 

Irrationable, ^2, adj. without reason, 
not rational 

It, 44/8, its 

Jaques & Orlando, 50* 

Jarnsey, 57/7, adj. Guernsey 

(yarn) ; cp. Gearnsey, 76/22 
Jephthah's daughter's dancing, 161 
Jew who died in a privy rather 

than violate his Sabbath, 139/13 ; 

Jewellery, excessive use of by 

women, 79, 271 
John, St., walks before the Holy 

Bread on Corpus Christi Day, 


John the Baptist's Day, customs 
on, 339 

Judgment, sounding of the trum 
pet at the day of, 24, 233 

Judgment-Day near, 87 

Judgment of God on swearing, 

135, 295 

Judith and Holfernes, 162 
Jumping hedges and ditches, 316 

KIFFIN (Maurice Kyffin the poet), 
praisd by G. Harvey, 43* 

King of Twelfth Day, 326 

KIRCHMAIER (or Naogeorgus), 
Thomas : account of him, 322 ; 
the Fourth Book of his Popish 
Kingdome, 323-348 

Kissing, 260, 313 ; kissing and bus 
sing at plays, 144 

Kissing hands in saluting friends, 

Knacks, 74, sb. pi. tricks 

Korked, 77, adj. corkt (shoes) 

Kyrtles, 75, sb. pi. gown, jackets 

Lace, use of 74, 264 
Laced, 49, adj. coverd with lace 
Laced mutton, 240, whores 
Lacedomians, the, on Dicing, 176 
Lacing of women, tight-, 264, 77* 
LAMBERT, (? a poet, or Wm. Lam- 

barde of Kent), praisd by G. 

Harvey, 43* 
Lambs, 2, offerd on St. Agnes Day, 

Jan. 21, 327 

Land turnd into apparel, 245 
Landlords, hard, denounst, 76*, 

note : see Poor 
Largeous, 105/17, adj. free, open-. 

handed, liberal 
LATIMER, Bp, on dicing, 317 
Latrones, 119/21, sb. pi. thieves 

3 6 4 

Index. Lat Mar. 

Latter -Day -Pamphlets (T. -Car- 
lyle's), commented on, 49* 

Lattice, 69, sb. as adj. 

Laughing and fleering at plays, 

Lawrell pall, xviii, the laurel crown 

Laws against vices should be 
enforst, 86 

Lawyers and their tricks, and 
pillage of the poor, 117, 289, 92* 

Lazy habits of women, 274 

Leapfrog, the game, 316 

Learning is a jewel, my maisters, 

Leather, 37/20, 38/4, 48/5, 237; 
skin ; En cueros, in leather, in 
buff; usd by Cervantes and 
Quevedo : see Diet, of Spanish 

Leaude, 89, adj. lewd 

Legittimats, 97, children born in 

Lent, fasting and customs in, 331 

Licensing of books: abuses in, 
69* 185 

Life : 'my life for yours,' 171 

Light-brain, sb. 250, idiot, goose 

Litter, Queen Elizabeth carrid in 
one, by 6 Knights, 71*, and en 
graving by Title-page. 'Litter 
or lyghter to carye a noble 
personage, Lectica' 1552. R. 
Huloet. Abcedarium 

Liveries and Retainers, evils of too 
many, 86* 

LLOYD, Lodowick, calld Floide, 
and praisd by G. Harvey, 42* 

Logatinge, or Loggets, the game, 

London,t whoredom in, 283 ; other 
evils, 77*, 191,* 288, &c. 

Looking-glasses the devil's spec 
tacles, 79; in hats, &c., 271 

Loose-hanging gowne for loose- 
lying body, 271 (foot), 270, 178, 

Lord of Misrule, May-Games, &c., 

146-150,251, 304 
Lothsom, in, adj. loathsome, 


'Love me, love my dog,' 178. 
Cotgrave, under both aimer 
and chien, gives Bertrand for 
Stubbes's Jean: ' Qui aime 
Bertrand aime son chien : Prov. 
Love me, love my dog ; (say we)/ 

Lovers court St. Andrew, 341 

buy girls fairings, 340 ; give 

em pippins at the theatre, 304; 
green gowns on Mayday, 305 

Loyting, xi, sb. loitering, lounging 

Lubbers, idle, 145 

Lubricious, 71 margin; wanton, 

LUPTON, T., on grasping landlords, 
76*, note ; on cruel using of the 
poore, 288 ; drunkenness, 285 

Lurdens, 138, idle vagabonds 

Lyllie-white, 53, adj. purely white 

MACHIAVEL'S instructions to his 

son, 276-9 

Madrid ( S pani sh leather) gloves, 2 5 1 
Maids, tradesmen's, used as lures, 

Maistered, 122, calld 'Master/ 


Malmetie, 112/3, Malmsey 
Maltbugs lugging at liquor, 307 
Manchets made with holy wine, 325 
Mandilians, 58, 240, a kind of loose 
garment without sleeves, or if 
with sleeves, having them hang 
ing at the back. S. Rowlands 
{Knave of Harts, 1613) men 
tions "short cloaks, old man- 
dilions." See also Harrison, I. 
1 68 

Manure, 36, v. work by hand 
March paynes, Tartes & Custards, 


Margarets, 70, pearls. "Mar 
gery, perle. Margarita." Prompt. 
Parv. : see Mr. Way's note 

Markets and Fairs on Sundays, 

Marriage, the object of, 91 

Marrid men thrasht if caught at 
Brothels, 345 

t London /See ' A Larume Belle for London, with a caueat or warning to 
England . . by Tohn Carre, Citizein of London . . . 1573. 8vo. bk. Ir. n leaves,' 
Collier's Bibl, Cat. i. 108, 

Index. Mart New. 

3 6 5 

Martin chain, 250 

St., his day, 340 

Masking, mumming, bowling, and 
such like fooleries, 173 

Masks, 272 ; use of by women, 80, 
271, 272 

Master : every Tinker and Swine 
herd must be calld so now, 122 

Mastives and bandogs, 178 

Material Hell, 188 

Mault-wormes, 107 fa, drunk 
ards. See Nares, s. v. comp. i 
Hen. IV. II. i. 

Maundy Thursday, customs on, 333 

Maw, a game, 316 

Mawmets, 75/8, sb. pi. puppets, 
dolls (cp. Rom. & Jul III. v.). 
See Prompt. Parv. (Mawmet, 
Ydolum, simulacrum) and Wedg 
wood, s. v. 

Maycocks, \oil\i, meacocks, 
etfeminate, spiritless fellows. See 
Shakspere, Taming of the Shrew, 
II. i. 

May games, the fruits and dangers 
of, 149, 305 

Maypole, its bringing from the 
woods, 149, 306 

Medietie, 104, margin; moderation 

Meditations and Prayers, Stubbes's, 

Meeres, 124, sb. pi. bounds, limits 

MELCHIOR, Reginald, 52* 

Melitean, Maltese, dogs, carrid in 
women's bosoms, 268 

Men, absurd dress of, 239 

Merchants' tricks to get high prices, 

Middest, 55, sb. middle 

Middlemen, mischief of, 46* 

MiLWARD,Mrs. Katherine: Stubbes 
dedicates his Pathwayto, in 1592, 
p. 213 

Mincedness, 78/25, mincing man 

Mingle-mangle, 34/17, mixture, 

Minions, 70, sb. pi. affected minxes 

Minstrels and Musicians, 171 

Minstrels pipe up a dance to the 
devil, 172 

Misrule, Lords of, 146 

Mizzeled, 87/19,^. muddled, con 
fused, fuddled 

Mockadoes, 231, 244 
Moe, 66, adj. more 
Molestations, passions, 162 
Money, mischief, and gains of, 

Monkey waist, a woman's, 256 : see 

Momentaine, 115, adj. short -liv'd, 


Mopsies, 147, sb. pi. sweethearts 
MORE, Sir Thomas : anecdotes or 

bits by him, 297, 310 
Morris-dancing, 316 
Moses, and the Jews' whoredom, 

Motherveort, or Vervain garlands 

on John the Baptist's Day, 339 
Mow, 145, vb. grin scornfully, 

MULCASTER, Richard, head master 

of Merchant-Taylors' School, 

praisd by G. Harvey, 43* 
MUNDAY, Anthony, praisd by G. 

Harvey, 42* 

Munidnol, 136, Londinum, London 
Music in England, its dangers and 

fruits, 169 

Musk, sweet scent, 78, 269, 270 
Mutenie, 84, sb. mutiny, insubordi 

Naboth and Ahab, 121 

Naked breasts of women, 78, 255, 
267 : see ' Bare breasts ' 

Namely, 176, adv. especially 

NAOGEORGUS (Thomas Kirch- 
maier), 4th book of his Popish 
Kingdome, 1553, englisht by 
Barnabe Googe, 1570, on Popu 
lar and Popish Superstitions, 
322-348 ; his Works, 322 

NASHE, Th. : Anatomie ofAbsurd- 
itie, 232, 320; his abuse of 
Stubbes in it (1590), 39*, and in 
his Almond for a Parrat ( 1 589), 
37* ; is well slangd by Gabriel 
Harvey, 4i*-43* 

Neckerchers, 70, sb. pi. neckties 

Nekershofewe, the 2 Dutch Drunk 
ards of, 113 

Nether-stocks, fashions in, 57, 76, 
77, 247, 265, sb. pi. stockings 

Newfanglednesse, 31, sb. love of 
new inventions 

3 66 

Index. NewfPar. 

Newfangles, 31, 80, 255, & pi. 
new fashions. ' Louer of newe 
fangels, and trifles. Elucus? 
1552. R. Huloet. Abcedarium 

New- Year's Day, customs on, 325 

Nice, 158, adj. foolish 

Nicelings, 79/14, dainty crea 

Nicenes, 58, sb. daintiness 

Nicholas, St., his gifts to children, 

NICHOLS, Mr. J. G. on Hunsdon 

House, Blackfriars, 72* 
Nifles or paltry stuff, 235 
Night before May day, spent by 

girls and men in the woods, 149, 

305 foot 

Nine-holes, a game, 316 
Nippitatum, 63, 1 50, sb. a cant name 

for strong liquor, especially ale. 

See Nares, s. v. 'Pain benist de 

la S. Cy. Wine, good liquor. 

Nippita'tie.' 1611. Cotgrave 
Nisitie, 103, sb. daintiness, squeam- 

Nobility, true, springs from virtue, 


Noddie, a game, 316 
NORDEN, John : quoted, on pride 

in England, 236-7 
NORTON, Thomas, joint author of 

Ferrex and Porrex, praisd by G. 

Harvey, 43* 

Nusled, 101/17, pp. pamperd 
Nusseled, 54, pp. nuzzled, cuddled, 


Oaths and cursing, 129-136, 294, 

Obnubilate, 78/16, v. cloud, darken 

Obtestation, sb. 131, calling to 
witness. * Obtestation, obtesta- 
tio, onis, it is properlye wher one 
taketh God to wytnes, Et obtes- 
tor, arts, to take God to wyt 
nes.' 1552. Huloet 

Obtused (dulled, F.), 170 

Ointment to grease Lawyers' fists 
with, 117, money 

Onions : husbands' names found 
out by, 324 

Ordinary, 2-shilling, 75*, note 

Orlando and Jaques, of As you 
like it, 50* 

Ornaments worn as head-dresses 

by women, 69, 258 
Ostenting, 30/7, sb. showing off, 

boasting, Lat. ostentans 
Ostrich feathers, 253, 270-1 
Other some, 60, adj. some others 
Ouches, 67, sb. . pi. ornaments, 

jewels. See Mr. Way's note in 

Prompt. Parv.) s. v. Nowche 
Ouermuche, 34, adj. excessive 

PAGE, Wm., his right hand cut off, 

54* note 

Padded shoulders, women's, 254 
Pageants playd by Maskers, on 

Easter-Day, 336, and Corpus 

Christi Day, 337-8 
Painting of women' s faces, 64, 80, 

271, 273 : see Sibbersawces 
Palled, 88/8, adj. surrounded with 

Palls of St. Agnes's lambs' wool : 

Bishops forct to buy, 327 
Palm Sunday, customs on, 332 
Paned, 56, adj. formed of stripes, 

with small panes or squares of 

silk or velvet 
Panther smells sweet to beasts 

only, 40* 
Pantoffles, 53, 57, 58, 77, 239, 

sb. pi. slippers, patterns. " A 

shooe called a pantofle, or a 

slipper, crepida, sandalium." 

Baret's Alvearie, 1580. Baret 

also gives the form Pantaffle. 

1 Short-heeld pantoffles,' 37*/i6 
Papist Bloodsuckers, Stubbes's 8 

lines on, 64* 
Papist Superstitions and Customs 

on Saints' Days, &c., 323-348 
Papistes and professors of Papisme, 


Papists keep stews, and don't care 
for Apostles, Moses, &c., 344-5 ; 
they hate Heretics, and persecute 
em, 346; call the gospel 'Turkish,' 
and defame its Preachers, 347 ; 
are no more ' Catolics ' than 
Turks and Moors are, 347 

Paraphrasting, 167, commenting 

Pardons given away on the yearly 
church-festival, 341 

Parent's neglect to train their chil 
dren properly, 75, 265, 82* 

Index. Paris Pom. 


Paris Garden, South wark, 296 
PARRY, Dr., treason of, 1585, 65* 
Parsons, unfit, appointed to livings, 


Parted, 76* n. having good parts 
or abilities, clever 

Particularities, 56, sb. details, 
minute items 

Partlets, 70, sb. pi. ruffs or bands 
worn by women. " Amiculum. 
A neckercher or a partlet." 
Withals. Partlet, an old kind of 
band, both for men and women ; 
a loose collar, a woman's ruff. 
Dimton's Ladies' Diet. 1694, in 
Nares, ed. 1859 ; with other 
quotations. 'Partlet, Strophium? 
1552. Huloet 

Paste, 112, pp. past 

Pastyme themselves, 131, amuse 

Patrociny, vii, 27, patronage 

Peacemeale wise, 39* (at foot), in 
pieces, tatters 

Peaking, 51, pr. p. running to a 
peak or point 

Pearking, 50, pr. p. (? peaking), 
rising into a peak 

Pedagogic, 37/32, sb. instruction, 
example, guidance 

Pelts, 36/21, sb. pi. fleeces. 

Peltyng, 72/9, adj. violent, furious 

Pendices, 35/11, 67; hang 
ings, vails, pendants 

Pen-and-inkhorn Sir John, a game, 

PENNELL, Francis ; judgment on 
his serving-man, 57* 

Perfumes and musks used by 
women, 77, 266, 269 

Permissive law, a, 123/16 

Perpended, 1 24, pp. weighed, con 

Perriwincles, 69, sb. pi. periwigs, 

Pesteruing, 102, pr. p. ? = pester 
ing, crowding 

Pestiferouse, 45, adj. pestilent 

Pet dogs, 268 

Pezants, 40, sb. pi. peasants 

Phantasies, 50, sb. pi. fancies 

Philip's, K., leather, 243, Spanish 
leather (boots) 

Pick, vb. 184, pitch, throw 

Picktooth in a fops's mouth, 78* n. 

Pies, 87, sb. pi. magpies. <Pye 
byrde. Ct#a,<9,Pfa*,a?,' Huloet 

Pigeons, white, flown on Whit 
sunday, 337 

Pillage and pollage, 116 

Pinched, 50, adj. with the edges 
notcht or cut in various pat 
terns. The term is still in use 
under the form pinked 

Pinions, 73, sb. pi. skirts 

Pinsnets, Pinsons, 57, 77, 247, 266, 
sb. pi. small thin-soled shoes. 
' Pynson, Calceamen, inis; calcea- 
mentum, ti; Osa, cz ; Tenella, ce. 
Pynson wearer. Osatus, a, um.' 
1552. R. Huloet. Abcedarium 

Pipers and bawdy Minstrels 
thought more of than Divines, 172 

Pippins given to girls at theatres, 


Pirrus, 46, pr. ncun, Pyrrhus 

Pithonicall Hidraes, 130 

Planets and Stars' influence on 
men, 323 

Plash, 115, 1 68, sb. pool, puddle 

Players, masking, you painted 
sepulchres, 141 ; idle lubbers 
and buzzing dronets, 145 ; 
beggers, roagues and vagabonds, 
146, 301-4 ; 83* 

Playhouses, Theatres, and Actors, 
140 ; their great naughtiness, 
144, 301 

Plays : curse those who say Plays 
are equal to Sermons, 144 ; the 
evil of them, 83*, 85* 

Pleated, 59, pp. plaited 

Plowman's fine dress, 244 

Pluresie, 108, sb. pleurisy 

Poals, 97, sb. pi. poles, trees 

Poll, 1 1 6, plunder, rob 

Pollage, 1 1 6, sb. plunder, robbery. 
' Pollynge or pillynge. Exactio.' 
1552. Huloet 

Polonia heels to shoes, 240 ; boots, 
77*, note 

Pomanders, 77, 266, sb. pi. A 
kind of perfume generally made 
in the form of a ball, and carried 
about the person. For recipes 
for their manufacture, see Notes, 
266, and Halliwell, s. v. 'Po 
mander or sweete perfume. Dia- 
Pasma. } Huloet 


Index. Pope Pur. 

Pope of Rome, that Italian Philis- 
tin, and archenemy of all trueth, 

Poor, bad treatment of, 50., 105, 1 16, 
169; house and land got from 
them, 119; 249, 250; lie dead 
outside London walls, 288 
Port, 117, sb. state, behaviour 
Potestates, 33/21, sb. pi. those in 
authority, the powers that be, men 
in high places 

Powlyng, 117, pr. p. robbing, cheat 

Pozie, 134, sb. inscription, verse 
Prayers, Stubbes's, 224-230; bab 
bled by Papists, 343 
Preacherz sumwhat too sour, 69* 
Prejudicing, 182, doing harm tot 
Preparaunce, 72/2 1, ^.preparations 
President, 118, sb. precedent (see 

Huloet below) 

Pretely, 87, adv. pretty well, toler 

Pretertime A, former ages F, 166/2 
Pretie pussie to huggle withal, 97 
Prices, rise in, 118-119; cp. Staf 
ford and Harrison I., New Sh. 

Pride, 26 ; the cause of all evils, 
27, 234 ; is tripartite, 27, 28, 
234 ; vainglorious, 29 ; in Eng 
land, 33, 235, 236; hell, the 
reward of, 39 ; the child of proud 
apparel, 44 ; punishment of, by 
God, 85, 86 
Priests, the head revellers at the 

yearly Church-festivals, 340 
Primacie, 94, sb. headship, priority 
Prisoners * lying in lothsome dung, 
wurse then anie Dogge/ 127, 293 
Prittle-prattle, the evils of it, 93* 
Procession or Rogation Week, 

beating the bounds in, 336-7 
Profanation of the Sabbath and its 

results, 137, 297, 298, 344 
Profluous, 105, footnote 13, boun 
teous, extravagant 

Promulgate, 48, pp. promulgated, 
published. See Ingenerate 

Proper, 72, adj. fine, handsome : 
* Proper, feate, and well fash- 
yoned. Concinnus . . Elegans . . 
Proper man. Graphyrus uir? 
1552. Huloet 

Proud apparel deformeth man, 40 ; 
does not always cover wisdom, 
41 ; abhorred by the godly, 45 ; 
condemned by our Lord, 48 

Proverbs and proverbial phrases : 
A dunghill gentleman (upstart), 
122 ; a good companion too 
trauayle withall, is in-steade of a 
Wagon, 22 ; as drunk as apes, 
151; as drunk as rats, 151/3 n.\ 
as mad as March hares, 151 ; as 
quick as a Bee, 96/61 ; as round 
as a ball, 1 26 ; male saie blacke is 
their eye (impute blame to), 96, 
130, 152 ; butter would not melt 
in their mouthes, 89 ; by hooke 
or crooke, 75 ; dance the wilde 
Moris in a needle's eye, 171 ; 
farre fetched and deare boughte, 
33 ; feight dog, f eight beare, the 
deuill part all, 178 ; go together 
by the eares (come to blows), 
118; laugh in their sleeues, 118; 
loue me, loue my dog, 178 ; 
make bones of anie thing, 178 ; 
more is the pytie, 41 ; shooe the 
goose (undertake impossibili 
ties), 117; stand on their pan- 
toffles, 53 ; tagge and ragge, 
43 ; three steppes and a halfe to 
the gallows (ruffs so calld), 53 

Pseudo-christian, sb. 182 

Puff-wings, 260 

Puffs, ruffs, cuffs, muffs ; women' s, 


Punishment of whoredom, 98, 99, 

Puppits, 75, sb. pi. dolls 

Puritan embroidresses, 245 ; laun 
dresses, 260 

} ' Preiudice, pr<ziuditium t tj, 
It maye be also taken for 

whyche is a mere [pure] wronge contraye to the 

lawe. IT It maye be also taken for a sentence once decided and determined, whych 
lemayneth afterward for a generall rule and example, to determyne and discusse 
semblablye ; Or els it may be as the ruled cases and matters of the lawe be called 
bokecases. recited in the yeres [Year-Books] whiche be as precidences ; and thereof 
commeth thys verbe prceiudico. ' i2. R. Huloet. Abcedarium. 

Index. Puri Eija. 

3 6 9 

Puritans abusd by T. Nashe, 39* 
Pursie, 107, adj. fat, bloated 
Pusels and fusles, of women's dress, 


Pussle (pucelle), 78/3; 266, sb. a 
maid, girl, drab, / Hen. VI. I. 
iv. "A Pusle, A Puzzle [prob. 
of poesele, Du.], a dirty slut." 
Bailey's Diet., ed. 1737, vol. ii. 
s. v. 

Puttockes, 116, kites, ava 
ricious persons 

Quaile, 124, vb. sink, fail 

Quasie, 169; Queasie, 103, adj. 

squeamish, dainty 
Quavemire, 115, 168, sb. quagmire, 

Quirks, 57, sb. pi. the same as 

clocks, q. V, 

Rabbied, 122, pp. addressed as 
Rabbi, master 

Rackte rentes, 76,* note : see Land 

Radishes eaten on Easter -day, 

Ragged-School anecdote, 49* 

Rapiers, gay, 62, 252 

Rattes, as dronke as, 113/18; 
151/3, notes 

Ravished in (with) her behaviour, 

Rayling, ix, adj. railing, mocking 

REARDON, J. P., reprinted two of 
Stubbes's tracts, 58* 

Rebate, 255,309; rebating -prop, 
(S. Gosson), 258 ; " Porte-f raise, 
m. A Rebate, or supporter for a 
Ruffe ; wrought, or imbrodered, 
and cut into diuers panes." 161 1. 
Cotgrave. See Supportasse 

Redintegration, 90, sb. renewal 

Reduce, 25/19, bring back 

Refelled, 40/21, refuted 

Refelleth, i6o,/r. s. refutes 

Refrain men from, 137, restrain, 
rein back : * Refrayne, Cohibeo, 
contineo, reprimo? 1552. Huloet 

Reguilte, xii, pp. regilt 

Relics, Saints' ridiculed, 328 

Reno wined